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3  1833  01148  2814 


U/^-^<>  I 

O.  W-  Lowe. 







J.   M.   GUINN,  A.M. 

Secniary  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Sou t hern   California.     Member  of  the  Ai, 
Historical  Association  of  U'ashi?igton,  D.  C. 





Copyright,   1902 




SDL'TIIliRX  C.\L]I'"(  )RNIA  is  neither  a  geographical  nor  a  political  subdivision  of  the 
state  of  L'alifornia.  Generally  speaking,  it  refers  to  the  seven  southern  counties,  viz.: 
San  Diego.  Orange,  Ri\'erside,  San  Rernardino,  Los  Angeles,  \"entura  and  Santa  Barbara;  yet 
there  is  no  good  reason  why  it  might  not  take  in  two  or  three  more  counties.  In  the  so-called 
I'ico  Law  of  1851),  "granting  the  consent  of  the  legislature  to  the  formation  of  a  dififerent  govern- 
ment for  the  southern  counties  of  the  state,"  San  Luis  Obispo  and  all  the  territory  now  com- 
prising Kern  were  included  within  the  boundaries  of  the  proposed  new  state  of  Southern  Cali- 
fornia. , 

The  plan  of  the  historical  part  of  this  work  includes — first  a  general  history  of  what  is  usually 
designated  as  Southern  California,  beginning  with  its  discovery  and  continuing  through  the  Span- 
ish and  ]\Iexican  eras  into  the  American  period  to  the  subdivision  of  the  state  into  counties ; 
— second  a  history  of  each  county  of  Southern  California  from  the  date  of  its  organization  to 
the  present  time. 

The  author  has  endeavored  to  give  a  clear,  concise  and  accurate  account  of  the  most  impor- 
tant events  in  the  history  of  the  section  covered.  The  reader  will  find  in  it,  no  laudations  of 
climate,  no  advertisements  of  the  resources  and  productions  of  certain  sections,  no  pufifs  of 
individuals  or  of  private  enterprises.  However  interesting  these  might  be  to  the  individuals 
and  the  localities  praised,  they  are  not  history  and  therefore  have  been  left  out. 

In  compiling  the  history  of  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  eras  I  have  taken  Bancroft's  History 
of  California  as  the  most  reliable  authority. 

I  have  obtained  much  original  historical  material  from  the  Proceedings  of  the  Ayuntamiento 
or  Municipal  Council  of  Los  Angeles  (1828  to  1846).  The  jurisdiction  of  that  Ayuntamiento 
exlende<l  over  the  area  now  included  in  four  of  the  seven  counties  of  Southern  California.  Con- 
sequently the  history  of  Los  Angeles  in  the  Mexican  era  is  virtually  the  history  of  all  the  section 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  its  ayuntamiento.  This  accounts  for  the  prominence  of  Los  Angeles  in 
the  earlier  portions  of  this  volume. 

The  names  of  the  persons  interviewed  and  the  lists  of  books,  periodicals,  newspapers  and 
manuscripts  consulted  in  the  preparation  of  this  work  w'oukl  be  altogether  too  long  for 
insertion  here.  To  the  authors  from  whom  I  have  quoted,  credit  has  been  given  either  in  the  body 
of  the  work  or  in  foot  notes.  To  the  jiersons  who  have  given  mc  verbal  or  written  inforination 
I  return  my  sincere  thanks. 


Los  Angeles,  October   12,   1901.  wov^O^ 





Spanish  Discoveries  on  the  Pacific  Coast  of  North  America 33 

Spanish  Enterprise  and  Adventure — Scurvy,  the  Scourge  of  the  Seas — Hernan  Cortes — • 
Fortuno  Ximenez  discovers  Baja  California — Origin  of  the  name  California — Discovery  of 
the  Rio  Colorado — Ulloa's  Voyage — Coronado's  Return  dispels  the  Myths  of  Quivera  and 
the  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola — Mendoza  sends  Cabrillo  on  a  Voyage  of  Discovery  to  the  North- 
west Coast. 


The  Discovery  of  Nueva  or  Alta  California 35 

Cabrillo's  Voyage — Discovery  of  the  Bay  of  San  Diego — Islands  of  San  Salvador  and  Vitoria, 
now  Santa  Catalina  and  San  Clemente — Bay  of  San  Pedro — Santa  Barbara  Islands — Death 
of  Cabrillo — Return  of  his  Ships— Drake's  Voyage  through  the  Straits  of  Magellan- 
Plunders  Spanish  Settlements  on  the  South  Pacific  Coast — Search  for  the  Straits  of  Anian — 
Refits  his  Ship  in  a  California  Harbor — Takes  possession  of  the  Country  for  the  English 
Sovereign — Names  it  New  Albion — Return  to  England — Sebastian  Viscaino's  Voyage — 
Changes  the  names  of  the  bays  and  islands  discovered  by  Cabrillo — First  Boom  Literature — 
Failure  of  Viscaino's  Colonization  Scheme.  His  death — Las  Californias  still  believed  to  be 
;.n  island — Father  Kino's  Explorations  in  1700  dispels  this  fallacy. 


Mission  Coloniz.^tion 

Spain's  System  of  Colonizing— Fear  of  English  and  Russian  Aggression— Four  Expeditions 
sent  to  Nueva  California— Settlement  at  San  Diego— Portola's  Expedition  sets  out  for 
Monterey — Discoveries — General  Plan  of  the  Missionary  Establishments,  Location  and 
Government — Industrial  Training  of  the  Neophytes — San  Gabriel  under  Zalvidea — What 
was  accomplished  there. 


Indians  of  Southern  Cm. iforni.\ 

Inferiority  of  the  California  Indian— Indian  Towns— Vang-na— Indians  of  the  Los  Angeltb 
Valley— Hugo  Reid's  Description  of  their  Government— Religion— Marriage— Burials— Feuds 
—Song  Fights— Utensils— Mythology— Myths— Indians  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel— 
Chupu  the  Channel  god— A  Revelation. 


Fkaxciscan  Missions  in  Southern  California 46 

Location   of  the  Missions — Condition  of  the    Buildings    now — Founding  of   San    Diego  de 

Aleala — Destruction  of  the  Mission  Buildings  by  Indians — Murder  of  Father  Jaunie — Mis- 
sion Statistics — San  Gabriel  Arcangel — Disreputable  Soldiers — Mission  Moved  to  a  new- 
Site — Statistics — San  Juan  Capistrano — Failure  of  the  first  attempt — Mission  re-established—  • 
Karlhquake  of  1812 — Destruction  of  the  Church  and  Loss  of  Life — Mission  Secularized. 
San  Buenaventura — Channel  Missions  Damaged  by  Earthquake — Mission  Garden — Santa 
Barbara — Delay  in  Founding — Damages  by  Earthquake — Mission  rebuilt — Statistics — La 
Purisima — New  Plan  of  Mission  Management — Church  Destroyed  by  Earthquake — Revolt 
of  the  Indians— Statistics— San  Fernando — Large  death  rate— Treaty  of  Cahuenga— San  Luis 
Rey — Flourishing  Mission — Father  Peyri — The  Asistencia  of  Pala — Santa  Inez — Effects  of 
the  Earthquake — Indian  Revolt — Chiefs  Shot. 

J*       ^       Jt 


The  Presidios  of  Sax  Diego  and  Santa  Barbara 52 

The  Presidio  in  Colonization — The  founding  of  the  Presidio  of  San  Diego — Monotony  of 
Soldier  Life— The  Fur  Traders— The  Lelia  Byrd— The  Hide  Droghers— San  Diego  in  1829— 
Don  Juan  Bandini's  Mansion — The  Old  Presidio  in  1836 — Dana's  visit  in  1859 — The  Channel 
Missions  and  Presidio  of  Santa  Barbara — Founding  of  Santa  Barbara — Quarrel  between  the 
Padres  and  the  Comandante — Vancouver's  Description  of  the  Presidio  in  1793 — Completion 
of  the  Presidio — A  Boston  Boy — Don  Jose  de  La  Guerra  y  Noriega — Change  of  Flags — 
Santa  Barbara  in  1829 — As  Dana  saw  it  in  1836 — Famhani  describes  it  in  1840 — Population 
and  Appearance  of  the  Pueblo  when  Fremont's  Battalion  took  possession  of  it  in  1846. 

..«      ^      ^ 


Pueblo  plan  of  Colonization — Governor  de  Neve  selects  Pueblo  sites — Regulations  and  Sup- 
plies for  the  Colonists — Recruiting  Pobladores  in  Sonora  and  Sinaloa — Arrival  of  the  Colon 
ists  at  San  Gabriel — Founding  of  the  Pueblo  de  Los  Angeles — Names  of  the  eleven  heads  o'' 
Families — Derivation  of  the  name  of  the  Town  and  River — The  Indian  Town  of  Yang-na. 


Los  Angeles  in  the  Spanish  Era 60 

The  Old  Plaza— Area  of  a  Pueblo— Subdivision  of  Pueblo  Lands — Location  of  the  Old 
Plaza — Deportation  of  three  worthless  Colonists — Final  Distribution  of  Lands  to  the  Colon- 
ists in  1786— Government  of  the  Pueblo— Census  of  1790— Population  in  1810— The  "pirate 
Buchar" — End  of  Spain's  domination  in  California. 


Transition  Period — From  Monarchy  to  Republic 64 

Governor  Sola  a  Royalist — Californians  Loyal  to  Spain  during  the  Revolution — Beginnings  of 
a  Government  by  the  People — Population  and  Resources  of  the  Pueblo  of  Los  Angeles — 
Arrival  of  Foreigners- Life  in  California  in  1829— Slow  Growth  and  Little  Progress. 



Mission   Secularization   and  the  Passing  of  the  Neophyte. 

Sentiment  not  History — Spain's  purpose  in  Founding  tlie  Missions — Mission  Land  Mo- 
nopoly— Decrees  of  Secularization  humane — Regulations  Governing  Secularization — Slaughter 
of  Cattle— Reckless  Destruction— Ruin  of  the  Missions— Fall  of  the  Neophyte— The  Pueblito 
— Indian  Slaves — The  Monday  Auction — What  became  of  the  Mission  Estates — Mortality 
among    Neophj'tes    under    Mission    rule — Extinction    of    the    Indian    inevitable. 

A  Decade  of  Revolutions 70 

The  Storm  Centre  of  Revolutions — Expulsion  of  Governor  Victoria — Death  of  Avila  and 
Pacheco — Pio  Pico,  Governor — Rival  Governors,  Echcandia  and  Zamorano — California  Split 
in  two — Governor  Figueroa  appointed — The  Hijar  Colony — A  Cobbler  and  a  Cigar  Maker 
head  a  Revolution — Hijar  and  Padres  arrested  and  shipped  to  Mexico — Death  of  Governor 
Figueroa — Los  Angeles  made  the  Capital  of  Alta  California — Castro  becomes  "gefe  politico" 
— Chico,    Governor — Deposed    and   sent   back    to    Mexico. 


El  Estado  Lir.RE  v  Soberano  de  Alta  California 74 

(The  Free  and  Sovereign  State  of  Alta  California^ 
Causes  that  led  to  Revolution — No  Offices  for  the  "Hijos  del  Pais"  (native  sons) — Revolt 
against  Governor  Gutierrez — Declaration  of  Independence — Alvarado,  Governor  of  the  Free 
State — Monterey  Plan — Los  Angeles  opposes  it — War  between  the  North  and  the  South — 
Battle  of  San  Buenaventura — Los  Angeles  Subjugated — Peace  in  the  Free  State — Carlos 
Carrillo  appointed  Governor  by  the  Supreme  Government — Los  Angeles  the  Capital  of  the 
South — Carrillo  inaugurated  with  imposing  ceremonies — War  again — Capture  of  Los  Angeles 
— Flight  of  Carrillo  to  San  Diego — Battle  of  Las  Flores — Surrender  of  Carrillo — Alvarado 
recognized  as  Governor  by  the  Supreme  Government — End  of  the  Free  State. 


Closing  Years  of  Mexican  Rule 79 

The  Government  in  the  hands  of  the  Native  Sons — Arrival  of  Trappers  from  the  United 
States — The  Graham  Affair — Arrival  of  Governor  Micheltorena  and  his  Cholo  Army — Cap- 
ture of  Monterey  by  Commodore  Jone.^ — Micheltorena  and  Jones  meet  at  Los  Angeles — Ex- 
travagant demands  of  the  Governor — An  Army  of  Chicken  Thieves — Revolt  against  Michel- 
torena and  his  Cholos — Sutter  and  Graham  join  forces  with  Micheltorena — The  Picos  unite 
with  Castro  and  Alvarado — Americans  favor  Pico — Battle  of  Cahuenga — Defeat  and  Abdica- 
tion of  Micheltorena — Deportation  of  the  Governor  and  his  Army — Pio  Pico,  Governor — 
Looking  Backward. 



MuxrciPAL  Government — Muy  Ilustre  Ayuntamiento 84 

But  Little  Crime  in  California  under  Spanish  and  Mexican  Rule — Pueblo  Government — The 
Most  Illustrious  Ayuntamiento — That  of  Los  Angeles  the  best  Illustration  of  a  Mexican 
Municipal  Council — Officers  of  the  Ayuntamiento — Taking  the  Oath  of  Office — When  Office 
Sought  the  Man — The  Public  Alarm — Blue  Laws  of  Old  Los  Angeles — Hygienic  rules — The 
Pueblito — Municipal   revenues — Salaries — Elections — Judges  of  the  Plains. 

'I'liii  Ho.MEs  AND  Home  Life  of  Californians  in  the  Adobe  Age 89 

The  Indian  Brick-maker — An  Architecture  without  Freaks  or  Fads — The  Adobe  Age  not 
Aesthetic — Leonardo  Cota's  Plea  for  Urban  Beauty — Reconstruction  and  Rehabilitation  — 
Style  of  Dress  in  1829 — No  Chimneys  for  Santa  Claus — Filial  Respect — Economical  Goveni- 
ment — Dog  Days — No  Fire  Department  and  no  Police. 

.\couisiTioN  OF  California  by  the  United  States — Capture  of  Los  Angeles 

Territorial  Expansion — Fremont  and  Castro — The  Bear  Flag  Revolt — Commodore  Sloat 
takes  possession  of  California — Castro's  Retreat  Southward — Review  of  Affairs  at  Los 
Angeles — The  Old  Feud  between  the  Uppers  and  the  Lowers — Pico's  Humane  Proclama- 
tion— Stockton  at  San  Pedro  and  Fremont  at  San  Diego — Their  United  Forces  enter  Los 
Angeles — Historical  Myths. 


jE  of  Los  Angeles 98 

Stockton  and  Fremont  Leave  Los  Angeles — Captain  Gillespie  in  Command  of  the  Southern 
Department — Revolt  of  the  Californians — Gillespie's  Men  Besieged  on  Fort  Hill — Juan 
Flaco's  Ride — Battle  of  Chino — Americans  Evacuate  the  City — Retreat  to  San  Pedro — Can- 
non thrown  into  the  Bay. 

Battle  of  Do.minguez  Ranch — Flores,  Governor 

Authentic  account  of  the  Battle  by  Lieutenant  Duvall— Arrival  of  the  Savannah  at  San  Pedro, 
Capt.  William  Mervine,  Commanding — Landing  of  the  Troop.s — Gillespie's  Men  join  Mer- 
vine— March  to  Dominguez  Ranch— Battle— Retreat  of  Mervine's  Force— Names  of  the 
Killed  and  Wounded— Dead  Buried  on  Deadman's  Island— Names  of  the  Officers  in  Com- 
mand— The  Old  Woman's  Gun — Flores  made  Governor  and  Comandante-General — Jealousy 
of  the  Hijos  del  Pais— Arrest  of  Flores— He  is  Released  and  Rico  Imprisoned. 



The  Second  Conquest  of  Califorxea 104 

Stockton  Arrives  at  San  Pedro — Carrillo's  Ruse — A  Remarkable  Battle — Fremont  Recruits  a 
Battalion — Californians  Capture  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Diego — Recapture  of  San  Diego — 
Building  of  a  Fort — The  Flag  Episode — Arrival  of  General  Kearny  at  Warner's  Pass — Battle 
of  San  Pasqual — Commodore  Stockton  Sends  a  Force  to  Relieve  General  Kearny — Prepara- 
tions for  an  Attack  upon  Los  Angeles — The  March — Battle  of  Paso  de  Bartolo,  or  San 
Gabriel  River — Battle  of  La  Mesa — Small  Losses. 


Occupation    of    Los    Angeles — Building    of    Fort  Moore 109 

Burial  of  the  Dead — Surrender  of  Los  Angeles — The  Americans  Occupy  the  City — Unwel- 
come Visitors — A  Famous  Scold — How  Stockton  Obtained  Headquarters — Building  of  Fort 
Moore — Two  Forts — Fears  of  an  Invasion — The  Mormon  Battalion — Colonel  Stevenson  takes 
Command — A  Flagstaff  for  the  Fort — The  First  Fourth  of  July — Historical  Fictions — Fre- 

mont's Headquarters. 


Tre.\ty  of  Cahueng.\ — Transition 114 

Fremont's  Battalion  Arrives  at  San  Fernando — Negotiations — Treaty  Signed — Fremont's 
Battalion  enters  Los  Angeles — Colonel  Fremont  appointed  Governor — Quarrel  between 
Stockton  and  Kearny — Colonel  Mason  succeeds  General  Kearny — Colonel  Stevenson  in  Com- 
mand of  the  Southern  Department — Ayuntamiento  Elected — Civil  and  Military  Authorities 
Clash— Stephen  C.  Foster,  Alcalde— The  Guard  House  blown  up— Treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo — Pio  Pico  Returns  to  California — The  Second  Ayuntamiento. 




San  Diego  County. 

Organization  of  the  County — Boundaries — Population  in  1850 — Indian  War  of  1851 — Early 
History  of  the  County  and  City  Identical — The  Old  Pueblo — First  Survey  of  the  Pueblo  Lands 
— Area  of  the  Pueblo  in  1850 — Origin  of  New  Town — Puenta  de  Los  Muertos — The  First 
Buildings  in  New  San  Diego — The  First  Wharf — Its  Tragic  Fate — The  Pioneer  Newspaper — 
Disasters  that  Befell  the  Plant — John  Phoenix,  Editor — A  Political  Somersault — The 
Famous  Mill  between  Ames  and  Phoenix — The  San  Diego  Herald  Dies — Early  Steamers — 
The  First  Overland  Mail  Route— Old  Town  and  New  Town  in  Statu  Quo— Dry  Years  and 
Ihe  Civil  War. 


S.-VN   Diego  County   (Continued). 


Arrival  of  Alonzo  E.  Horton — He  Buys  a  Town  Site — The  Rush  to  San  Diego — Rapid 
Growth  of  New  Town — The  Horton  House — The  Texas  Pacific  Railroad — The  Railroad 
Act  Passed,  Great  Rejoicing — Boom  of  1871 — Some  Boom  Poetry — Branch  Railroads — Fail- 
ure of  the  Railroad — Bursting  of  the  Boom — Gloom — A  New  Trans-Continental  Railroad 
Sclienie — Its  Success — The  Boom  of  1S87 — Inflation  of  Values — New  Towns — Collapse  of 
the  Real  Estate  Bubble — The  Boom  a  Blessing — Development  of  the  Back  Country — Sub- 
stantial Improvements  Made — A  Year  of  Disasters — Recuperation — Riverside  County  takes 
a  Slice — Annals  of  the  Closing  Years  of  the  Century — Public  Schools — The  Free  Public 
Library — The   Chamber  of  Commerce. 


Old    Town — National    City — Coronado    Beach — Occanside — Escondido — Fall    Brook — Pala — 
Julian — Banner. 

Lo.s  ANGEI.E.S  County 131 


Extent  of  the  Original  County — Boundaries — Organization  of  San  Bernardino  County — -V 
Slice  taken  off  Los  Angeles  to  Make  Kern— Orange  County  Created— No  More  County 
Division— Organization  of  the  Los  Angeles  County  Government— First  election— Officers 
Elected— Court  of  Sessions— A   County  Interpreter- County    Prisoners    Hired  to  the  City 


Council — First  Public  Building,  a  Jail — Jueces  del  Campo — Patriots  of  the  Pocket — Some 
Cliarges — The   First   Fee  Bill — The  Office  of  Supervisor  Created — First  Board. 

THE   FIRST   DECADE  OF  THE  COUNTY's    HISTORY,   l8S0  TO   1860 

Early  Land  Grants — Litigation  over  Grants — Township  Boundaries — Immigrants  and  Over- 
land Routes — Sonorese  Migration — A  Job  Lot  of  Immigrants — A  Tricky  Alcalde — The 
Mexican  Route — The  Gila  Route — The  Santa  Fe  Trail — The  Salt  Lake  Route — Immi- 
gration by  Southern  Routes — Commerce  and  Conveyances — The  Mustang  Saddle  Train — 
The  Carreta  Freight  Train — First  Stages — The  First  Steamer  at  San  Pedro — High  Fare 
and  Freight  Charges — Bucking  Sailors — Imports  and  E.xports — High  Price  of  Grapes — ■ 
First  State  Census — Small  Area  under  Cultivation — Slow  Growth  of  the  County  in  the  50's. 

Los  Ange[.es  County  (Continued) 137 

THE    SECOND    DECADE,    1860    TO    iS/O 

A  Gold  Rush  and  Gold  Placers — Hard  Times — The  Great  Flood  of  1861-62 — After  the 
Deluge — Drought — The  Famine  Years  of  1863-64 — Death  of  Cattle — Financial  Depression 
— The  Civil  War — Decadence  of  the  Cattle  Industry — The  Stearns  Ranches — From  Cattle 
Raising  to  Grain  Production. 

THE  THIRD   DECADE,   187O  TO  1880 

Railroads — Los  Angeles  and  San  Pedro  Railroad — The  Southern  Pacific — Bond  Election^ 
The  Great  Tunnel — Completion  of  the  Road  between  Los  Angeles  and  San  Francisco — First 
train — Los  Angeles  and  Independence  Road — Fate  of  the  Santa  Monica  Wharf — Colonies — 
San  Pasqual  Plantation  Scheme — The  Indiana  Colony — It  becomes  Pasadena — Rapid  Growth 
— Pomona — First  Auction  Sale  of  Land  and  Lots — Santa  Monica — "The  Zenith  City  by  the 
Sunset  Sea" — Disasters. 

THE  FOURTH   DECADE,   1880  TO   189O 

Depression  Continues — First  Trans-Continental  Railroad — Immigration — A  New  Railroad 
Coming — Beginning  of  the  Boom — Town-Making — Homberg's  Twin  Cities — Unprincipled 
Boomers — Magnitude  of  the  Boom — Great  Booms  of  Former  Times — Collapse. 

FIFTH    DECADE,    189O    TO    igOO 

From  Boom  to  Gloom — Increase  in  Population — Reaction — Bank  Panic  of  1893 — Spanish 
War — The  Harbor  War — Three  Dry  Years — Prosperity — Population  of  Cities  and  Towns 
in  1900. 

J^      J*      ..t 


The  City  of  Los  Angeles 144 

shaping  the  city 
A  City  Without  Form— Urban  Expansion— The  First  Boom— No  Written  Titles— Land 
Commissioner's  Report— "Monstrous  Irregularity  of  the  Streets"— Area  of  the  Pueblo,  "Two 
Leagues  to  each  Wind  from  the  Plaza  Church"— An  Amazed  Commission— Wide  Streets 
Offend  the  Sense  of  the  Beautiful— Squaring  the  Plaza— Ord's  Survey— Area  of  the  City, 
Sixteen  Square  Leagues— Street  Names  in  Ord's  Plan— Charity  Street— Adjusting  Street 
Lines  and  Property  Lines. 


Incorporated  by   the   Legislature  of  1849-50— Reduced  Area— Twice  Made  a  City  and  not 
Much  of  a  City  Then- The  First  Election  Under  American  Law— City  Officers— Patriotic 


Councilmen— The  Indian  Question— Auction  Sale  of  Prisoners— A  Cily  Ordinance  that 
Favored  Poor  Lo— Tlie  Whipping  Post— The  Indian  Question  Settled. 


Postal  Service  in  the  Spanish  Era — In  the  Mexican  Era— First  American  Mail  Service — A 
Tub  Post  Office — Irregular  Mails — The  Butterfield  Stage  Route — Los  .A.nge!c5  Postmasters. 


The  First  School— Mexican  Schools  and  School  Masters— First  American  School— The  First 
School  Ordinance— The  Pioneer  School  House  of  the  City— Prejudice  against  the  Public 
Schools — The  First  High  School  in  Southern  California — City  School  Superintendents — 
The  Normal  School. 


The  City  oi-  Los  Angeles  (Continued) 152 

crimes  and  vigilance  committees 
Turbulence,  but  few  Capital  Crimes  under  Spanish  and  Mexican  Rule — The  Defenders  of 
Public  Safety — The  First  Executions  by  a  Vigilance  Committee-»-GoId  and  Crime — People's 
Tribunals — Executions  by  Vigilance  Committees  in  Los  Angeles — The  Murder  of  Sheriff 
Barton  and  Four  of  His  Posse — Extermination  of  the  Flores  Gang — The  Vasquez  Gang — The 
Chinese  Massacre — The  Last  Vigilance  Conmiittee. 


La  Estrella  de  Los  Angeles  (The  Star  of  Los  Angeles) — The  Southern  Californian — El 
Clamor  Publico — The  Southern  Vineyard — The  Los  .A.ngelcs  Daily  News. 


.\dobe  gives  Place  to  Wood  and  Brick  in  Building— First  Building  Boom— Population  in 
i860— Camel  Caravans— The  Telegraph— Salt  Lake  Trade— Union  Demonstration— The 
Great  Flood — A  Year  of  Disasters — Union  and  Secession — The  War  Ends  and  Peace  Reigns 
—The  First  Protestant  Church— The  Great  Flood  of  1868  Makes  a  New  River— New 
Growth— The  First  Railroad— City  Lighted  with  Gas— First  Bank— Population  of  the  City. 
1870— The  Railroad  Bond  Question— Bank  Panic— Hard  Times— Population  in  1880— Re- 
action—A  Rate  War— Good  Times— The  Boom  Comes— The  Cable  Railway— Electric  Rail- 
ways— Oil  Discovery — Oil  Boom — City's  Expansion  by  .Annexation — Population  in  iqoo. 

S.'VNTA  Barbar.v  County '  5^ 


First  use  of  the  Name  in  Connection  with  the  Mainland— Santa  Barbara,  Virgin  and  Martyr. 


Boundaries— Transition  from  Mexican  to  American  Forms  of  Government- Election  of 
County  Officers— County  Seal— Sheriff  Killed— First  County  Assessment— Mixing  City  and 
County  Offices— Ruling  Families— Townships— Board  of  Supervisors— The  County  Solidly 
Democratic  in  Politics — The  First  Court  House. 


Bands  of  Outlaws— Jack  Powers— Ned  McGowan— His  escape  from  the  Vigilantes— .\  Grand 
Jury  Report. 



The  Feudal  Lords  of  the  Land — Stock  Ranges  Equal  to  Gold  Mines — Overstocked  Ranges — 
Starvation  of  Cattle — The  Shepherd  Kings — Kings  no  More — The  Famine  Years  end  their 
Rule — Fatalism — Subdivision  of  the  Great  Ranches — Transition  Period — Prosperity — The 
Southern  Pacific  Railroad — The  Boom — Railroad  Gap  Closed — Lompoc — Guadalupe — Bettcra 
via — Santa  Maria — Santa  Ynez — Goleta — El  Montecito — Summerland — Carpinteria  Valley — 
The  Channel  Islands. 


First  School — Long  Vacations — Schools  under  Me.xican  Rule — Schools  after  the  Conquest 
— Little   Progress  at  First — Rapid   Advance — High   Schools 

The  City  of  Santa  Barbara 165 


Incorporation — First  Meeting  of  the  Common  Council — City  Officials — Lost  Records — 
Haley's  Survey — Wrackenrueder's  Map — The  Second  Council — The  Indian  Question — An 
Ethnic  Question — Economical  City  Government — "A  Wide  Open  Town" — A  California 
Treat — A  Spasm  of  Virtue — Careless  Councils — Pueblo  Lands — Street  Names — Caiion  Perdido 
Street — The  Lost  Cannon  Found — Squatter  Troubles — The  Arroyo  Burro  Affair — The 
Pioneer  Newspaper  of  Santa  Barbara — The  Gazette  a  Live  Paper — The  Gazette  Starved  to 
Death — A  Poco  Tiempo  Town — Tip  or  Dip. 

THE    NEW    ER.\ 

Feudalism — Dry  Years  and  Hard  Times — .^wakening — Coast  Stage  Line — Gas  Introduced 
— Rise  in  Real  Estate — First  Bank — Natural  History  Society — The  Public  Library — A 
Decade  of  Transition — Population  in  1870;  in  1880 — Population  in  1890  gain  of  70  per  cent.— 
Railroad  Building  and  Projecting — Arrival  of  the  First  Passenger  Train — A  Boom — Sub- 
stantial Improvements — Street  Paving — Southern  Pacific  Coast  Line  Completed — St.  An- 
thony's College — A  Tragedy — The  New  High   School. 

Ventura  County 171 


Al.'sentceisnis — The  Old  Mission — Battle  of  San  Buenaventura — No  American  Settlers  at 
the  Time  of  the  Conquest — A  Township  of  Santa  Barbara — First  Attempt  to  Form  a  New 
County^State  Division — First  Survey  of  a  Town  Site — Flood  of  1861 — Famine  Years  of 
1863  and  1864 — Flood  of  1868 — Immigration  Drifting  Southward — The  Coast  Stage  Line 
— San  Buenaventura  in  1870 — Those  Americans  arc  Coming — A  Night  Ride  over  the  Moun- 
tains— The   First   Wharf — The  Ventura   Signal — The   Pioneer   Newspaper. 


Reasons  for  County  Division — No  Offices  for  the  Venturians — Election  Frauds — The  Pop- 
ulation of  the  Proposed  New  County  Mostly  American — Failure  of  the  Second  Attempt 
to  Create  a  New  County — The  Third  Succeeds — Boundaries  of  Ventura  County — The  First  « 

F.lortion   and   the   County   Oflicers   RIcclcd— The   First   Court   House— Business  Activity. 



\'i;ntuk.\  County  (continued) 176 

annals  of  ventura  town  and  county 
School  Bonds  and  New  School  House — The  First  Murder  in  the  New  County — Library 
Association — Another  Newspaper — Fire  Company — Wreck  of  the  Kalorama — Murder  of  T. 
Wallace  More — A  Year  of  Disasters — Wealth  and  Products  of  the  County  in  1879 — 
Flood  of  1884 — Railroad  and  the  Boom  Arrive — Brilliant  Outlook — Census  of  1890 — Pioneer 
Society— Annals  of  the   Past   Decade. 


Huenenie — Nordhoff — Santa  Paula — O.xnard — El  Rio — Montalvo — Saticoy — Fillmore — Bards- 
dale — Canuilos  Rancho — The  Oil  Industry — Theodosia  B.  Shepherd  Plant  and  Seed  Com- 
pany— Islands   of   Ventura — Anacapa — San   Nicolas — The   Lone   Woman   of   San    Nicolas. 

Or.\nge  County 184 

county  division 
Act  Creating  the  County  Passed — Twenty  Years  of  County  Division — Anaheim  County — 
Major  Max  Strobel's  Scheme  and  Its  Failure — Strobel,  a  Soldier  of  Fortune  and  a  Victim 
of  Misfortune — The  First  Orange  County — A  County  Division  Candidate — Wiseman,  the 
"Broadaxe" — Santa  Ana   County — Orange  County  Again — Success. 


First  Officers — Boundaries  and  Area — Spanish  Ranches — The  Rancho  Santiago  de  Santa 
Ana — Squatter  War — Judge  Field's  Decision — Schools — High  Schools — Court  House 
— Population  of  the  County — History  of  the  Celery  Industry — Cienegas  or  Peat 
Lands — Regarded  by  the  Early  Settlers  as  Waste  Lands — Their  Drainage  and  Cultiva- 
tion— Wild  Celery  and  Wild  Hogs — First  Experiment  in  Celery  Culture — Persecu- 
tion of  the  Chinese  Laborers — Extent  of  the  Business — The  Oil  Industry — First  Experi- 
ments in  Well  Boring — Rise  in  Real  Estate. 

Orange  County  (continued) 189 

CITIES  AND  TOWNS— Anaheim— The  Vineyard  Colony— Selection  of  a  Site- Ollicers 
of  the  Los  .-\ngeles  Vineyard  Company — Colony  Named  Anaheim— Improvements  Made 
— Living  Fences — Division  of  the  Land  Among  the  Stockholders — Cost  of  Land  and 
Improvements — .\naheiiTi  Becomes  a  City — School  House — Newspapers — From  Vineyards 
to  Orange  Groves  and  Walnut  Orchards — Churches — Fraternal  Societies — City  of  Santa 
.Ana — William  II.  Spurgeon's  Purchase — The  First  House — The  First  School — Change  of 
the  Stage  Route — Post-oflice  Established — Railroad  Reaches  the  Town — Pioneer  News- 
paper— Pioneer  Church  Organizations — Fraternal  Societies — Banks — The  Press — Dennis 
Kearney's  Waterloo — Orange  Originally  Richland — Post-olVice  Established — First  Church 
— Tustin — Fullerton — Youngest  Town  of  the  County — Important  Shipping  Point — West- 
minster Colony — Garden   Grove — Los   .Mamitos — P.ucna   Park — Newport  Beach — Capistrano. 



Riverside  County 196 

first  settlements 
The  Youngest  County  of  Southern  CaHfornia — Formed  from  San  Bernardino  and  San 
Diego — First  Settlement  in  San  Bernardino  County — The  Rancho  San  Bernardino — 
Grsnted  to  the  Lugos  and  Scpulveda — The  Jurupa  Rancho — Agua  Mansa — The  Mormon 
Trail — Mormon  Colony  in  San  Bernardino — The  Mormon  Leaders  Buy  the  Rancho  San 
Bernardino — Subdivision  of  the  Rancho — Flourishing  Settlement — Recall  of  the  Mormons 
to  Salt  Lake — Sale  of  the  Rancho  to  Gentiles — A  "Stake"  of  Zion  No  More — The  Colony 
iM-a  of  the  Early  '70s. 


I-"irst  .Attempt  to  Form  Riverside  County — Second  .\ttenipt  Succeeds — .\ren  and  Boundaries 
— Diversity  of  Contour,  Climate  and  Productions — Era  of  Agricultural  E.xperiments — The 
Silk  Culture  Fad — A  Sericulture  Colony  Contemplated — A  Colony  Site  Purchased  on  the 
Jurupa  Rancho — Subsidence  of  the  Silk  Culture  Craze. 


The  Silk  Colony  Lands  Sold  to  the  Southern  California  Colony  Association — Names  of 
the  Members  of  the  Colony  Association — The  Town  of  Jurupa — Riverside — First  Arrivals 
on  the  Colony  Site — Irrigation — Experiments — The  Washington  Navel  Orange — The  Arling- 
ton Tract — Magnolia  Avenue — Riverside  in  1875 — First  Railroad  Meeting — First  Citrus 
Fair — Other  First  Events. 

.-ERSiDE  County  (continued) 201 


The  Riverside  Water  Company — The  Gage  Canal — The  Jurupa  Canal — The  Riverside  High- 
land   Water   Company — Population    and    Wealth. 


The   Pioneer   Newspaper,   The   Riverside   Weekly   News — The   Ri\erside   Press — The   Press 
and  Horticulturist — The  Daily  Press — The  Daily  Enterprise. 


Corona— Tcmecula — Ahtrrietta — Elsinore — Perris^Winchcster — Lake      View — Henict  —  San 
Jacinto  City — Strawberry  Valley — Beaumont — Banning — Conchilla  \'alley. 


.\   New   High   School — Purchase  of  a  Court  House  Site — .\  New  Jail — Carnegie's  Library 
Donation — The  Sherman  Institute. 


A                            Page.  Page.  Pagp. 

Abbott.    Calvin    W 1263    Baxter.  William  734    Brooks,   Stephen   G 800 

Abbott,    Frank    E 1198    Baxter,  William  A 734    Broiighton,  G.  A.,  M.  D 357 

Abbott,  G.  E.,  M.  D 954    Bayha,   C.F 919    Broughton,   Hon.   H.  A 662 

Adams,  George  B 810    Beach,   Eliza  J.,   M.   D 800    Broughton,   W.  W 1147 

Adams,  Frederick  K 1275    Beach,    Fitz    E 739    Browne,  Capt.  A.  W 414 

Adams,    Hon.   John 719    Bean,   John   H 1046    Bruce,    William    N 436 

Adams,  John  L 1039    Beck,   Edwin  A 370    Brundage.   Hiram    436 

Adams,  R.  D.,  M.  D 1248    Beckett,   W.   W.,    M.   D 1276    Bruner.    F.    M.,    M.    D 1198 

Adams,  William  L 1207    Beckwith,    Charles    1261    Bryant,    E.   T 439 

Akers,   W.   H 554    Beckwith,  Francis  738    Bryant,  William  1142 

Akey,' James  V   564    Beckwith,    Francis   J 275    Bryson,   Hon.  John,   Sr 1274 

Alexander,  George   559    Begg,  James 812    Buckingham,   Joseph  A loio 

Alexander,   William    560    Belcher,    Avery    1245    Buckmaster,   Thomas    H 526 

Allen,    A.    A 558    Bell,    Hon.   A.  J 665    Biiell,   A.   W 331 

Allen,   Harry   C 648    Bell,   Robert    517    Buell,   H.  J 523 

Allen,    Hon.  M.  T 1097    Bell,  Robert  L 938    Buell,   Percy  0 523 

Allen,   Russell   C 954    Bell,  Thomas    491    Buffington,    A.    C 447 

Allen,  William   806    Benedict,   William   G 804    Bulla,  Hon.  R.  N 1206 

AUgeyer     Charles 1180    Benson,    George  W 1230    Bullard.    F.    D..    M.    D 1015 

Althouse,  J.  A 1040    Bent,   Abbott  J 1259    Bullis,  Philip  H 1291 

Ames,  Henry   M 565    Bentzoni,   Col.   Charles 836    Bullis,    William    H 839 

Amestoy,  A.  J 1263    Berry,    Truman    1265    Burch,  Nelson  C 740 

Anderson,  Matthew   H 595    Bettner.   Robert  Lee 1184    Burke.  David  L 1064 

Andrews,   Rev.   J.    B 564    Beveridge,  Hon.  J.  L 1165    Burke,  Hon.  E.  M 393 

Androus,  Hon.  S.  N 548    Beyrle,  Robert   1052    Burke,  Miguel  F 393 

Ardis,    Julius    H 1246    Bingham.  H.  A loii    Burns,  Robert  W 1200 

Arenz,    Richard    1040    Bishop.    F.    D..    M.    D 1143    Burton,  Capt.  H.  G.,  M.  D 571 

Armstrong,   A.   T 1032    Either,    B.    Frank   D 570    Butcher.  W.  P 1054 

Armstrong,   A.    W 835    Bixby,   A.    S 740    Butler,  John  T 87s 

Arnold,    Matt   H 569    Bixby,  Jotham   1009    Butler,   Mrs.   Mary 875 

Arnold,  Seth  C 835    Blackburn,  Capt.  D.  S 289  r 

Asbridge,  Thomas  A 1041    Blackstock.  Judge  N 373 

Ashley.    Mrs.    Mary   A 451    Blatz.   Herman   732    Cadwell.  O.   N 614 

Afchison,  J.  A 1042    Bleecker.  J.  J..  M.   D 1244    Caldwell,    Hon.   A.    A loio 

Atchison,  James  R 647    Bliss.   John    D 1232    Callahan.   Neal   620 

Atkinson.  J.   W 1208    Blochman.   L.    E 428    Camarillo,  Adolfo  444 

Aufdemkamp.  Henry  1042    Blood.   James   A 929    Camarillo,  Juan  E 840 

T,                                      Blosser,  Garrett  L 1208    Campbell.   J.    A 1060 

Blumberg.  Wheeler  C 1208    Carder.  G.  H.,  M.  D 1142 

Bacon,  A.  J.,  M.  D 9^5    Bly,   Leonades    1231    Carpenter,    Frank  J 1187 

Bagnard.  Gustavus  667    BIythe.   B.   M 1136    Carpenter,  John  T 1187 

Bailey,    Isaac    738    Bolin.    P.   J 1265    Carpenter.   Stephen  F 1065 

Bailey.  Jonathan   532    Boman.    Gustav   A 1266    Carrion.  Julian 918 

Bainbridge.  J.  C,  M.  D 409    Bonebrake.  Major  G.  H 532    Carter,    .\rthur    F 426 

Baird,  J.  G..  M.  D 1036    Bones.   Thomas   613    Carter,    Nathaniel    C 1258 

Bakewell,   Thomas    1191    Bonestel,  CD 701    Casal.  F.  M.  M.   D 1229 

Balch,   E.  T.,  M.  D 395    Bonestel.  W.  A 428    Cawston,    Edwin 722 

Balcom,    B.    G 1190    Bonhani.    Perrv    P 806    Chaffee,   .\rthur   L 842 

Ball,  C.   D.,  M.  D 925    Bosshard.   Jacob   887    Chaffee.  J.  D..  M.  D ii59 

Ballard,    Hon.   J.    W 1184    Bothwell.  James 1048    Chaffin.    John    P 744 

Ballon,   George    H 956    Bouton,  Gen.  Edward  949    Chambers.   Hon.  J.   C 959 

Balslev.  B.  L 653    Bowker.  Harrison  M 427    Chambers.  John  T 1059 

Bandini.  Juan   B 358    Boyd.    David   C Ii97    Chapman.  A.   B 327 

Banning.  Gen.  Phineas 1265    Bradford.  .Mbert  S 757    Chapman.  Charles  C TO33 

Banta-Jones,  Mrs.  Mary  G 721    Bradlcv.   Knowlton  R 1048    Chapman.    Frank    M 535 

Barber,   Hon.   P.J 361    Brady.  Capt.  J.  T 1225    Charlebois.    Paul    414 

Bard,    Cephas   L..   M.    D 243    Brag'don.  John   R 809    Child,    E 1066 

Bard,  Hon.  Thomas  R 213    Brainerd.  H.  G..  U.  D 1276    Chippendale.  W 884 

Barker,  Frederic  1 374    Bralev.   Edgar  R II37    Churchill.  John  W ' 59.? 

Barker.    James 834    Brandes.  H.   E 1112    Clapp.   James    D 613 

Barnes.    W.    P 830    Breiner.  John   1052    Clapp.  William   B 1228 

Barretto,   Maxwell   K 614    Brcnnan.  John   798    Clapp,  William  T 828 

Barrows,   Frank   P 416    Brewster,  J.   C 792    Clark,    Frank    B 1243 

Barrows,  James  A 104S    Brian.  David   1053    Clark.  George  E 938 

Bartle.  J.    H 228    Brigden.  Albert    804    Clark,    Isaac   M 620 

Bartlctt.   William   S 882    Bristol.   Rev.   Sherlock 415    Clark,  J.   Ross 1012 

Bauer,  Otmar  1046    Brodrick,   William   J 595    Clarke,  Charles  S 444 


Page.  Page.  Pagt. 

Clarke,  J.   F 744    Davies,    E.    W 1075    Evans,  William   H 1256 

Clarke,    Robert   M 1143    Davis,  Hon.  Alonzo  E 1273    Ewing,  Felix  W 341 

Cleland,  Thomas  E 1257    Davis,    Frank    E nil  p 

Clifford,  A.   M 960    Davis,  R.  W 1093 

Cobb    Asa 881    Davis,    S.    F.,    M.    D 667    Fagan,  Michael   1105 

Coffin,   Hon.  W.  H 674    Dawson.  John  B 841    Farr,  Mrs.  E.   B 93S 

Coffman    H.  L.,  M.  D 619    Day.  Hon.  William  S 335    Farnngton,  George  W 961 

Coleman,  S.  J 884    Dean,    John    J 328    Faulkner,  George  W 509 

Collins,   Hon.  J.   S 410    Deane.   John    L 1076    Fern,    Henry    1018 

Collins,    W.    S 547    De    Fluff,   Thomas  J 668    Fernald,   Charles   283 

Conaway,  Joshua  A 497    De  La  Guerra  Family 220    Fessenden,  William  H 1165 

Congdon    A.  Maria,   M.  D 799    De  Longpre.   Paul 222    Fetterman,    I.    L 1091 

Conger,  Rev.  E.  L.,  D.  D....   1058    del    Valle,    U.    F 413    Filkins,    C.    W 1189 

Conklin,   Lombard   57^    Den,    Alfonso    L 221     Finger,  H.  J 1088 

Conncll,  John   F 1242    Den,   Augustus    H 471     Finley.  T.  R 1129 

Conrey,    Hon.    N.    P 881    Denison,  Charles  B 1292    Fischer,    Frederick  J 847 

Cook,    Prof.    A.    J 955    Densmore.  Emmet.  M.  D 1216    Fisler,    Rufus    1255 

Cook,  George  1112    Densmore,   Helen   B 1217    Fithian,   Major  Joel  A 249 

Cook     James    1069    De  Riidio.  Capt.   C.   C 457    Fithian,  R.  Barrett 249 

Cook!   J.    R 1256    Des   Granges,    Otto 1183    Fithian,  J.  R 249 

Cook,  J.  W 887    Devine,   Robert   577    Fitzgerald.   G.   P 1161 

Cook,    O.    P 448    Dickey.    Ambrose 1200    Fleet,  W.   H 1106 

Cook,    R.    D 713    Dieterich,    Jacob 596    Fleming,   Edward  J 931 

Cooke,   Hon.  C.  F 745    Dilworth,  W.   D.,   M.   D 725    Fleming,   Peter    791 

Cool,  Mrs.  Sarah  M 54S    Dobbings,    J.    H 842    Forester,  G.  W..  M.  D 962 

Cool,  Rev.  P.  Y 545    Dobie,  W.  G..  D.  M 471    Forrester,    E.    A 1218 

Coons,    Benjamin    F 1138    Dodge,    Col.   R.  V 462    Foshay,  Prof.  J.  A 1272 

Cooper,    Ellwood    219    Dodworth.    A.    R 720    Foster,    Edmund    B 1179 

Cooper,    Harvey    912    Dolge.  Alfred   869    Foy,  Samuel  C 1063 

Cooper,  Joseph  W 466    Dolgc.  Ernst  870    Francis,  John   F 1277 

Corbett,  J.   F 1209    Donnell.   T.   C,   M.   D 948    Frankland,  John  G 848 

Cordero,  E.  S 1243    Dotv,    R 749    Franklin.   Mrs.    Peddie 715 

Corev,   Franklin  A 453    Dovev.   James    H 997    Frary,  Frank  P 344 

Coronel.    Don   A.    F 1029    Dow,  R.  D 906    Fraser,  Allan 310 

Coronel,  Mrs.  M.  W.  de 1030    Drake,  Capt.  A.  C 623    Fraser,  J.  C.  M.  D 1283 

Corson,  J.  B 1098    Dreer.    I\Irs.    JNIarv 1210    Fraser,  William   G 1197 

Cowan,   W.    K 1071    Dreher,    Peter  J 1077    Frazier.  Charles  H 878 

Cowles,  N.  E 923    Drews,    L.    W 1156    Freeman,  Daniel   1279 

Cox,   A.    M 453    Driffill.  Col.  T.  A 1267    Freeman,  Capt.  W.  W 743 

Cox.    Hon.   J.    S 728    Driskill,  Jesse  1141     Fremont.  John   C 530 

Craig,   R.  J 863    Dudley,   Benjamin  W 572    French.  Charles  E 1036 

Grain,   William  L 959    Dudley.    Thomas    H 462    Frost,  George  1016 

Crane,    Emmett    C 1108    Duffy,   James    472    Fry,   A    854 

Crane,   George   G 961    Dunlap,   A.    H 894    Fry,    William    C 815 

Crane,   James   H 576    Dunlap,  John   N 1191    Fo^e,  Mrs.  Mary  S 794 

Crane,  Jeft'erson  L 1 108    Dunn.    James    T 280    Fuqua,  Rev.  Isham 853 

Crank,    F.    DeWitt,    M.    D 666    Dunn.  Robert  473    Furlong,  R.  :M •, 1241 

Cravens,   Thomas   A 576    Dunshee.   Rollin    750  q 

Crawford,    Daniel    P 1012    Dutton     George   F 746 

Crawford,   J.    H.,    :M.    D iy-,  Gabbert,    Thomas    G 461 

Cregier,    A.   V 302  E  Gabriel.  Joseph    1255 

Cross,   A.    P 373  Gaily,  Mary  M 727 

Cross,    Hon.    John 454    Eason.  J.  B 715    Gammon,   Arthur   1 1226 

Crowell,   Caleb  T 354    Eason.    R 733    Garcelon,    Frank.    M.    D 858 

Crowell,    Weymouth 487    Edgar,  W.  F..  M.  D 547    Garcelon,  George  W 589 

Crowell,  William  C 839    Edmunds,  Cassius 1292    Gardiner,   F.   1 852 

Crowther,  William   1182    Edwards.   S.   J 716    Garland,  A.   A 1117 

Cummings,  John   B 794    Edwards,  William  B 716    Garretson.  Joseph  M 477 

Cummings,  John   F 477    Fichholz,    Philip    1268    Gates,  Lucius   D 714 

Cummings.    M.   S 1070    Eldridge.    S.   Tuston 858    Gavin.  Alexander   1218 

Cunnane,  J.   B 389    Elliot,  Walter  727    Gaylord.  John  D 828 

Cunnane,  T.  E.,  M.   D 390    Elliott.    T    Vincent 728    Gaylord,   Robert   H 1250 

Cunnane,  W.  B..  M.  D 389    Elliott.   Robert  P S48    Gibbon.  Hon.  T.  E 1276 

Currier,  Hon.  A.  T 1012    Elliott.  Thomas  H 578    Gibbs.  James  R 726 

Curtis,    Charles    425    Ellis,  Capt.  G.  F 107S    Gibler,  Daniel 526 

Cushman,  E.   B 1138    Ellis,  H.  B..  :M.  D 1274    Gibson,  Hon.  James  A 1004 

Cutting,   T.   R 745    Fllis,  William  D 536    Gibson.   Frank   A 1225 

n  Elton.   Charles   1051    Gidiicy,  CM 714 

Emerv.   Frederick   B 941    Gilbert.   Charles   S 854 

Daggett.  Charles  D 1072    Emerv.  Mrs.  Sarah  B 94i    Glassell.   Andrew    1288 

Daily,   Charles  J ii3S    Engclhardt.  John  P 1274    Glassell,  Andrew.  Sr 237 

Dakin,  Henry  M 1009    Fngstrum,   F.   0 1047    Glassell,  Hugh  704 

Dandy,    Charles   P .369    Eppinger.    J.    A 1228    Glassell,  William  T 751 

Daniels,  Capt.  M.  J 853    Erickson.   John    1072    Glauber,    Rev.    Ludger 710 

Darby,  John  H 97i    Esterlv.  Llovd  H 1203    Glowner.  G.  G 1288 

Davenport,   D.    L 540    Fvans.  Miss  Fliz.ibcth  P 75i    Gochenauer  &  Fiset,  M.  D 1113 

Davidson,    Stephen    M O71    Evans.  John   M 1268    Goetz,  Henry  X 859 


Page.                                                                    Page.  Page. 

Golish,    T.    A 1045    Hazzard,   Augustus  C 323    Johnson,  Hon.  C.  F.  A.  -iic 

Goiter,  Edward   846    Heartwell,    James    F 578    Johnson,  J.  W '  1286 

Goodale,  O.  E 677    Heath,    Col.    Russel 1005    Jones,   Mrs.  A.   W "  1084 

Goode,   George  W 704    Hebbard,   Arthur    H 968    Jones,    B.    E 906 

Goodridge,   Ira  C 1227    Heim,  Ferdinand  A 979    Jones,   Gen.  Johnstone 1281 

Gower,  George  T 1233    Hein,  J   465    Jones,  Mrs.  M.  G.  B '.  721 

Granger.    Charles    H 1114    Heiss,   William  A 683    Jones,   Otho   M 1148 

Grant,   .A.lexander    1201    Hellman,   Herman  W 1188    Jones,   Hon.   Robert  F  1^56 

Grant,    William    R 708    Helmcr,    Mrs.    H.    G 697    Judkins,    George    W. ....'..'.'..  2^0 

Graves.    Frank    297    Henderson,  Edward,  M.  D....     317   Judson,   Homer  W 540 

Gray,   William   M 907    Henderson,  William 311    Julian,    William    B ".  942 

Greeley,  John   P loio    Hennion,  Frank  R 680    Juvinall,   D.   E 768 

Green,   Elisha   K 703    Herring.    G.    W 1163  -^^ 

Green,   Mary  J.,  M.  D 1278    Hess,   William  J 1120  '^ 

Green,  Hon.  P.  M 226    Hetebrink,    Henry    1183    Kahles,   Frank    529 

Greenwell.   A.    C 709    Hewitt,   John   J 781    Kahn,  Lazard  259 

Greenwell,   Hon.   C.    B 1088    Hill,    George    W 846     Kanouse,  Theodore  D 1220 

Greenwell,  Capt.  W.  E 473    Hill,   James   A 240    Kelscy,   Theodore  A  6q? 

Gregg,  Robert  J.,   M.   D 966    Hill,  John  G 737    Kiler,  J.  P :'.::::;  488 

Gregory,    Albert    752    Hill,   Samuel 833    Kimball,    Warren    C •142 

Griffith,   Alfred   P 1273    Hinman,  Elliott 883    Kimmell,    W.    E 859 

Griffith,  Rev.  E.  P 540    Hirsch,    George    F 944    King,   C.   E 1107 

Griffith,    Griffith   J 1277    Hlavin,  Louis   1251    King,   Charles   L.,  M.   D 691 

Grimes,  Charles   617    Hoar,    C.    E 696    Kinney,  Hon.  Abbot 1273 

Grinnell,  Fordyce,  M.  D 697    Hockett,   L.   D.,  M.  D 893    Kitchen,    George    1202 

Guinn,  James  M 279    Hoeppner,   Herman   756    Klamroth,  Hon.  H.   H 707 

Guthridge,   C.   F 710    Hoffman,  Abel   P 1211    Klasgj'e,  J.   W 1082 

Gwaltney,  Sylvester,  M.  D....   1224    Hoffman,  J.  H 1233    Klassen,    Michael    324 

Gwaltney,  J.   S.,  M.  D 1224    Hohl,   Lawrence 317    Koepke,   Henry   1287 

TT                                  Holcomb.  Rev.  F.  R 1199    Koopman,   William   H 260 

"■  Holland,   L.   T.,   M.  D 383  . 

Haase,  Hermann  303    Hollenbeck,   Edward  H 764 

Hache,  L   443    Hollenbeck,  Francis  A 354   Lacy,    Theo 1183 

Hadacheck,  J.   C 1201    Hollenbeck,  John  E 1280    La  Grange,  Gen.  O.  H 253 

Hadley,   Washington 1223    HoIHster,    Edgar   A 480    Lallich,    Peter 982 

Hagadorn,  J.  Lee,  M.  D 394    Hollister,   Col.  W.  W 402    Lancaster,    E.    F 823 

Hahn.    Benjamin    W 1222    Holmes,    J.    H 972    Lane,   John   531 

Hall,  Duane  F 966    Holmes,   Thomas    757    Langenberger,    August 1071 

Hall,  Julius   F 302    Hooker,    Henry    C 1234    Lataillade,    C.    E 525 

Halladay,  Daniel   565    Horton,  Alonzo   E 335    Lawton,  John  Percy 379 

Halsted,   S.    Hazard 672    Horton,   James    M 680    Layne.    W.    H 526 

Hamilton,    Horace    G 298    Hosmer,    N.    H 834    Lee,   Bradner  W 553 

Hamilton,  William  686    Hostetter,   Moses   582    Legrand,  Louis  J 641 

Hammond,  Mrs.  N.  E.,  M.  D.     947    Houghton.   S.   0 548    Lehmann.    Leon    1106 

Hammons.  John  W 691    Howard,   Joseph    1200    Lewis,    Clayton    324 

Hancock,  D.  R.,  M.  D 925    Howard.    Perry    A 318    Lewis,  Henry  295 

Hanlcy,  James  1215    Howes,    Felix    C 557    Lewis,   James    C 524 

Hannon,  J.  Vincent 950    Howland,    Capt.    C.   H 1124    Lewis,  W.   H.,  M.  D 400 

Hannum,   Luther  C 953    Hughes,    George    W 684    Linck,   F.   X 1251 

Hansen,   C.   M 303    Hughes.  James  B 968    Lindenfeld,  Frank 257 

Hansen,  Col.  L.  P 239    Hugus.   John   W 479    Lindenfeld,  Nicholas,  M.  D...  551 

Hansen,    W.    G 1118    Hunter,  John   j\r 679    Lindholm,    E.    E 975 

Hardacre,  Mrs.  Emma  C 581    Hutton,  A.   W 1278    Lindley,  Walter,  M.  D 1272 

Hardy,  Capt.  Isaac  B 692    Hyer,   Mrs.    Elizabeth 1222    Linquest,  A.  L 514 

Harnett,  Ernest  T 967                                     -,                                     Linville,  J.   T 920 

Harris,    David    1155                                      -^                                     Lisk,   Byron    725 

Harris,  Capt.  Emil 1090    Imler,    David    H 599    Lloyd,  Thomas    258 

Harris,  Rev.  John  H 752    Ingersoll.   C.   K 756    Longacre,  J.    E 883 

Harris.  Will  A 1276    Ingvaldsen,   Thorvald    683    Longawa,  John    524 

Hart,  Reuben   690    Irwin,  John    689    Loughery,    W.    B 1164 

Hartman,    Fridolin    1144    Isbell,  James   F 323    Love,  J.  H.,  M.  D 1102 

Hartman,   Simon 686    Ivins,    Hon.    C.    H 349    Lowe,   Thaddeus   S.    C 1271 

Hartwell.   Calvin    1082                                  j                                    Loynes,  Richard   972 

Harwood,  Thomas   io6g                                  ■'                                     Lucas,  W.  T.,   M.  D 457 

Hasse,  Col.  H.  E..  M.  D 384    Jackson.    William    0 758    Luce,   Hon.   M.   A 483 

Hassinger,   J.    H 1156    Jacobi.   Louis    318    Lukens,   Hon.  T.   P 678 

Hasson,   D.  W.,  M.  D 1199   Janes,  J.  Ely,  M.  D 1293    Lutz,  William  F 1190 

Haugherty,    Charles    S 315    Jaques,  Charles  M 768    Lvon,   Robert   B 1144 

Ilaupt,   Paul    312    Jardine.   John    E 1162  ,, 

Hawe,    Rev.    Patrick 399    Jeffries,  Rev.  .'\.  C 1284  ^^ 

Hayden,    B.   T 321    Jeffries,  James  J 1253    Mc.-Meer,  Owen   864 

Hayes,  John 304   Jenness.  A.  L 246    Mc.\rthur.  John 1237 

Hayes,  Rev.    M.  C 289    Jennings.  George  F 1285    McCay,   Charles   B 1151 

Hayes.   Orrin   H 1083   Jensen,    Ernest 322    .AlcCoy,  A.  D.  S.,  M.  D 976 

Hayne,  Col.  W.  A 911    Jensen.    Henry    C 1202    McCutchcon.  Joseph    E 8to 

Hazard,  Willet  B 824    John,  J.   S 975    McDivitt.    Frank   P 1097 

Hazeltine,   Herbert   S 1190   Johnson,  Capt.  A.  H 803    McDonald,  Duncan   419 



!!:S^:;»S„^  ":::::;::  ;:S  SSr^u:'.;;:::;::;:;::  ^1  IXJ^cJ?;;?^;::;::::;:;;:;  ,S 

McFadden.    Archie 
:McF':idden.  J 

McFadden,    Robert    do- -•  -■■    •■■■■• 

McFadden.  William  M 685    Noycs,  Hon.  J.  b. . 

637    North.  JudRc  J.  W 1192 

Notthoff.  H 1267 

1 163 


McKce,  James  R 5o6    Nn 

McKevett.    Charles    H 5I3 

McLaiii;    George    P 40S 

McNeil,    Archibald 84S    ^,  ^„„„^-„.  ^ 

McPherson,    Robert    •■•-••••     «oo    Oldendorf.  J.  M 
Mackinlay.   Robert.    M.    D....     222     -  -     ■> 

Macomber.   A.    K 291 

Maddock.   J.    A 976 

Magee.  Mrs.  Jean  K.  .    8/7 

Malcolm.  Mrs.  Emma  L 123/ 



I "scph 584    Radebaugh,  J.  M..  M.  D 216 

C                                    Rademacher,  Frank   601 

Raibley,  M.  W 1286 

O'Donnell.  John   9I3    Ramsanr.  William  P 887 

J    M  lOio    Ramsev.  William  M 1094 

oirveT  t"        918    Randall.  W.  T..  A.  M 233 

Oliver!  William  J 872    Rankin.  Hon.  J.  H 420 

Olnev.   I-"..  W 1153    Rapp.  John  B 773 

Ord.Robcrt  B 253    Rasey.  C.  W          S88 

Orella,  .\ntonio  J 1164    Reber.  Capt.  S.  F 271 

Orena.  Don  Caspar 452    Rebman,  John 913 

Orr    Hon.   Orestes 215    Reed,  John  Henry II95 

Orton.  Robert S84    Reeve.  Mrs.  Jennie  A 1287 

Osborn.  William  M 1239    Reilly.  Edward  F ^^ 590 

O'Sullivan,  John   761    Reynolds,  BelleL.,  M.  D 606 

Ozmun,  Aaron  M 1205    Reynold 

Mallgren.   John    N 
Manning.   C.   D... 

March.    D.    W »" 

Marchant,    Samuel    A »04 

Markham,  Hon.  H.  H...^...-  1289 

Marsh,  M.  Ella  W..  M.  D....  260 

Martin,   Capt.   D.  W i059 

Martin,    W.    W n"  f 

Mason,   Charles    C ^    ^  ,,■  t  , 

Mathis    T    A °°°    Paddison.  John    ... 

Mattison.F.  C.  E..  M.  D 61I    Page.  B.  M..  M.  D 

Maulhardt.    Albert    F 503    Paine.  Frederick  H 937 

Alav    Tohn   A 923    Painter.  Milton  D 1272 

,^L'  •'  T?"  i  86=;    P.lmer    Noah II93 


Dr.  P.  R.... 
Rice.  Hon.  Thomas  A. 

Richards,  Jarrett  T 

Richards.  W.  D.  F 

Richardson,  C.  M 




Mendenhall,  J.  F 

Mermilliod,  J.  A 865    Palomares,  Porfi: 

Merwin,  Rev.  A.  M 

Meserve,  A.  F 

Metcalf.  W.  B 

Miller,  C.  F.,  M.  D 

Miller,  Isaac   

Miller,  J.  C.  F 

Richardson.  Henry  C 513 

Rives.  James  C 348 

o£      „  ,           ,,     ,                                    , ,„,    Rizor,  E.  A 344 

865    Palmer,  Noali.    ...^ ii93    Roberts.  John  II54 


..  994 

..  1 199 

Peveril 379    Palomares.  Frank  J. 1238    Roberts.  L.  S. 

520    Palomares,  Jose  D 

Park.  James  M ^017 

9»i    Parks.  Heber  C "86 

492    Parks.  I.  W 81S 

905    Parks.  William  S 893 

559    Parsons.  John  D. 1182    ^^^  r   j 

".G-- S^2    Roeder,  Louii 

^„    Roberts,  Capt.  W.  C... 
^1°    Roberts,  William  L.... 

Robertson.  R.   F 

Robinson.  Richard  O... 

Robinson.  W.  D 

Roblee,  W.  W.,   M.   D. 

554    Palerson.  Johr 

Miller'  Joseph  M 1017    Patterson,  Charles  E  ^^^   

Slills.  'Alexander  F 234    Patterson,  Wilson   C io,35    Rommel.  William 


Rogers.  William  M. 


Peabody.  Henry  A. 
421    Pearson,  Charles  H.. 
986    Pearson,  George  M.. 
196    Peck,  George  H.,  Jr. 

925    Peck.  George  H.,  Sr 90T 




1 194 


Mills,  Col.  John  H 

Mitchell,  Henry  M 

Mitchell,  Newel  H 

Montgomery,  Harrison  L 

Moore.  B.  A 

Moore'  Capt.  William 347  Peck.  W.   H 

More.  John  F 225  Peed.  John  T 

Morgan,  J.   E 81 1  Pemberton.  L.  B . 

Morgan,  William 75?  Penney.  W  illiam  A. 

Morrill,  Frank  E 553  Perce.  I..  A..  M.  D 

Morrison.  J.  W 806  Perrin.  Leonard  ..  . 

Morse    Bradford   "91  Pcrrv.   Belmont   .  . . 

Morse,  Oscar  552  Perry.  William  H. . 

Morton,  Albert   8»i  Pgtit.  Justin "^? 

Mosbaugh.  George  J 1 188  Pettibone.  William  H "93  S 

Mott,  Stephen  H 1006  Pettis.  Beniamin  F 625  ,, 

Mott    Hon.  T.  D 1272  PMns.   Hiram   872    Safifell    Z^  C "60 

Mull,  Frederick   1250  Phillips.   A.   T i253    Sale,  F.  M       . . . . .  .^ 23.3 

Miluer,  H.  R 624  Phillips,  T.ouis   1239    Sahsburv,  Mitchell  H 673 

S 907  Pico,  Don  Pio "87    Salter,  J.     .  . . . OgQ 

^  Pierce.  Anthonv  R 769    Sams,   Eaton  T,      987 

N  Pierce,   Prof.   E.  T 435    Sanborn,  Arthur  N 021 

Remi 1203  Pierce,  W.  H 600    Sanderson,  J.  L 

Myers,  W. 

Rose,   Leonard  J.  Jr..  . 

Rose,  Martin  W 

Rothrock,  A.  B 

Rowland,  John  

Roval,  A.  B.,  M.  D.... 

Ro'ver,   T.   J 

Rugglcs,  H.  C 85t 

Rundell,  Eli  291 

Rush,  Abner  6i8 

Rust,  J.  C 272 

Rutherford,  George,  Sr 1075 

Rutherford.  Stephen 257 

Rvan,  Henrv  N 529 


Z.  W..  M.  D. 

M.  D. 

323    Pinney.  R.  H 403  Saunders, 

871    Pitzer.  S.  C "67  Save,  Tuan 

749    Plant.   Marcus  S 816  .^awtclle.  \\ .  E. 

965    Piatt,  George  E QOi  Sawver    W  B 

1252    Pollard.  Tliomas   760  Saxby.  J.  Bert,  U.  U.  b. 

635    Pope,  Hon.  J.  D 1206  .Schee  Brothers 

982    Pone.  W.  F 920  Schcerer.  Conrad 

1254  Scheerer,   lohn 

Neighbours,  Allen  W 

Neisser,  Edward   

Nelson,  H,  A 

Nelson,  John 

Newby.  Henry  •• 

Newcomb.  A.  T..  M.  D 

Newton.  W.  ^"tanton .'.'. 668  Porter.  Xndrew  0 1254  Scheerer,   1  ohn  ,              1273 

Ney    M  ss  Marie  A 793  Porter.  Don  C I2S4  Schiappa  Pie  ra,  Cav.  L. ..... .     367 

Nichols.  B.   S 931  Pouer.  Milo  M TO06  Schilling.  W  lUiam   . 

Nicolaus,   Henry    7^2  Power.  George  C 12.2  Schmidt.  Theodore  E. 

Nidever,  John  M .583  Pow,  rs    TTon    P,  W ,3.38  Schro. 

Niemann,  Ferdinand 3io  Prell.  John  G. 

Niemeyer,  A 866  Protcr,  J.iscph 

Adelmo  "68 

Schrocder,  Hugo  "69 

S60    Schwartz,  John  F 1255 


Page.  Page.  p^^g^ 

Scott,  Henry  A 889    Stantun,  E.  J 1172    Turner,  L.  C 824 

Scott,  John 770    Starkweather,  G.  A 1260    Tvler,  Eckford  D  "     77^ 

Scott,  William  H.  H 966    State  Normal  School 431       "  ,,  ''" 

Seabert,  Frank  A 1126    Steade,  J.  U.,  M.   D 390  U 

Seaman,  W.  W 1034    Stearns,  George  L 797    University    of    Southern    Cali- 

Sebastian,  J.  L 1213    Stebbins,  Charles  L 924       fornia   2^' 

Sebelius,   C 924    Steckel,  George   1231    Ussher,  Paul  E 0,2 

Selph.  Edgar  E 290    Stengel,   Louis  J 1173    Utterback,  Mrs.  M  J  "'     876 

Sepulveda,  A.  W 1207    Stepan,  M 1174 

Sessions,   C.   H 383    Stephens,   Roy    B 285  V 

Severance,  Mrs.  CM 309    Stephenson,   G.  F 1023    Vail.  Hugh  D 226 

Severance,  T.  C 309    Stevens,  G.  A 1282    Vail,  W.  B '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.   1024 

Se.xton,  Joseph 263    Stevens,  Frank  D 1153    Van  Dompselaar,  S.  W  1176 

Shafer,  Smith  J 818    Stevens,  James  H 905    Vejar,  Abraham  H.  .  092 

Shaffer,   E.  E 276    Stevens,  Lewis  W 1246    Venable,  P.  S 029 

Shaw,  Capt.  George  N 1219    Stevens,  Wesley  L 1152    Vernon,  Charles  J  c->(, 

Shaw.  James  B.,  M.  D 631    Stevenson,  Henry  H 899    Vesper,  A.   E ['/.['.     827 

Shaw,  James  E 480    Steward,  Leland  B 1196   Virden,  Benjamin  S. .   .  '     649 

Shaw,  S.   L 631    Stewart,  John  M 785    Vivian,  Robert  P 1178 

Sheldon,  Gen.  L.  A 244    Stewart,  Nathaniel 400    Von  Der  Lohe    D    H    P  120-? 

Shelton,  Rice  B 767    Stewart,  Walter  0 638    Von  Der  Lohe,  J.  H.  C. .'.'!".! '.     9S5 

Shepherd,  William  E 1130    Stickney,  Mrs.  Jeannie  E 775    Vredenburgh,  Levi  936 

Sherman,  Charles  E 498    Stimson,  Thomas  D 231 

Sherriff,  W.  J 626    Stine,  Jesse  S 1160  W 

Sherwood,  Frederick  W 1275    Stockton,  T.  C,  M.  D 296    Wagner,  Edward  M.  .  644 

Shibley,  William 822    Storke,  Hon.  C.  A 500    Waite,  George  W "  '  1204 

Shiels,  John 322    Story,  Thomas  1125    Waite,  L.  C 1189 

Shipley,  G.  W 1259    Stoutenburgh,  J.  B 286    Wakeham,   Hubert  H ii8i 

Shorb,  J.  De  Barth 1197    Strahan,  D.  W 1015    Waldie,  Alexander 483 

Simmons,  A.  B.,  M.  D 888    Stratton,  Samuel   1135    Walker,  Hon.  C.  J "   1214 

Simms,  J.   A iigo    Streeter,  Hon.   H.  M 709    Walker,   Frank   602 

Simpson,  Thomas  F 895    Streets,  J.  J 643    Walker,  S.  M 1119 

Skidraore,  S.  S 1024    Strohm,  Capt.  Thomas 1057    Wallischeck,   Rev.   Peter 514 

Skillen,  Charles  M 731    Stromee,   Gustaf 607    Ward,  James  F !i004 

Slanker.  Frank  0 912    Strong,   Robert    1132    Warring,  Benjamin  F 641 

Sloan.  James  E 1022    Stuntz,  Rev.  J.  H 629    Warrmg,   Hugh   638 

Slosson.  C.  E 821    Sudden,  Robert  C 1081    Waterman,  W.  i\L  . .  1089 

Smith,  C.   B 1160    Sudden,  W.   H 1083    Waters.  George  H 536 

Smith,  Charles  W 779    Suess,  John   917    Waters,  Hon.  R.  J. 1294 

Smith,   Hon.   Fred  M 1295    Sullivan,  David 776    Waters,  Capt.  William  G.  .  649 

Smith,  George  A 1170    Sullivan,  P.  T 1175    Waters,  W.  Lacy 650 

Smith,  Ira  0 494    Sumner,  Rev.  C.  B 1261    Way,  E.   Henry,  M.  D 1180 

Smith,  Joseph 890    Swensen,  A 1093    Weales,  Thomas 650 

Smith.  Rufus  D.,  Jr 1023  q,  Weber,  ]\Ioritz   1269 

Smith,  Rufus  D.,  Sr 1022  Weber,  William  P 1089 

Smith,  Samuel  L 632    Taggart,  J.  W 301    Webster,   L.F 611 

Smith,  Sanford  S 979    Talbott,  Hon.  W.  L 1092    Weldon,  Rev.   S.  R 653 

Smith,  Solon  632    Tallant,   E.   C 504    Weldon.  W.  A.,   M.  D 328 

Smith,  Judge  Welcome 1031    Taylor,  G.  B 539    Wells,  Hon.  G.  W 1275 

Smith,  Willis  H 774    Taylor,  Mrs.  Nannie  A.  D. .. .     539    Wentworth,  Col.   M.  C. . .  .  1280 

Smith,  W.  R 636    Taylor,  Peter,  Sr 1175    Werner,  Marie  B.,  M.  D 877 

Snodgrass,  Larkin 1205    Teague,  Crawfprd  P 531    Weston,  B.  S 1214 

Snow,   Hiram  K.,  Jr 998    Teague,  Robert  M 1199    Westover,  Prof.  O.  S 519 

Snow,  Hiram  K.,  Sr 1195    Tenhaeff,  William  722    Wetzel,  Martin  .  1177 

Snyder,  F.  A 1092    Thayer,  George  R 883    Weyse.  Hon.  H.  G 406 

Snyder.  George  D 988    Thomas,  Benjamin  F 1123    Weyse,  Julius  G 406 

Snyder,  Hon.  M.  P 608    Thomas,  Milton  425    Wheelan,  Miss  Naomi 654 

Snyder.  William  P 1171    Thompson,  W.  A 617    Whipp,   Benjamin  F 1000 

Soto.  Juan  S 914    Thornburgh,  Madison  642    Whitaker.  James  A I198 

Southmayd,  N.  S 1032    Thornton,  William  E 1269    White,  Albert  S 1185 

Spader,  Louis 636    Thrall,  Timothy  L 938    White.  Caleb  E 552 

Spaulding,  Frank  L 1039    Thurman.  Reason  M 908    White,   Miss  Edith 1248 

Spaulding,  Q.  L 1172    Tibbals,  Barnabas  876    White,  James  H 1118 

Spence,  J.  P 1282    Tietzen.  Paul  0 401    White,  John  A 857 

Spencer,  B.  F 587    Titus.  Luther   H 781    White,  Hon.  S.  M 214 

Spencer,  Thomas,  M.  D 1185    Todd,  M.  De  L 1117    White,  Theodore  F 1213 

Sprague,  B.  0 1244   Todd,   Robert  A 647    White,  Ulvsses  E 936 

Spring,  Wilham  F 563    Toland,   M.   R..  M.   D 930    Whiting   Perry  999 

Sproul,  Atwood 896    Toland,  Thomas  0 505    Whitted.  Dr.  Charles 1181 

Sproul,   Gilbert  H 29S    Toms,  Silas 822    Wickenden.  W.  F 575 

Sproul,  William  830    Towle,  Charles  H 875    Wilev,  William  H 1034 

Spurgeon,  Granville  805    Townsend.  Stephen 1131    Wilkinson,  Qark  G 786 

Spurgeon,  William  H 661    Trask,  Hon.  D.  K 552    Wilkinson,  John  B 1000 

St.  Anthony's  College 517    Traster.   William  H 1094    Willett,  Hon.   C.  J 1087 

Staats,  William  R 998    Trotter,  J.  P 809    Williams,  Albert  C 1264 

Stambach,  H.  L.,  M.  D 637    Truax,  R.  C 1124    Williams,  Hon.  B.  T 655 

Stanley,  C.   N 1026    Turner,  Elbert  B 1091    Williams,  George  M 659 



lliams,  Mrs.  Julia  F 

Williams.  John  H 


lliams,  J.  McCoy 


lliams,  O.  D 


Uoughby.  James  R 



John  A 



A.  C.J 


Allen  J 



Jerome  C 






R.  H 

Page.                                                                    Page.  Page. 

510  Wing,  William  A 1178    Woodbury,  George  B 788 

396  Wiswell,  Royal  659    Woods,  Alvin  M 

439  Witherspoon,  Isaac  A 733    Woodward,  S.  K 

1249  Wolfskin.  William 1273    Woodworth,  J.  H 

269  Wood.  Harry 660    Woolley,  L,  J 

1188  Wood,  Henry  P 343    Workman,  William  H 1021 

387  Wood,  John  W 876    Works,  Hon.  J.  D 1206 

895  Wood,  Joshua 787    Worthley,  F.  A 882 

1151  Wood,  J.  W.,   M.   D 1003  ^ 

656  Wood.  Thomas  D 661  ^ 

786  Wood.  Rev.  W.  0 1270    York,  Hon.  W.  M 1271 

1 179 




,    yUA/l^i^^^ 



THE  unparalleled  success  of  our  aniiy  and 
navy  in  our  recent  war  with  Spain  has 
bred  in  us  a  contempt  for  -the  Spanish 
soldier  and  sailor;  and,  in.  our  overm'astering- 
Anglo-Saxon  conceit,  we  are  inclined  to  con- 
sider our  race  the  conservator  of  enterprise,  ad- 
venture and  martial  valor;  while  on  the  other 
hand  we  regard  the  Spanish  Celt  a  prototype 
of  indolence,  and  as  lacking  in  energy  and  cour- 

And  yet  there  was  a  time  when  these  race  con- 
ditions were  seemingly  reversed.  There  was  a 
time  when  Spain,  to-day  moribund,  dying  of 
political  conservatism,   ignorance    and    bigotry, 

.was  the  most  energetic,  the  most  enterprising 
and  the  most  adventurous  nation  of  Europe. 

A  hundred  years  before  our  Pilgrim  Fathers 
landed  on  Plymouth  Rock.  Spain  had  flourish- 
ing colonies  in  America.  Eighty-five  years  be- 
fore the  first  cabin  was  built  in  Jamestown, 
Cortes  had  conquered  and  made  tributary  to  the 
Spanish  crown  the  empire  of  Mexico — a  country 
marc  populous  and  many  times  larger  than 
Spain  herself.     Ninety  years  before  the  Dutch 

.  had  planted  the  germ  of  a  settlement  on  Man- 
hattan Island — the  site  of  the  future  metropolis 
of  the  new  world — Pizarro,  the  swineherd  of 
Truxillo,  with  a  handful  of  adventurers,  had  con- 
(|nered  Peru,  the  richest,  most  populous  and 
most   civilized   empire  of  America. 

In  less  than  fifty  years  after  the  discovery  of 
.\mcrica  by  Columbus,  Balboa  had  discovered 
the  Pacific  Ocean;  Magellan,  sailing  through 
the  straits  that  still  bear  his  name  and  crossing 
the  wide  Pacific,  had  discovered  the  Islands  of 
tlie  Setting  Sun  (now  the  Philippines)  and  his 
ship  had  circunmavigated  the  globe;  Alvar  Nu- 
nez (better  known  as  Cabeza  de  \^aca),  with 
tiiree  coiupanions,  the  only  survivors  of  three 
hundred  men  Narvaez  landed  in  Florida,  after 
years  of  wandering  among  the  Indians,  had 
crossed  the  continent  overland  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific:  Coronado  had  penetrated  the  in- 
terior of  the  North  American  continent  to  the 
plains  of  Kansas ;  Alarcon  had  reached  the  head 
of  the  Gulf  of  California  and  sailed  up  the  Rio 
Colorado;  and  Cabrillo,  the  discoverer  of  .\lt.i 
California,    had    explored    the    Pacific    ('(last    ni 

America  to  the  44th  parallel  of  North  Latitude. 

\\'hile  the  English  were  cautiously  feeling 
their  tvay  along  the  North  Atlantic  Coast  of. 
America  and  taking  possession  of  a  few  bays  and 
harbors,  the  Spaniards  had  possessed  themselves 
of-  nearly  all  of  the  South  American  continent 
and  more  than  one-third  of  the  North  American. 
When  we  consider  the  imperfect  arms  with 
which  the  Spaniards  made  their  conquests,  and 
the  lumbering  and  unseaworthy  craft  in  which 
they  explored  unknown  and  uncharted  seas,  we 
are  surprised  at  their  success  and  astonished  at 
their  enterprise  and  daring. 

The  ships  of  Cabrillo  were  but  little  better 
than  floating  tubs,  square  rigged,  high  decked, 
broad  bottomed — they  sailed  almost  equally  well 
with  broadside  as,  with  keel  to  the  wave.  Even 
the  boasted  galleons  of  Spain  were  but  little  bet- 
ter than  caricatures  of  maritime  architecture — 
huge,  clumsy,  round-stemmed  vessels,  with  sides 
from  the  water's  edge  upward  sloping  inward, 
and  built  up  at  stem  and  stern  like  castles — 
they  rocked  and  rolled  their  way  across  the 
ocean.  Nor  were  storms  and  shipwreck  on  un- 
known seas  the  mariner's  greatest  dread  nor  -his 
deadliest  enemies.  That  fearful  scourge  of  the 
high  seas,  the  dreaded  escorbuto,  or  scurvy,  al- 
ways made  its  appearance  on  long  voyages  and 
sometimes  exterminated  the  entire  ship's  crew. 
Sebastian  Viscaino,  in  1602,  with  three  ships  and 
two  hundred  men,  sailed  out  of  Acapulco  to  ex- 
plore the  Coast  of  California.  At  the  end  of  a 
voyage  of  eleven  months  the  San  Tomas  re- 
turned with  nine  men  alive.  Of  the  crew  of  the 
Tres  Reys  (Three  Kings)  only  five  returned  ;  and 
his  flag'  ship,  the  San  Diego,  lost  more  than 
half  her  men. 

A  hundred  and  sixty-seven  years  later  Galvez 
fitted  out  an  expedition  for  the  colonization  of 
California.  He  despatched  the  San  .Antonio  and 
the  San  Carlos  as  a  complement  of  the  land  ex- 
peditions under  Portola  and  Scrra.  The  San 
.\ntonio,  after  a  prosperous  voyage  of  fifty- 
seven  davs  from  Cape  San  Lucas,  anchored  in 
San  Diego  harbor.  The  San  Carlos,  after  a 
tedious  voyage  of  one  hundred  and  ten  days 
froiu  La  Paz.  drifted  into  San  Diego  Bay,  her 
crew  prostrated  with  scurvy,   not  enough  able- 



bodied  men  to  man  a  boat  to  reach  the  shore. 
When  the  plague  had  run  its  course,  of  the  crew 
of  the  San  Carlos  one  sailor  and  a  cook  were  all  _ 
that  were  alive.  The  San  Jose,  despatched  sev-  " 
eral  months  later  from  San  Jose  del  Cabo  with 
mission  supplies  and  a  double  crew  to  supply 
the  loss  of  men  on  the  other  vessels,  was  never 
heard  of  after  the  day  of  her  sailing.  Her  fate 
was  doubtless  that  of  many  a  gallant  ship  before 
her  time.  Her  crew,  prostrated  by  the  scurvy, 
none  able  to  man  the  ship,  not  one  able  to  wait 
upon  another,  dying,  dying,  day  by  day  until  all 
are  dead — then  the  vessel,  a  floating  charnel 
house,  tossed  by  the  winds  and.  buffeted  by  the 
waves,  sinks  at  last  into  the  ocean's  depths  and 
her  ghastly  tale  of  horrors  forever  remains  un- 

It  is  to  the  energy  and  adventurous  spirit  of 
Hernan  Cortes,  the  conqueror  of  Mexico,  that 
we  owe  the  discovery  of  California  at  so  early  a 
period  in  the  age  of  discoveries.  Scarcely  had 
he  completed  the  conquest  of  Mexico  before  he 
began  preparations  for  new  conquests.  The  vast 
unknown  regions  to  the  north  and  northwest 
of  Mexico  proper  held  within  them  possibilities 
of  illimitable  wealth  and  spoils.  To  the  explora- 
tion and  conquest  of  these  he  bent  his  energies. 

In  1522,  but  three  years  after  his  landing  in 
Alexico,  he  had  established  a  shipyard  at  Zaca- 
tula,  on  the  Pacific  Coast  of  Mexico,  and  began 
building  an  exploring  fleet.  But  from  the  very 
beginning  of  his  enterprise  "unmerciful  disaster 
followed  him  fast  and  followed  him  faster."  His 
warehouse  at  Zacatula,  filled  with  ship-building 
material,  carried  at  great  expense  overland  from 
\'era  Cruz,  was  burned.  Shipwreck  and  mutiny 
at  sea  ;  disasters  and  defeat  of  his  forces  on  land  ; 
treachery  of  his  subordinates  and  jealousy  of 
royal  officials  thwarted  his  plans  and  wasted  his 
substance.  After  expending  nearly  a  million 
dollars  in  explorations  and  attempts  at  coloniza- 
tion, disappointed,  impoverished,  fretted  and 
worried  by  the  ingratitude  of  a  monarch  for 
whom  he  had  sacrificed  so  much,  he  died  in  1547, 
at  a  little  village  near  Seville,  in  Spain. 

It  was  through  a  mutiny  on  one  of  Cortes' 
ships  that  the  peninsula  of  California  was  dis- 
covered. In  1533,  Cortes  had  fitted  out  two  new 
ships  for  exploration  and  discoveries.  On  one 
of  these,  commanded  by  Becerra  de  Mendoza,  a 
mutiny  broke  out  headed  by  Fortune  Ximenez, 
the  chief  pilot.  Mendoza  was  killed  and  his 
friends  forced  to  go  ashore  on  the  coast  of 
Jalisco,  where  they  were  abandoned.  Ximenez 
and  his  mutinous  crew  sailed  directly  away  from 
the  coast  and  after  being  at  sea  for  a  number  of 
days  discovered  what  they  supposed  to  be  an 
island.  They  landed  at  a  place  now  known  as 
La  Paz,  in   Lower  California.     Here  Ximenez 

and  twenty  of  his  companions  were  reported  to 
have  been  killed  by  the  Indians.  The  remainder 
of  the  crew  navigated  the  ship  back  to  Jalisco, 
where  they  reported  the  discovery.  In  1535 
Cortes  landed  at  the  same  port  where  Ximenez 
had  been  killed.  Here  he  attempted  to  plant  a 
colony,  but  the  colony  scheme  was  a  failure  and 
the  colonists  returned  to  Mexico. 

The  last  voyage  of  exploration  made  under 
the  auspices  of  Cortes  was  that  of  Francisco  de 
U;ioa  in  1539-40.  He  sailed  up  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia to  its  head,  skirting  the  coast  of  the  main 
land,  then  turning  he  sailed  down  the  eastern 
shore  of  the  peninsula,  doubled  Cape  San 
Lucas  and  sailed  up  the  Pacific  Coast  of  Lower 
California  to  Cedros  Island,  where,  on  account 
of  head  winds,  and  his  provisions  being  nearly  " 
exhausted,  he  was  forced  to  return.  His  voyage 
proved  that  what  hitherto  had  been  considered 
an  island  was  a  peninsula.  The  name  California 
had  been  applied  to  the  peninsula  when  it  was 
supposed  to  be  an  island,  some  time  betiveen 
1535  ^nd  1539.  The  name  was  undoubtedly 
taken  from  an  old  Spanish  romance,  "The 
Sergas  de  Esplandian,"  written  by  Ordonez  de 
Montalvo,  and  published  in  Seville  about  15 10. 
This  novel  was  quite  popular  in  the  times  of 
Cortes  and  ran  through  several  editions.  This 
romance  describes  an  island  "on  the  right  hand 
of  the  Indies,  very  near  the  Terrestrial  Paradise, 
which  was  peopled  with  black  women  without 
any  men  among  them,  because  they  were  accus- 
tomed to  live  after  the  fashion  of  Amazons." 
The  supposition  that  the  Indies  lay  at  no  great 
distance  to  the  left  of  the  supposed  island  no 
doubt  suggested  the  fitness  of  the  name,  but 
who  first  applied  it  is  uncertain. 

.So  far  the  explorations  of  the  North  Pacific 
had  not  extended  to  what  in  later  years  was 
known  as  Alta  California.  It  is  true  .-Marcon, 
the  discoverer  of  the  Colorado  River  in  1540, 
may  possibly  have  set  foot  on  Californian  soil, 
and  Melchoir  Diaz  later  in  the  same  year  may 
have  done  so  when  he  led  an  expedition  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Colorado,  or  Buena  Guia,  as  it  was 
then  called,  but  there  were  no  interior  boundary 
lines,  and  the  whole  country  around  the  Colo- 
rado was  called  Pimeria.  .\Iarcon  had  returned 
from  his  voyage  up  the  Gulf  of  California  with- 
out accomplishing  any  of  the  objects  for  which 
he  had  been  sent  by  \'iceroy  Mendoza.  Coro- 
nado  was  still  absent  in  search  of  Ouivera  and 
the  fabulous  seven  cities  of  Cibola.  Mendoza 
was  anxious  to  prosecute  the  search  for  Quivera 
still  further.  Pedro  de  Alvarado  had  arrived  at 
Navidad  from  Guatemala  with  a  fleet  of  12  ships 
and  a  license  from  the  crown  for  the  discovery 
and  conciuest  of  islands  in  the  South  Seas.  Men- 
doza. I)v  sharp  practice,  IkuI  obtained  a  iialf  in- 



terest  in  the  projected  discoveries.  It  was  pro- 
posed before  beginning  the  voyage  to  the  South 
Seas  to  employ  Alvarado's  fleet  and  men  in 
exploring  the  Gulf  of  California  and  the  country 
to  the  north  of  it,  but  before  the  expedition  was 
ready  to  sail  an  insurrection  broke  out  among 
the  natives  of  Nueva  Galacia  and  Jalisco.  Al- 
varado  was  sent  with  a  large  part  of  his  force  to 
suppress  it.  In  an  attack  upon  a  fortified  strong- 
hold he  was  killed  by  the  insurgents.  In  the 
meantime  Coronado's  return  dispelled  the  myths 
of  Ouivera  and  the  seven  cities  of  Cibola ;  dis- 
approved Padre  Niza's  stories  of  their  fabulous 
wealth  and  dissipated  Mendoza's  hopes  of  find- 

ing a  second  Mexico  or  Peru  in  the  desolate 
regions  of  Pimeria.  The  death  of  Alvarado  had 
left  the  fleet  at  Navidad  without  a  commander, 
and  Mendoza  having  obtained  full  possession  of 
the  fleet  it  became  necessary  for  him  to  find 
something  for  it  to  do.  Five  of  the  ships  were 
despatched  under  command  of  Ruy  Lopez  de 
Yillalobos  to  the  Islas  de  Poniente  or  the  Islands 
of  the  Setting  Sun  (on  this  voyage  Villalobos 
changed  the  name  of  these  islands  to  the  Philip- 
pines) to  establish  trade  with  the  islanders,  and 
two  of  the  ships  under  Cabrillo  were  sent  to  ex- 
plore the  northwest  coast  of  the  mainland  of 
North  America.  ^ 



ally reputed  to  be  a  Portuguese  by  birth, 
but  of  this  there  is  no  positive  evidence) 
sailed  from  Navidad,  June  27,  1542,  with  two 
ships,  the  San  Salvador  and  Vitoria.  On  the 
20th  of  August  he  reached  Cabo  del  Engaiio, 
the  Cape  of  Deceit,  the  highest  pomt  reached  by 
Ulloa.  From  there  he  sailed  on  unknown  seas. 
On  the  28th  of  September  he  discovered  "a  land 
locked  and  very  good  harbor,"  which  he  named 
San  Miguel,  now  supposed  to  be  San  Diego. 
Leaving  there  October  3,  he  sailed  along  the 
coast  eighteen  leagues  to  the  islands  some  seven 
leagues  from  the  mainland.  These  he  named 
after  his  ships,  San  Salvador  and  Vitoria,  now 
Santa  Catahna  and  San  Clemente.  On  the  8th 
of  October  he  crossed  the  channel  between  the 
islands  and  the  mainland  and  sailed  into  a  port 
which  he  named  Bahia  de  Los  Fumos,  the  Bay 
of  Smokes.  The  bay  and  the  headlands  were 
shrouded  in  a  dense  cloud  of  smoke,  hence  the 

The  Bahia  de  Los  Fumos,  or  Fuegos,  is  now 
known  as  the  Bay  of  San  Pedro.  Sixty-seven 
years  before  Hendrick  Hudson  entered  the  Bay 
of  New  York,  Cabrillo  had  dropped  anchor  in 
the  Bay  of  San  Pedro,  the  future  port  of  Los 
Angeles.  After  sailing  six  leagues  farther,  on 
October  9,  Cabrillo  anchored  in  a  large  ensenada 
or  bight,  Vi'hich  is  supposed  to  be  what  is  now 
the  Bay  of  Santa  Monica.  It  is  uncertain  whether 
he  landed  at  either  place.  The  next  day  he  sailed 
eight  leagues  to  an  Indian  town,  which  he  named 
the  Pueblo  de  Las  Canoas  (the  town  of  canoes), 
this  was  probably  located  near  the  present  site 
of  San  Buenaventura.  Continuing  his  voyage 
up  the  coast  he  passed  through  the  Santa  Bar- 
bara Channel,  discovering  the  Islands  of  Santa 

Cruz,  Santa  Rosa  and  San  Miguel.  He  discov 
ered  and  entered  Monterey  Bay  and  reached  the 
latitude  of  San  Francisco  Bay,  when  he  was 
forced  by  severe  storms  to  return  to  the  island 
now  known  as  San  Miguel,  in  the  Santa  Barbara 
Channel.  There  he  died,  January  3,  1543,  from 
the  effects  of  a  fall,  and  was  buried  on  the  island. 

The  discoverer  of  California  sleeps  in  an  un- 
known grave  in  the  land  he  discovered.  No 
monument  commemorates  his  virtues  or  his 
deeds.  His  fellow  voyagers  named  the  island 
where  he  was  buried  Juan  Rodriguez  after  their 
brave  commander,  but  subsequent  navigators 
robbed  him  of  even  this  slight  honor.  Barto- 
lome  Ferrelo,  his  chief  pilot,  continued  the  ex- 
ploration of  the  coast  and  on  March  i,  1543. 
discovered  Cape  Blanco,  in  tlie  southern  part  of 
what  is  now  Oregon.  His  provisions  being 
nearly  exhausted  he  was  compelled  to  turn  back. 
He  ran  down  the  coast,  his  ships  having  become 
separated  in  a  storm  at  San  Clemente  Island, 
they  came  together  again  at  Cerros  Island  and 
both  safely  reached  Navidad,  April  18,  1543, 
after  an  absence  of  nearly  a  year.  Cabrillo's 
voyage  was  the  last  one  undertaken  as  a  private 
enterprise  by  the  Viceroys  of  New  Spain.  The 
law  giving  licenses  to  subjects  to  make  explora- 
tions and  discoveries  was  changed.  Subsequent 
explorations  were  made  under  the  auspices  of 
the  kings  of  Spain. 

For  nearly  seventy  years  the  Spaniards  had 
held  undisputed  sway  on  the  Pacific  Coast  of 
America.  Their  isolation  had  protected  the 
cities  and  towns  of  the  coast  from  the  plunder- 
ing raids  of  the  buccaneers  and  other  sea  rovers. 
Immunity  from  danger  had  permitted  the  build- 
ing up  of  a  flourishing  trade  along  the  coast  and 
weaUh  had  flowed  into  the  Spanish  cofTers.   But 


llu'ir  dream  of  security  was  to  be  rudely  broken. 

Francis  Drake,  the  bravest  and  most  daring  of 
the  sea  kings  of  the  i6th  century,  had  early  won 
wealth  and  fame  by  his  successful  raids  in  the 
Spanish  West  Indies.  When  he  proposed  to  fit 
out  an  expedition  against  the  Spanish  settle- 
ments on  the  Pacific,  although  England  and 
Spain  was  at  peace  with  each  other,  he  found 
plenty  of  wealthy  patrons  to  aid  him,  even  Queen 
Elizabeth  herself  taking  a  share  in  his  venture. 
He  sailed  from  Plymouth,  England,  December 
13,  1577,  with  five  small  vessels.  When  he 
reached  the  Pacific  Ocean  by  way  of  the  Straits 
of  Magellan  he  had  but  one  "the  Golden  Hind" 
a  ship  of  one  hundred  tons.  All  the  others 
had  turned  back  or  been  left  behind.  Sailing  up 
the  Coast  of  South  America  he  spread  terror 
among  the  Spanish  settlements,  robbing  towns 
and  capturing  ships,  until,  in  the  quaint  language 
of  a  chronicler  of  the  expedition,  he  "had  loaded 
his  vessel  with  a  fabulous  amount  of  fine  wares 
from  Asia,  precious  stones,  church  ornaments, 
gold  plate  and  so  mooch  silver  as  did  ballas  the 
Goulden  Hinde."  With  treasure  amounting  to 
"eight  hundred,  sixty  sixe  thousand  pezos  (dol- 
lars) of  silver  *  *  *  a  hundred  thousand 
pezos  of  gold  *  *  *  and  other  things  of  great 
worth  he  thought  it  not  good  to  returne  by  the 
(Magellan)  streights  *  *  *  least  the  Span- 
iards should  there  waite,  and  attend  for  him  in 
great  numbers  and  strength  whose  hands,  he 
being  left  but  one  ship,  he  could  not  possibly 

By  the  first  week  in  March,  1579,  he  had 
reached  the  entrance  to  the  Bay  of  Panama. 
Surfeited  with  spoils  and  loaded  with  plunder  it 
became  necessary  for  him  to  find  as  speedy  a 
passage  homeward  as  possible.  To  return  by 
the  way  he  had  come  was  to  invite  certain  de- 
struction. So  he  resolved  to  seek  for  the  fabled 
Straits  of  Anian,  which  were  believed  to  con- 
nect the  Atlantic  and  Pacific.  Striking  boldly 
out  on  the  trackless  ocean  he  sailed  more  than  a 
thousand  leagues  northward.  Encountering 
contrary  winds  and  cold  weather,  he  gave  up  his 
search  for  the  straits  and  turning  he  ran  down 
the  coast  to  latitude  38°,  where  "hee  found  a  har- 
borow  for  his  ship."  He  anchored  in  it  Jnne  17, 
1579.  lliis  harbor  is  now  known  as  Drake's 
Ray  and  is  situated  about  half  a  degree  north  of 
.San  Francisco  under  Point  Reyes. 

Fletcher,  the  chronicler  of  Drake's  voyage,  in 
his  narrative  "The  \\orld  Encompassed,"  says: 
"The  3d  day  following,  viz.  the  21st,  our  ship 
having  received  a  leake  at  sea  was  brought  to 
anchor  neercr  th.c  shoare  that  her  goods  being 
landed  she  might  be  repaired ;  but  for  that  we 
were  to  prevent  any  danger  that  might  chance 
against  our  safety  our  Gcnerall  first  of  rill  landed 

his  men  with  all  necessary  provision  to  build 
tents  and  make  a  fort  for  the  defense  of  ourselves 
and  goods ;  and  that  we  might  under  the  shelter 
of  it  with  more  safety  (whatever  should  befall) 
end  our  businesse." 

The  ship  was  drawn  upon  the  beach,  careened 
on  its  side,  caulked  and  refitted.  While  the  crew 
were  repairing  the  ship  the  natives  visited  them 
in  great  numbers.  From  some  of  their  actions 
Drake  inferred  that  the  natives  regarded  himself 
and  his  men  as  gods ;  to  disabuse  their  minds  of 
such  a  false  impression  he  had  his  chaplain, 
Francis  Fletcher,  perform  divine  service  accord- 
ing to  the  English  Episcopal  ritual.  After  the 
service  they  sang  psalms.  The  Indians  en- 
joyed the  singing,  but  their  opinion  of  Fletcher's 
sermon  is  not  known.  From  certain  ceremonial 
performances  of  the  Indians,  Drake  imagined 
that  they  w-ere  offering  him  the  sovereignty  of 
their  country;  he  accepted  the  gift  and  took 
formal  possession  of  it  in  the  name  of  Queen 
Elizabeth.  He  named  it  New  Albion  "for  two 
causes;  the  one  in  respect  of  the  white  bankes 
and  clifTes  which  ly  towardes  the  sea ;  and  the 
other  because  it  might  have  some  aflfinitie  with 
our  own  countrey  in  name  which  sometimes  was 
so  called."  * 

After  the  necessary  repairs  to  the  ship  were 
made,  "our  Generall,  with  his  company,  made  a 
journey  up  into  the  land."  "The  inland  we  found 
to  be  farre  different  from  the  shoare,  a  goodly 
country  and  fruitful  soyle,  stored  with  many 
blessings  fit  for  the  use  of  man ;  infinite  was  the 
company  of  very  large  and  fat  deere  which 
there  we  saw  by  thousands  as  we  supposed  in  a 
heard."  *  They  saw  also  great  numbers  of 
small  burrowing  animals  which  they  called 
conies,  but  which  were  probably  ground  squir- 
rels, although  the  narrator  describes  the  animal's 
tail  as  "Hke  the  tayle  of  a  rat  eceeding  long."  Be- 
fore departing,  Drake  caused  to  be  set  up  a  mon- 
ument to  show-  that  he  had  taken  possession  of 
the  country.  His  monument  was  a  post  sunk  in 
the  ground  to  which  was  nailed  a  brass  plate  en- 
graven with  the  name  of  the  English  Queen,  the 
day  and  year  of  his  arrival  and  that  the  king 
and  people  of  the  country  had  voluntarily  be- 
come vassals  of  the  English  crown.  .\  new  six- 
pence was  also  nailed  to  the  post  to  show  her 
highness'  picture  and  arms.  ( )n  the  23rd  of 
July,  1579,  Drake  sailed  away,  much  to  the 
regret  of  the  Indians,  who  "took  a  sorrowful 
farewell  of  us  but  being  loathe  to  leave  us  they 
presently  runne  to  the  top  of  the  hils  to  keepe 
us  in  sight  as  long  as  they  cou'd,  making  fires 
before  and  behind  and  on  each  side  of  them 
burning  therein  sacrifices  at  our  departure."* 

*  World  Encompassed. 



J  [c  crusscd  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  by  way 
of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  reached  England, 
September  26,  1580,  after  an  absence  of  nearly 
three  years,  having  encompassed  the  world.  He 
believed  himself  to  be  the  first  discoverer  of 
the  country  he  called  New  Albion.  "The  Span- 
iards," says  Drake's  chaplain,  Fletcher,  in  his 
World  Encompassed,  "never  had  any  dealings 
or  so  much  as  set  a  foote  in  this  country,  the 
utmost  of  their  discoveries  reaching  only  to 
many  degrees  southward  of  this  place."  The 
English  had  not  yet  begun  planting  colonies  in 
the  new  world,  so  no  further  attention  was  paid 
to  Drake's  discovery  of  New  Albion,  and  Cali- 
fornia remained  a  Spanish  possession. 

Sixty  years  have  passed  since  Cabrillo's  visit 
to  California,  and  in  all  these  years  Spain  has 
made  no  efifort  to  colonize  it.  Only  the  In- 
dian canoe  has  cleft  the  waters  of  its  southern 
lia)-s  and  harbors.  Far  out  to  the  westward  be- 
yond the  islands  the  yearly  galleon  from  Ma- 
nila, freighted  with  the  treasures  of  "Ormus  and 
of  Ind,"  sailed  down  the  coast  of  California  to 
Acapulco.  These  ships  kept  well  out  from  the 
southern  coast  to  escape  those  wolves  of  the 
high  seas — the  buccaneers ;  for,  lurking  near  the 
coast  of  Las  Californias,  these  ocean  robbers 
watched  for  the  white  sails  of  the  galleon,  and 
woe  to  the  proud  ship  if  they  sighted  her.  She 
was  chased  down  by  the  robber  pack  and  plun- 
dered of  her  treasures.  Sixty  years  have  passed 
but  the  Indians  of  the  Coast  still  keep  alive  the 
tradition  of  bearded  men  floating  in  from  the 
sea  on  the  backs  of  monster  white  winged  birds, 
and  they  still  watch  for  the  return  of  their 
strange  visitors.  Sixty  years  pass  and  again  the 
Indian  watchers  by  the  sea  discern  mysterious 
white  winged  objects  floating  in  upon  the  waters 
of  the  bays  and  harbors  of  California.  These  are 
the  ships  of  Sebastian  Viscaino's  fleet. 

Whether  the  faulty  reckoning  of  Cabrillo  left 
\'iscaino  in  doubt  of  the  points  named  by  the 
first  discoverer  or  whether  it  was  that  he  might 
receive  the  credit  of  their  discovery — ^Viscaino 
changed  the  names  given  by  Cabrillo  to  the 
islands,  bays  and  headlands  along  the  coast : 
San  Miguel  of  Cabrillo  became  San  Diego,  so 
named  for  Viscaino's  flag  ship ;  San  Salvador 
and  La  Vitoria  became  Santa  Catalina  and  San 
Clemente ;  and  Cabrillo's  Bahia  de  Los  Fumos 
appears  on  Viscaino's  map  as  the  Ensenada  de 
San  Andre.s — the  bight  or  cove  of  St.  An- 
drew ;  but  in  a  description  of  the  voyage  com- 
])ilod  by  the  cosmographer,  Cabrera  Bueno,  it 
is  named  San  Pedro.  It  is  not  named  for  the 
apostle  St.  Peter,  as  is  generally  supposed,  but 
for  St.  Peter,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  whose  day 
in  the  Catholic  calendar  is  November  26,  the 
(lav  nf  the  month  that  Viscaino  anchored  in  the 

bay.  St.  Peter,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  lived  in 
the  third  century  after  Christ.  He  was  be- 
headed by  order  of  the  African  proconsul 
Galerius  Maxinuis,  during  the  persecution  of 
the  Christians  under  the  Roman  Emperor 
Valerian.  The  day  of  his  death  was  November 
26,  A.  D.  258. 

Viscaino  found  clouds  of  smoke  hanging  over 
the  headlands  and  bays  of  the  coast  just  as 
Cabrillo  had  sixty  years  before,  and  for  cen- 
turies preceding,  no  doubt,  the  same  phenom- 
enon might  have  been  seen  in  the  autumn  days 
of  each  year.  The  smoky  condition  of  the  at- 
mosphere was  caused  by  the  Indians  burning 
the  dry  grass  of  the  plains.  The  California 
Indian  of  the  coast  was  not  like  Nimrod  of  old, 
a  mighty  hunter.  He  seldom  attacked  any 
fiercer  animal  than  the  festive  jack  rabbit.  Nor 
were  his  futile  weapons  always  sure  to  bring 
down  the  fleeted-footed  conejo.  So,  to  supply 
his  larder,  he  was  compelled  to  resort  to 
strategy.  When  the  summer  heat  had  dried  the 
long  grass  of  the  plains  and  rendered  it  exceed- 
ingly inflammable  the  hunters  of  the  Indian 
villages  set  out  on  hunting  expeditions.  Mark- 
ing out  a  circle  on  the  plains  where  the  dried 
vegetation  was  the  thickest  they  fired  the  grass 
at  several  points  in  the  circle.  The  fire  eating 
inward  drove  the  rabbits  and  other  small  game 
back  and  forth  across  the  narrowing  area  until, 
blinded  with  heat  and  scorched  by  the  flames, 
they  perished.  When  the  flames  had  subsided 
the  Indian  secured  the  spoils  of  the  chase, 
slaughtered  and  ready  cooked.  The  scorched 
and  blackened  carcasses  of  the  rabbits  might  not 
be  a  tempting  tidbit  to  an  epicure,  but  the  In- 
dian was  not  an  epicure. 

Viscaino  sailed  up  the  coast,  following  very 
nearly  the  same  route  as  Cabrillo.  Passing 
through  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel,  he  found 
many  populous  Indian  ranchcrias  on  the  main- 
land and  the  islands.  The  inhabitants  were  ex- 
pert seal  hunters  and  fishermen,  and  were  pos- 
sessed of  a  number  of  large,  finely  constructed 
canoes.  From  one  of  the  villages  on  the  coast 
near  Point  Reyes  the  chief  visited  him  on  his 
ship  and  among  other  inducements  to  remain  in 
the  country  he  offered  to  give  to  each  Spaniard 
ten  wives.  Viscaino  declined  the  chief's  prof- 
fered hospitality  and  the  wives.  A'iscaino's  ex- 
plorations did  not  extend  further  north  than 
those  of  Cabrillo  and  Drake.  The  principal  ob- 
ject of  his  explorations  was  to  find  a  harbor  of 
refuge  for  the  Manila  galleons.  These  vessels 
on  their  outward  voyage  to  the  Philippine 
Islands  kept  within  the  tropics,  but  on  their 
return,  they  sailed  up  the  Asiatic  coast  to  the 
latitude  of  Japan,  where,  taking  advantage  of 
the  westerly  winds  and  the  Japan  current,  they 




crossed  over  to  about  Cape  Mendocino  and  then 
ran  down  the  coast  of  California  and  Mexico 
to  Acapulco.  Viscaino,  in  the  port  he  named 
Monterey  after  Conde  de  Monterey,  the  then 
Viceroy  of  New  Spain  (Mexico),  claimed  to 
have  discovered  the  desired  harbor. 

In  a  letter  to  the  King  of  Spain  written  by 
Viscaino  from  the  city  of  Mexico,  May  23, 
1603,  he  gives  a  glowing  description  of  Cali- 
fornia. As  it  is  the  earliest  known  specimen  of 
California  boom  literature  I  transcribe  a  por- 
tion of  it :  "Among  the  ports  of  greater  con- 
sideration which  I  discovered  was  one  in  thirty- 
seven  degrees  of  latitude  which  I  called  Mon- 
terey. As  I  wrote  to  Your  Majesty  from  that 
port  on  the  28th  of  December  (1602)  it  is  all 
that  can  be  desired  for  commodiousness  and  as 
a  station  for  ships  making  the  voyage  to  the 
Philippines,  sailing  whence  they  make  a  land- 
fall on  this  coast.  This  port  is  sheltered  from  all 
winds,  while  on  the  immediate  coast  there  are 
pines,  from  which  masts  of  any  desired  size  can 
be  obtained,  as  well  as  live  oaks  and  white  oaks, 
rosemary,  the  vine,  the  rose  of  Alexandria,  a 
great  variety  of  game,  such  as  rabbits,  hares, 
partridges  and  other  sorts  and  species  found 
in  Spain  and  in  greater  abundance  than  in  the 
Sierra  Morena  (Mts.  of  Spain)  and  flying  birds, 
of  kinds  differing  from  those  to  be  found  there. 
This  land  has  a  genial  climate,  its  waters  are 
good,  and  it  is  very  fertile,  judging  from  the 
varied  and  luxuriant  growth  of  trees  and 
plants;  for  I  saw  some  of  the  fruits,  particularly 
chestnuts  and  acorns,  which  are  larger  than 
those  of  Spain.  And  it  is  thickly  settled  with 
people,  whom  I  found  to  be  of  gentle  disposi- 
tion, peaceable  and  docile,  and  who  can  be 
brought  readily  within  the  fold  of  the  holy  gos- 
pel and  into  subjection  to  the  Crown  of  Your 
Majesty.  Their  food  consists  of  seeds,  which 
they  have  in  abundance  and  variety,  and  of  the 
flesh  of  game,  such  as  deer,  which  are  larger 
than  cows,  and  bear,  and  of  neat  cattle  and 
bisons  and  many  other  animals.  The  Indians 
are  of  good  stature  and  fair  complexion,  the 
women  being  somewhat  less  in  size  than  the 
men  and  of  pleasing  countenance.  The  cloth- 
ing of  the  people  of  the  coast  lands  consists 
of  the  skins  of  the  sea  wolves  (otter),  abound- 
ing there,  which  they  tan  and  dress  better  than  is 
done  in  Castile ;  they  possess  also  in  great  quan- 
tity, flax  like  that  of  Castile,  hemp  and  cotton, 
from  which  they  make  fishing  lines  and  nets  for 
rabbits  and  hares.  They  have  vessels  of  pine- 
wood  very  well  made,  in  which  they  go  to  sea 
with  fourteen  paddle  men  of  a  side  with  great 
dexterity,  even  in  very  stormy  weather.  I  was 
informed  by  them  and  by  many  others  I  met 
with  in  great  numbers  along  more  than  eight 

hundred  leagues  of  a  thickly  settled  coast  that 
inland  there  are  great  communities,  which  they 
invited  me  to  visit  with  them.  They  manifested 
great  friendship  for  us,  and  a  desire  for  inter- 
course; were  well  affected  towards  the  image 
of  Our  Lady  which  I  showed  to  them,  and  very 
attentive  to  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass.  They 
worship  different  idols,  for  an  account  of  which 
I  refer  to  said  report  of  your  viceroy,  and  they 
arc  well  acquainted  with  silver  and  gold  and 
said  that  these  were  found  in  the  Interior." 

When  Sebastian  Viscaino  took  his  pen  in 
hand  to  describe  a  country  he  allowed  his  imag- 
ination full  play.  He  was  a  veritable  Munchau- 
sen for  exaggeration.  Many  of  the  plants  and 
animals  he  describes  were  not  found  in  Califor- 
nia at  the  time  of  his  visit.  The  natives  were 
not  clothed  in  well  tanned  sea  otter  skins,  but 
in  their  own  sun  tanned  skins,  with  an  occa- 
sional smear  of  paint  to  give  variety  to  the 
dress  nature  had  provided  them.  The  hint 
about  the  existence  of  gold  in  California  is  very 
ingeniously  thrown  in  to  excite  the  cupidity  of 
the  king.  The  object  of  \'iscaino's  boom  lit- 
erature of  three  hundred  years  ago  was  similar 
to  that  sent  in  modern  times.  He  was  agitating 
a  scheme  for  the  colonization  of  the  country  he 
was  describing.  He  visited  Spain  to  obtain  per- 
mission and  means  from  the  king  to  plant  col- 
onies in  California.  After  many  delays  Philip 
HI.  ordered  the  Viceroy  of  New  Spain  in  1606 
to  immediately  fit  out  an  expedition  to  be  com- 
manded by  Viscaino  for  the  occupation  and 
settlement  of  the  port  of  Monterey.  Before  the 
expedition  could  be  gotten  ready  Viscaino  died 
and  the  colonization  scheme  died  with  him.  Had 
it  not  been  for  his  untimely  death  the  settle- 
ment of  California  would  have  antedated  that  of 
Jamestown,  Va. 

Although  Ulloa  and  Alarcon  had  reached  the 
head  of  the  Gulf  of  California  and  the  latter,  in 
1540,  had  discovered  the  Colorado  river;  and 
despite  the  fact  that  Domingo  del  Castillo,  a 
Spanish  pilot,  had  made  a  correct  map  showing 
Lower  California  to  be  a  peninsula,  so  strong 
was  the  belief  in  the  existence  of  the  Straits  of 
Anian  that  one  hundred  and  sixty  years  after 
the  discoveries  of  these  explorers,  "Las  Cali- 
fornias"  were  still  believed  to  be  islands;  and 
were  sometimes  called  Islas  Carolinas  or  Char- 
les' Islands  (named  for  Charles  II..  of  Spain). 
To  the  German  Jesuit  Missionary,  Father  Kuhn, 
better  known  by  his  Spanish  appellation.  Father 
Kino,  belongs  the  credit  of  finally  dissipating  the 
fallacy,  that  California  was  an  island  or  several 
islands.  Between  1694  and  1701  he  made  five 
explorations  to  the  country  around  the  head  of 
the  Gulf  of  California  and  the  junction  of  the 
Gila  and  Colorado.  In  1701  he  crossed  the  Colo- 


rado  to  the  California  side  and  learned  from  the 
natives  that  the  ocean  was  only  ten  days'  jour- 
ney to  the  westward,  but  unable  to  take  his  pack 
animals  across  the  river,  he  was  compelled  to 

give  up  a  journey  to  the  sea  coast.  He  had 
planned  a  chain  of  missions  to  extend  up  the 
peninsula  into  Alta  or  Nueva  California,  but 
died  before  he  could  carry  out  his  scheme. 

CHAPTER   111. 


THE  aggrandizement  of  Spain's  empire, 
whether  by  conquest  or  colonization, 
was  alike  the  work  of  state  and  church. 
The  sword  and  the  cross  were  equally  the  em- 
blems of  the  conquistador  (conqueror)  and  the 
poblador  (colonist).  The  king  sent  his  soldiers 
to  conquer  and  hold,  the  church  its  well-trained 
servants  to  proselyte  and  colonize.  Spain's  pol- 
icy of  exclusion,  which  prohibited  foreigners 
from  settling  in  Spanish-American  countries, 
retarded  the  growth  and  development  of  her 
colonial  possessions.  Under  a  decree  of  Philip 
II.  it  was  death  to  any  foreigner  who  should 
enter  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  or  any  of  the  lands 
bordering  thereon.  It  was — as  the  Kings  of 
Spain  found  to  their  cost — one  thing  to  utter  a 
decree,  but  quite  another  to  enforce  it.  Under 
such  a  policy  the  only  means  left  to  Spain  to  hold 
her  vast  colonial  possessions  was  to  proselyte 
the  natives  of  the  countries  conquered  and  to 
transform  them  into  citizens.  This  had  proved 
effective  with  the  semi-civilized  natives  of  Mex- 
ico and  Peru,  but  with  the  degraded  Indians  of 
California  it  was  a  failure. 

After  the  abandonment  of  Viscaino's  coloniza- 
tion scheme  of  1606,  a  hundred  and  sixty-two 
years  passed  before  the  Spanish  crown  made 
another  attempt  to  utilize  its  vast  possessions  in 
Upper  California.  Every  year  of  this  long  in- 
terval, the  Manila  ships  had  sailed  down  the 
coast,  but  none  of  them,  so  far  as  we  know,  with 
one  exception  (the  San  Augustin  which  was 
wrecked  in  Sir  Francis  Drake's  Bay),  had  ever 
entered  its  bays  or  its  harbors.  Spain  was  no 
longer  a  first-class  power  on  land  or  sea.  Those 
brave  old  sea  kings — Drake,  Hawkins  and  Fro- 
bisher — had  destroyed  her  invincible  Armada 
and  burned  her  ships  in  her  very  harbors,  the 
English  and  Dutch  privateers  had  preyed  upon 
her  commerce  on  the  high  seas,  and  the  bucca- 
neers had  robbed  her  treasure  ships  and  devastat- 
ed her  settlements  on  the  islands  and  the  Span- 
ish main,  while  the  freebooters  of  many  na- 
tions had  time  and  again  captured  her  Manila 
galleons  and  ravished  her  colonies  on  the  Pacific 
Coast.  The  profligacy  and  duplicity  of  her  kings, 
the  avarice  and  intrigues  of  her  nobles,  the  atroc- 

ities and  inhuman  barbarities  of  her  holy  inqui- 
sition had  sapped  the  vitality  of  the  nation  and 
subverted  the  character  of  her  people.  Although 
Spain  had  lost  prestige  and  her  power  was  stead- 
ily declining  she  still  held  to  her  colonial  pos- 
sessions. But  these  were  in  danger.  England, 
her  old-time  enemy,  was  aggressive  and  grasp- 
ing; and  Russia,  a  nation  almost  unknown 
when  Spain  was  in  her  prime,  was  threatening 
her  possessions  on  the  northwest  coast  of  the 
Pacific.  The  scheme  to  provide  ports  of  refuge 
for  the  Manila  ships  on  their  return  voyages, 
which  had  been  held  in  abeyance  for  a  hundred 
and  sixty  years,  was  again  revived,  and  to  it  was 
added  the  project  of  colonizing  California  to 
resist  Russian  aggression. 

The  sparsely  inhabited  colonial  dominions  of 
Spain  can  furnish  but  few  immigrants.  Califor- 
nia, to  be  held,  must  be  colonized.  So  again 
church  and  state  act  in  concert  for  the  physical 
and  spiritual  conquest  of  the  country.  The 
sword  will  convert  where  the  cross  fails.  The 
natives  who  prove  tractable  are  to  be  instructed 
in  the  faith  and  kept  under  control  of  the  clergy 
until  they  are  trained  for  citizenship ;  those  who 
resist,  the  soldiers  convert  with  the  sword  and 
the  bullet. 

The  missions  established  by  the  Jesuits  on  the 
peninsula  of  Lower  California  between  1697  and 
1766  had,  by  royal  decree,  been  given  to  the 
Franciscans  and  the  Jesuits  expelled  frdin  all 
Spanish  countries.  To  the  Franciscans  was  en- 
trusted the  conversion  of  the  gentiles  of  the 
north.  In  1768  the  visitador-gcneral  of  New- 
Spain,  Jose  de  Galvez,  began  the  preparation  of 
an  expedition  to  colonize  Upper  or  New  Califor- 
nia. The  state,  in  this  colonization  scheme,  was 
represented  liy  Governor  Caspar  de  Portola,  and 
the  church  by  Father  Junipero  Serra.  Two  ex- 
peditions were  to  be  sent  by  land  and  two  by  sea. 
On  the  9th  of  January,  1769,  the  San  Carlos  was 
despatched  from  La  Paz,  and  the  San  Antonio 
from  San  Lucas  on  the  15th  of  February.  The 
first  vessel  reached  the  port  of  San  Diego  in  no 
days,  and  the  second  in  57  days.  Such  were  the 
uncertainties  of  ocean  travel  before  the  age  of 
steam.     On  the   14th  of  May,  the  first  land  ex- 



]>c<litic)n  rcaclK'd  San  l)icL,'t'  and  fonml  tlic  San 
Antonio  and  San  Carlos  anchored  there.  On 
the  1st  of  July  the  last  land  expedition,  with 
which  came  Governor  Portola  and  Father  Juni- 
pero  Serra,  arrived.  On  the  i6th  of  July  the 
mission  of  San  Diego  was  founded,  and  thus, 
two  hundred  and  twenty-seven  years  after  its  dis- 
covery, the  first  effort  at  tlie  colonization  of 
California  was  made. 

The  ravages  of  the  scurvy  had  destroyed  the 
crew  of  one  of  the  vessels  and  crippled  that  of 
the  other,  so  it  was  impossible  to  proceed  by 
sea  to  Monterey,  the  chief  objective  point  of  the 
expedition.  A  land  force,  composed  of  seventy- 
five  officers  and  soldiers  and  two  friars,  was  or- 
ganized under  Governor  Caspar  de  Portola  and 
on  the  14th  of  July  set  out  for  Monterey  Bay. 
On  the  2d  of  August,  1769,  the  explorers  dis- 
covered a  river  which  they  named  the  Porciun- 
cula  (now  the  Los  Angeles).  That  night  they 
encamped  within  the  present  limits  of  the  city 
of  Los  Angeles.  Their  camp  was  named  Neus- 
tra  Senora  de  Los  Angeles.  They  proceeded 
northward,  following  the  coast,  but  failed  to  find 
Monterey  Bay;  Viscaino's  exaggerated  descrip- 
tion deceived  them.  They  failed  to  recognize  in 
the  open  ensenada  his  land-locked  harbor.  Pass- 
ing on  they  discovered  the  Bay  of  San  Fran- 
cisco. On  their  return,  in  January,  they  came 
down  the  San  Fernando  Valley,  crossed  the  Ar- 
royo Seco,  near  the  present  site  of  Garvaiiza, 
passed  over  into  the  San  Gabriel  Valley  and  fol- 
lowed down  a  river  they  called  the  San  ^liguel, 
and  crossing  it  at  the  Paso  de  Bartolo  and 
thence  by  their  former  trail,  they  returned  to 
San  Diego.  In  1770,  Governor  Portola,  with 
another  expedition,  again  set  out  from  San  Di- 
ego by  his  former  route  to  search  for  the  Bay  of 
Monterey.  There,  on  the  3d  of  June,  1770, 
Father  Junipero  Serra,  who  had  come  by  sea 
from  San  Diego,  founded  the  mission  of  San 
Carlos  Borromco  de  Monterey,  the  second  mis- 
sion founded  in  California,  and  Portola  took 
possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the 
king  of  Spain.  The  founding  of  new  missions 
progres.scd  steadily.  .\t  the  close  of  the  century 
eighteen  had  been  founded,  and  a  chain  of  these 
missionary  establishments  extended  from  San 
Diego  to  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco.  The  neo- 
phyte population  of  these,  in  1800,  numbered 
fourteen  thousand  souls. 

The  buildings  of  the  different  missions  of  Cali- 
fornia were  constructed  after  the  same  general 
plan  ;  the  principal  variation  being  in  the  archi- 
tecture of  the  church.  Col.  J.  J.  Warner,  a 
pioneer  of  1831,  who  saw  tlic  missions  in  their 
prime,  thus  describes  the  missionary  establish- 
ments :  "As  soon  after  the  founding  of  a  mis- 
sion as  its  circninstauccs  would  permit,  a  large 

pilr  of  i)uildings  in  the  form  of  a  (luadrangle. 
composed  in  part  of  burnt  brick  but  chiefly  of 
sun-dried  ones,  was  erected  around  a  spacious 
court.  A  large  and  capacious  church  which  usu- 
ally occupied  one  of  the  outei"  corners  of  the 
(|uadrangle,  was  a  necessary  and  conspicuous 
part  of  the  pile.  In  these  massive  buildings 
covered  with  red  tile,  were  the  habitation  of  the 
friars,  rooms  for  guests,  and  for  the  major- 
domos  and  their  families,  hospital  wards,  store 
houses  and  granaries,  rooms  for  the  carding, 
spinning  and  weaving  of  woolen  fabrics,  shops 
for  blacksmiths,  joiners  and  carpenters,  sad- 
dlers, shoemakers,  soap  boilers,  and  cellars  for 
storing  the  products  (wine  and  brandy)  of  the 
vineyards.  Near  the  habitation  of  the  friars  and 
in  front  of  the  large  building,  another  building 
of  similar  materials  was  placed  and  used  as  quar- 
ters for  a  small  number — about  a  corporal's 
guard  of  soldiers,  tmder  command  of  a  non- 
commissioned ofificer,  to  hold  the  Indian  neo- 
phytes in  check,  as  well  as  to  protect  the  mission 
from  the  attacks  of  the  hostile  Indians.  The 
soldiers  at  each  mission  also  acted  as  couriers, 
carrying  from  mission  to  mission  the  corre- 
spondence of  the  government  officers  and  the 
friars.  These  small  detachments  of  soldiers 
which  were  stationed  at  each  mission  were  fur- 
nished by  one  or  the  other  of  the  military  posts 
at  San  Diego  or  Santa  Barbara  both  of  which 
were   military  garrisons." 

The  location  of  a  mission  was  decided  by  the 
number  of  Indians  in  the  immediate  neighbor- 
hood who  could  be  brought  into  the  fold.  As 
the  Indian  rancherias  were  located  near  a  stream 
and  in  the  most  fertile  part  of  the  valley,  the 
missionary  establishments  with  but  very  few  ex- 
ceptions occupied  the  best  agricultural  lands  of 
California.  It  was  not  so  much  the  padres  as 
the  Indians  who  decided  the  location.  These 
establishments  were  separated  far  enough  so 
tliat  their  jurisdiction  did  not  conflict.  Their 
distance  apart  varied  from  twenty  to  sixty  miles. 
Each  mission  was  directed  by  two  friars.  One  of 
these  superintended  the  mission  buildings  and 
conducted  the  religious  instruction  of  the  Indi- 
ans. The  other  supervised  the  business  affairs 
of  the  mission,  but  it  frequently  happened  that 
where  one  of  the  padres  was  a  man  of  great 
force  of  character,  like  Zalvidea  at  San  Gabriel 
and  Peyri  at  San  Luis  Rey,  he  ruled  supreme 
in  all  capacities,  and  there  was  no  division  of 

It  is  useless  to  discuss  what  the  missions 
miglit  have  accomplished  for  the  Indian  had  not 
the  "blight  of  secularization"  struck  them.  From 
their  own  statistics  it  becomes  evident  that  at 
the  large  death  rate  which  prevailed  in  them 
and  their  rapid  decline  in  population  during  the 



lifu-L'ii  to  t\vciit\ -Nears  previmis  to  seculariza- 
tion, the  neophytes  would  in  two  or  three  dec- 
ades at  most  have  become  practically  extinct 
and  the  missions  tenantless. 

What  under  most  favorable  conditions  and  the 
ablest  management  they  did  accomplish  for  the 
Indian  was  perhaps  best  shown  at  San  Gabriel 
under  the  rule  of  Zalvidea. 

LTnder  him  San  Gabriel  became  the  most  per- 
fect type  of  the  missionary  establishments  of 
Aha  California  and  the  best  illustration  of  what 
the  mission  system  under  the  most  favorable 
circumstances  could  and  did  accomplish  for  the 

Padre  Zalvidea  came  to  the  mission  in  1806 
and  was  removed  to  Capistrano  in  1826.  He 
was  a  clerical  Napoleon — a  man  born  to  rule  in 
any  sphere  of  life  into  which  he  might  be 
thrown.  Hugo  Reid  says,  "He  possessed  a  pow- 
erful mind,  which  was  as  ambitious  as  it  was 
powerful,  and  as  cruel  as  it  was  ambitious.  He 
remodeled  the  general  system  of  government  at 
the  mission,  putting  everything  in  order  and 
placing  every  person  in  his  proper  station. 
Everything  under  him  was  organized  and  that 
organization  kept  up  with  the  lash." 

"The  neophytes  were  taught'  trades;  there 
were  soap  makers,  tanners,  shoemakers,  car- 
penters, blacksmiths,  bakers,  fishermen,  brick 
and  tile  makers,  cart  makers,  weavers,  deer 
hunters,  saddle  makers,  shepherds  and  vaqueros. 
Large  soap  works  were  erected,  tannery  yards 
established,  tallow  works,  cooper,  blacksmith, 
carpenter  and  other  shops,  all  in  operation. 
Large  spinning  rooms,  where  might  be  seen  50 
or  60  women  turning  their  spindles  merrily ;  and 
there  were  looms  for  weaving  wool,  cotton  and 

llax.  Storehouses  filled  with  grain,  and  ware- 
houses of  manufactured  products  testified  to  the 
industry  of  the  Indians." 

The  Mission  San  Gabriel  became  the  largest 
manufacturing  center  in  California.  Zalvidea  in 
a  short  time  mastered  the  language  of  the  natives 
and  preached  to  them  every  Sunday  in  their  own 
tongue.  He  looked  closely  after  their  morals 
and  instilled  industry  into  them  with  the  lash. 
Reid  says,  "He  seemed  to  consider  whipping  as 
meat  and  drink  to  them,  for  they  had  it  night 
and  morning."  The  mission  furnished  besides 
its  own  workmen  laborers  for  the  rancheros  and 
the  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles.  The  old  Church  of 
Our  Lady  of  the  Angeles  was  built  by  neophyte 
laborers  and  mechanics  from  the  mission,  hired 
out  at  the  compensation  of  one  real  (i2i  cents) 
a  day. 

It  would  seem,  from  the  industrial  training 
the  natives  had  received  through  the  three  gen- 
erations that  came  on  the  stage  of  action  in  mis- 
sion life  between  1770  and  1835,  that  they  might 
have  become  self-dependent  and  self  support- 
ing; that  they  might  have  become  capable  of 
self-government  and  fitted  for  citizenship  under 
Spain,  which  was  the  purpose  for  which  the  mis- 
sions were  established ;  and  yet  we  find  them, 
at  San  Gabriel  in  little  more  than  a  decade  from 
the  time  wdien  Zalvidea  had  raised  this  mission 
to  such  industrial  eminence,  helpless  and  incap- 
able— the  serf  and  the  slave  of  the  white  man, 
or  savage  renegades  in  the  mountains. 

The  causes  that  brought  about  the  seculariza- 
tion of  the  missions,  the  defects  in  the  mission 
system,  and  the  decline  and  fall  of  the  neophyte 
will  be  discussed  in  a  subsequent  chapter. 



TO  THEORIZE  upon  the  origin  of  the 
California  Indians  would  be  as  unprofita- 
ble as  to  attempt  the  solution  of  the 
ethnological  problem  of  why,  living  in  a  country 
with  a  genial  climate,  a  productive  soil  and  all 
the  requisites  necessary  to  develop  a  superior 
race,  the  aborigines  of  California  should  have 
been  among  the  most  degraded  specimens  of 
the  North  American  Indians. 

In  1542,  when  Cabrillo  sailed  along  the  coast 
of  California,  he  found  villages  of  half-naked 
savages  subsisting  by  fishing  and  on  the  natural 
products  of  the  soil.  Two  hundred  and  twenty- 
seven  years  later,  when  Portola  led  his  expedi- 

tion from  San  Diego  to  Monterey,  he  found  the 
natives  existing  under  the  same  conditions.  Two 
centuries  had  wrought  no  change  in  them  for 
the  better;  nor  is  it  probable  that  ten  centuries 
would  have  made  any  material  improvement  in 
their  condition.  They  seemed  incapable  of 

The  Indians  of  the  interior  valleys  and  those 
of  the  coast  belonged  to  the  same  general  family. 
There  were  no  great  tribal  divisions  like  those 
that  existed  among  the  Indians  cast  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  Each  ranrlu-ria  was  to  a 
certain  extent  independent  of  all  others,  al- 
though at  times  they  were  known  to  combine 


for  war  or  plunder.  Although  not  warlike,  they 
sometimes  resisted  the  whites  in  brittle  with 
bravery  and  intelligence. 

Each  village  had  its  own  territory  in  which  to 
lumt  and  fish  and  its  own  section  in  which  to 
gather  nuts,  seeds  and  herbs.  While  their  mode 
of  living  was  somewhat  nomadic,  they  seem  to 
have  had  a  fixed  location  for  their  ranchcrias. 
Some  of  these  ranchcrias,  or  towns,  were  quite 
large.  Hugo  Reid  places  the  number  of  their 
towns  within  the  limits  of  what  was  Los  Angeles 
County  in  185 1  at  forty.  "Their  huts,"  he  says 
"were  made  of  sticks  covered  in  around  with 
flag  mats  worked  or  plaited,  and  each  village 
generally  contained  from  500  to  1,500  huts. 
Suanga  (near  what  is  now  the  site  of  Wilming- 
ton) was  the  largest  and  most  populous  village, 
being  of  great  extent."  If  these  huts  were  all 
occupied  by  families  Reid's  estimate  of  the  size 
of  the  Indian  towns  is  evidently  too  large.  Por- 
tola's  expedition  found  no  very  populous  towns 
when  it  passed  through  this  section  in  1769. 

The  Indian  village  of  Yang-na  was  located 
within  the  present  limits  of  Los  Angeles  City. 
It  was  a  large  town,  as  Indian  towns  go.  Its 
location  was  between  what  is  now  Aliso  and 
First  Street,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Alameda 
Street.  Father  Crespi,  one  of  the  two  Francis- 
can friars  who  accompanied  Portola's  expedi- 
tion, in  his  diary  thus  describes  the  first  meeting 
of  the  white  men  and  the  Indian  inhabitants  of 
Yang-na:  "Immediately  at  our  arrival  about 
eight  Indians  came  to  visit  us  from  a  large 
ranchcria  situated  pleasantly  among  the  woods 
lOn  the  river's  bank.  The  gentiles  made  us  pres- 
Jents  of  trays  heaped  with  pinales,  chia*  and  other 
'lerbs.  The  captain  carried  a  string  of  shell 
jeads  and  they  threw  us  three  handfuls.  Some 
of  the  old  men  smoked  from  well-made  clay 
bowls,  blowing  three  times,  smoke  in  our  faces. 
We  gave  them  some  tobacco  and  a  few  beads 
and  they  retired  well  satisfied." 

On  the  evening  of  August  2,  the  expedition 
had  encamped  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  near 
the  point  where  the  Downey  Avenue  bridge  now 
crosses  it. 

I'ather  Crespi  continues,  "Thursday  (August 
3,  1769),  at  half  p:ist  six,  we  set  out  and  forded 
the  Porciuncula  River,  where  it  leaves  the  moun- 
tains to  enter  the  jilain."  (This  would  be  about 
where  the  Buena  \  isla  Street  bridge  now  spans 
the  river.)     "After  crossing  the  river  we  found 

*  Chia,  which  Father  Crespi  frequently  mentions  in 
Ills  diary,  is  a  small,  gray,  oblong  seed,  procured  from 
a  plant  having  a  number  01  seed  vessels  on  a  straight 
slalk,  one  above  another,  liko  wild  sage.  This,  roasted 
and  ground  into  meal,  was  eaten  with  cold  water,  being 
of  a  glutinous  consistency  and  very  cooling.  It  was  a 
favorite  article  of  food  with  the  Indians. 

ourselves  in  a  vineyard  among  wild  grape  vines 
and  nuinerous  rose  bushes  in  full  bloom.  The 
ground  is  of  a  rich,  black,  clayish  soil,  and  will 
produce  whatever  kind  of  grain  one  may  desire 
to  cultivate.  We  kept  on  our  road  to  the  west, 
passing  over  like  excellent  pastures.  After  one- 
half  league's  march  we  approached  the  rancherij. 
of  this  locality.  Its  Indians  came  out  to  meet  us 
lioivling  like  zvolvcs.  We  also  greeted  them,  and 
they  wanted  to  make  us  a  gift  of  seeds,  but  not 
having  at  hand  wherein  to  carry  it  we  did  not 
accept  their  present.  The  Gentiles,  seeing  our 
refusal,  threw  a  few  handfuls  on  the  ground  and 
scattered  the  rest  to  the  wnnds." 

The  aborigines  of  Los  Angeles  seem  to  have 
been  a  hospitable  race.  From  their  throwing 
away  their  gifts  when  the  Spaniards  refused 
them  it  would  seem  that  it  was  a  violation  of  the 
rules  of  Indian  etiquette  to  take  back  a  present. 
Throughout  their  march  Portola's  explorers 
were  treated  hospitably  by  the  savages.  The 
Indians  lived  to  regret  their  kindness  to  the 

After  the  founding  of  San  Gabriel  the  In- 
dian dwellers  of  Yang-na  were  gathered  into  the 
mission  fold,  and  no  doubt  many  a  time  they 
howled  louder  under  the  lash  of  the  Mission 
major-domos  than  they  did  w'hen  w^ith  their 
tribal  yell  they  welcomed  the  Spaniards  to  their 
ranchcria  in  the  woods  by  the  river  called 

Hugo  Reid,  in  the  series  of  letters  referred  to 
in  a  previous  chapter  of  this  volume,  has  left  us 
an  account  of  the  mode  of  life,  the  religion,  the 
manners,  customs,  myths  and  traditions  of  the 
aborigines  who  once  inhabited  what  at  the  time 
he  wrote  (1851)  was  Los  Angeles  county.  Los 
.\ngeles  then  included,  besides  its  present  area, 
all  of  the  territory  now  in  Orange  and  San  Ber- 
nardino and  part  of  that  in  Kern  and  Riverside 
counties.  Reid  was  married  to  an  Indian  woinan 
and  had  exceptional  facilities  for  studying  them. 
I  regard  his  account  as  the  best  of  any  published. 
The  Indians  of  San  Diego  differed  but  little 
from  those  of  Los  Angeles.  From  these  letters 
I  briefly  collate  some  of  the  leading  character- 
istics of  the  Indians  of  Southern  California. 


"Before  the  Indians  belonging  to  the  greater 
part  of  this  county  were  known  to  the  whites 
they  comprised,  as  it  were,  one  great  family 
under  distinct  chiefs ;  they  spoke  nearly  the 
same  language,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
words,  and  were  more  to  be  distinguished  by  a 
local  intonation  of  the  voice  than  anything  else. 
Being  related  by  blood  and  tnarnage,  war  was 
never  carried  on  between  them.  When  war  was 
consequently  waged  against  neighboring  tribes 


of  no  affinity  it  was  a  common  cause.  *  *  * 
"The  government  of  the  people  was  invested 
in  the  hands  of  their  chiefs,  each  captain  com- 
manding his  own  lodge.  The  command  was 
hereditary  in  a  family.  If  the  right  line  of  de- 
scent ran  out  they  elected  one  of  the  same  kin 
nearest  in  blood.  Laws  in  general  were  made 
as  required,  with  some  few  standing  ones.  Rob- 
bery was  never  known  among  them.  Murder 
was  of  rare  occurrence  and  punished  with  death. 
Incest  was  likewise  punished  with  death,  being 
held  in  such  abhorrence  that  marriages  between 
kinsfolk  were  not  allowed.  The  manner  of  put- 
ting to  death  was  by  shooting  the  delinquent 
with  arrows.  If  a  quarrel  ensued  between  two 
parties  the  chief  of  the  lodge  took  cognizance 
in  the  case  and  decided  according  to  the  testi- 
mony produced.  But  if  a  quarrel  occurred  be- 
tween parties  of  distinct  lodges  each  chief  heard 
the  witnesses  produced  by  his  own  people,  and 
then,  associated  with  the  chief  of  the  opposite 
side,  they  passed  sentence.  In  case  they  could 
not  agree  an  impartial  chief  was  called  in,  who 
hoard  the  statements  made  by  both  and  he  alone 
decided.  There  was  no  appeal  from  his  decision. 
Whipping  was  never  resorted  to  as  a  punish- 
ment. All  fines  and  sentences  consisted  in  de- 
livering shell  money,  food  and  skins." 


"They  believed  in  one  God,  the  Maker  and 
Creator  of  all  things,  whose  name  was  and  is 
held  so  sacred  among  them  as  hardly  ever  to  be 
used,  and  when  used  only  in  a  low  voice.  That 
name  is  Qua-o-ar.  When  they  have  to  use  the 
name  of  the  Supreme  Being  on  an  ordinary  oc- 
casion they  substitute  in  its  stead  the  word  Y-yo- 
lia-ring-!iaiu,  or  'the  Giver  of  Life.'  They  have 
only  one  word  to  designate  life  and  soul." 

"The  world  was  at  one  time  in  ^a  state  of 
chaos,  until  God  gave  it  its  present*  formation, 
fi.xing  it  on  the  shoulders  of  seven  giants,  made 
expressly  for  this  end.  They  have  their  names, 
and  when  they  move  themselves  an  earthquake 
is  tlic  consequence.  Animals  were  then  formed, 
and  lastly  man  and  woman  were  formed,  sep- 
arately from  earth,  and  ordered  to  live  togetlier. 
The  man's  name  w  as  Tobohar  and  the  woman's 
Pobavit.  Go<l  ascended  to  Heaven  immediately 
afterwards,  where  he  receives  the  souls  of  all 
who  die.  They  had  no  bad  spirits  connected 
with  their  creed,  and  never  heard  of  a  'devil'  or  a 
'heir  until  tlie  coming  of  the  Spaniards.  They 
l)clieved  in  no  resurrection  whatever.  Having 
notliing  to  care  about  their  souls  it  made  them 
stoical  in  regard  to  death." 


"Cliicfs  had  one,  two  or  tlu'ce  wives,  a>  thrir 
inclination  dictated,  the  subjects  only  one.  Wlicn 

a  person  wished  to  marry  and  had  selected  a 
suitable  partner,  he  advertised  the  same  to  all  his 
relatives,  even  to  the  nineteenth  cousin.  On  a 
day  appointed  the  male  portion  of  the  lodge 
brought  in  a  collection  of  money  beads.  All  the 
relations  having  come  in  with  their  share,  they 
(the  males)  proceeded  in  a  body  to  the  residence 
of  the  bride,  to  whom  timely  notice  had  been 
given.  All  of  the  bride's  female  relations  had 
been  assembled  and  the  money  was  equally 
divided  among  them,  the  bride  receiving  noth- 
ing, as  it  was  a  sort  of  purchase.  After  a  few 
days  the  bride's  female  relations  returned  the 
compliment  by  taking  to  the  bridegroom's  dwell- 
ing baskets  of  meal  made  of  chia,  which  was  dis- 
tributed among  the  male  relatives.  These  pre- 
liminaries over,  a  day  was  fixed  for  the  cere- 
mony, which  consisted  in  decking  out  the  bride 
in  innumerable  strings  of  beads,  paint,  feathers 
and  skins.  On  being  ready  she  was  taken  up  in 
the  arms  of  one  of  her  strongest  male  relatives, 
who  carried  her  dancing,  toward  her  lover's  hab- 
itation. All  of  her  family,  friends  and  neighbors 
accompanied,  dancing  around,  throwing  food 
and  edible  seeds  at  her  feet  every  step,  which 
were  collected  in  a  scramble  as  best  they  could 
by  the  spectators.  The  relations  of  the  man  met 
them  half  way,  and,  taking  the  bride,  carried  her 
themselves,  joining  in  the  ceremonious  walking 
dance.  On  arriving  at  the  bridegroom's  (who 
was  sitting  within  his  hut)  she  was  inducted  into 
her  new  residence  by  being  placed  alongside  of 
her  husband,  while  baskets  of  seeds  were  liber- 
ally emptied  on  their  heads  to  denote  blessing 
and  plenty.  This  was  likewise  scrambled  for 
by  the  spectators,  who,  on  gathering. up  all  of 
the  bride's  seed  cake,  departed  leaving  them  to 
enjoy  their  honeymoon  according  to  usage.  A 
grand  dance  was  given  on  the  occasion,  the  war- 
riors doing  the  dancing;  the  young  women  do- 
ing the  singing.  The  wife  never  visited  her  rela- 
tions from  tliat  day  forth,  although  they  were  at 
liberty  to  visit  her." 

"When  a  person  died  all  the  kin  collected  to 
mourn  his  or  her  loss.  Each  one  had  his  own 
peculiar  mode  of  crying  or  howling,  as  easily 
distinguished  the  one  from  the  other  as  one  song- 
is  from  another.  After  lamentnig  awhile  a 
mourning  dirge  was  sung  in  a  low,  whining  tone, 
accompanied  by  a  shrill  whistle  produced  by 
blowing  into  the  tube  of  a  deer's  leg  bone.  Danc- 
ing can  hardly  be  said  to  have  formed  a  part  of 
the  rites,  as  it  was  merely  a  monotonous  action 
of  the  foot  on  the  ground.  This  was  continued 
ahernately  until  the  liody  showed  signs  of  decay, 
when  it  was  wrapjied  up  in  the  covering  used  in 
life.     The  hands  were  crossed  upon  tlie  breast 

■J  4 


ami  the  1)lk1\  lictl  from  head  to  foot.  A  grave 
having  been  dug  in  tlieir  burial  ground,  the  body 
was  deposited  with  seeds,  etc.,  according  to  the 
means  of  the  family.  If  the  deceased  were  the 
head  of  a  family  or  a  favorite  son,  the  hut  in 
which  he  lived  was  burned  up.  as  likewise  all  his 
personal  effects." 


"Animosity  between  persons  or  families  was 
of  long  duration,  particularly  between  those  of 
different  tribes.  These  feuds  descended  from 
father  to  son,  until  it  was  impossible  to  tell  for 
how  many  generations.  They  were,  however, 
harmless  in  themselves,  being  merely  a  war  of 
songs,  composed  and  sung  against  the  conflict- 
ing party,  and  they  were  all  of  the  most  obscene 
and  indecent  language  imaginable.  There  are 
two  families  at  this  day  (185 1)  whose  feud  com- 
menced before  Spaniards  were  even  dreamed  of, 
and  Ihey  still  continue  yearly  singmg  and  danc- 
ing against  each  other.  The  one  resides  at  the 
?*Iission  of  San  Gabriel  and  the  other  at  San 
Juan  Capistrano:  they  both  lived  at  San  Bernar- 
dino when  the  quarrel  commenced.  During  the 
singing  they  continue  stamping  on  the  ground 
to  express  the  pleasure  they  would  derive  from 
tramping  on  the  graves  of  their  foes.  Eight 
days  was  the  duration  of  the  song  fight." 


"From  the  bark  of  nettles  was  manufactured 
thread  for  nets,  fishing  lines,  etc.  Needles,  fish- 
hooks, awls  and  many  other  articles  were  made 
of  either  bone  or  shell ;  for  cutting  up  meat  a 
knife  of  cone  was  invariably  used.  Mortars  and 
pestles  were  made  of  granite.  Sharp  stones  and 
perseverance  were  the  only  things  used  in  their 
manufacture,  and  so  skillfully  did  they  combine 
the  two  that  their  work  was  always  remarkably 
miiform.  Their  pots  to  cook  in  were  made  of 
soapstone  of  about  an  inch  in  thickness,  and 
procured  from  the  Indians  of  Santa  Catalina. 
Their  baskets,  made  out  of  a  certain  species  of 
rush,  were  used  only  for  dry  purposes,  although 
they  were  waterproof.  The  vessels  in  use  for 
liquids  were  roughly  made  of  rushes  and  plas- 
tered outside  and  in  with  bitumen  or  pitch,  called 
by  them  'sanot.' " 

"The  Indians  of  the  Los  Angeles  valley  had 
an  elaborate  mythology.  The  Cahuilla  tribes 
have  a  tradition  of  their  creation,  .\ccording  to 
this  tradition  the  primeval  .'\dam  and  Eve  were 
created  by  the  Supreme  L'cing  in  the  waters  of 
a  nortliern  sea.  They  came  up  out  of  the  water 
ni)(Mi  the  land,  which  tliev  found  to  be  soft  aii<l 

miry.  They  traveled  southward  in  search  of  land 
suitable  for  their  sustenance  and  residence, 
which  they  found  at  last  upon  the  mountain 
ridges  of  Southern  California." 

Of  their  myths  and  traditions,  Hugo  Rcid 
says :  "They  were  of  incredible  length  and  con- 
tained more  metamorphoses  than  Ovid  could 
have  engendered  in  his  brain  had  he  lived  a  thou- 
sand years." 

Some  of  these  Indian  m_\  ths,  when  divested  of 
their  crudities  and  the  ideas  clothed  in  fitting 
language,  are  as  beautiful  and  as  poetical  as 
tJiose  of  Greece  or  Scandinavia. 

In  the  myth  given  below  there  is,  in  the  moral, 
a  marked  similarity  to  the  Grecian  fable  of  Or- 
pheus and  Eurydice.  The  central  thought  in 
each  is  the  impossibility  of  the  dead  returning  to 
earth.  To  more  clearly  illustrate  the  parallelism 
of  ideas,  I  give  a  brief  outline  of  the  Grecian 
myth : 

Eurydice,  stung  by  an  adder,  dies,  and  her 
spirit  is  borne  to  the  Plutonian  realms.  Orpheus, 
her  husband,  seeking  her,  enters  the  dread  abode 
of  the  god  of  the  lower  world.  He  strikes  his 
wonderful  lyre,  and  the  sweet  music  charms  the 
denizens  of  hades.  They  forget  their  sorrows 
and  cease  from  their  endless  tasks.  Pluto, 
charmed,  allows  Eurydice  to  depart  with  her 
lover  on  one  condition,  Orpheus  is  not  to  look 
upon  her  until  they  reach  the  upper  world.  He 
disobeys  and  she  is  snatched  from  him.  Discon- 
solate, he  wanders  over  the  earth  till  death 
unites  him  to  his  loved  one. 

Ages  ago.  so  runs  the  Indian  myth,  a  power- 
ful people  dwelt  on  the  banks  of  the  Arroyo 
Seco,  and  hunted  over  the  hills  and  plains  of 
what  are  now  our  modern  Pasadena  and  the 
\'alley  of  San  Fernando.  They  conunitted  a 
grievous  crime  against  the  Great  Spirit.  A  pes- 
tilence destroyed  them,  all  save  a  boy  and  a  girl, 
who  were  saved  by  a  foster  mother  possessed 
of  supernatural  powers.  They  grew  to  manhood 
and  womanhood,  and  became  husband  and  wife. 
Their  devotion  to  each  other  angered  the  foster 
mother,  who  fancied  herself  neglected.  She 
plotted  to  destroy  the  wife.  The  young  woman, 
divining  her  fate,  told  her  husband  that  should 
he  at  any  time  feel  a  tear  drop  on  his  shoulder, 
he  might  know  that  she  was  dead.  While  he  was 
away  hunting  the  dread  signal  came.  He  has- 
tened back  to  destroy  the  hag  who  had  brought 
death  to  his  wife,  but  the  sorceress  escaped.  Dis- 
consolate, he  threw  himself  on  the  grave  of  his 
wife.  For  three  days  he  neither  ate  nor  drank. 
On  the  third  day  a  whirlwind  arose  from  the 
grave  and  moved  toward  the  south.  Perceiving 
in  it  the  form  of  his  wife,  he  hastened  on  until 
he  overtook  it.  Then  a  voice  came  out  the 
cloud   saving:     "U'liillur   1    g<i   lliou   canst   not 


come.  Thou  art  of  eartli,  but  I  am  dead  to  tlic 
world.  Return,  my  husband,  return  !"  He  plead 
piteously  to  be  taken  with  her.  Slie  consenting, 
he  was  wrapt  in  the  cloud  with  her  and  borne 
;icross  the  illimitable  sea  that  separates  the  abode 
of  the  living  from  that  of  the  dead.  When  they 
reached  the  realms  of  ghosts  a  spirit  voice  said : 
"Sister,  thou  comest  to  us  with  an  order  of  earth  ; 
what  dost  thou  bring?"  Then  she  confessed  that 
she  had  brought  her  living  husband.  "Take  him 
away !"  said  a  voice,  stern  and  commanding.  She 
])lead  that  he  might  remain,  and  recounted  his 
many  virtues.  To  test  his  virtues,  the  spirits 
gave  him  four  labors.  First,  to  bring  a  feather 
from  the  top  of  a  pole  so  high  that  its  summit 
was  invisible.  Next,  to  split  a  hair  of  great 
length  and  exceeding  fineness;  third,  to  make 
on  the  ground  a  map  of  the  Constellation  of  the 
Lesser  Bear,  and  locate  the  North  Star,  and  last, 
to  slay  the  celestial  deer  that  had  the  form  of 
black  beetles  and  were  exceedingly  swift.  With 
the  aid  of  his  wife  he  accomplished  all  the  tasks. 
But  no  mortal  was  allowed  to  dwell  in  the  abodes 
of  death.  "Take  thou  thy  wife  and  return  with 
her  to  the  earth,"  said  the  spirit.  "Yet  remem- 
ber, thou  shalt  not  speak  to  her ;  thou  shalt  not 
touch  her  until  three  suns  have  passed.  A  pen- 
alty awaits  thy  disobedience."  He  promised. 
They  pass  from  the  spirit  land  and  travel  to  the 
confines  of  matter.  By  day  she  is  invisible,  but 
by  the  flickering  light  of  his  campfire  he  sees 
the  dim  outline  of  her  form.  Three  days  pass. 
As  the  sun  sinks  behind  the  western  hills  he 
builds  his  campfire.  She  appears  before  him 
in  all  the  beauty  of  life.  He  stretches  forth  his 
arms  to  embrace  her.  She  is  snatched  from  his 
grasp.  Although  invisible  to  him,  yet  the  upper 
rim  of  the  great  orb  of  day  hung  above  the  west- 
ern verge.  He  had  broken  his  promise.  Like 
Orpheus,  disconsolate,  he  wandered  over  the 
earth,  until,  relenting,  the  spirits  sent  their  ser- 
vant Death,  to  bring  him  to  Tecupar  (heaven). 

The  following  bears  a  resemblance  to  the 
Norse  myth  of  Gyoll,  the  River  of  Death  and  its 
glittering  bridge,  over  which  the  spirits  of  the 
dead  pass  to  Hel  or  the  land  of  the  spirits.  The 
Indian,  however,  had  no  idea  of  any  kind  of  a 
bridge  except  a  foot  log  across  a  stream.  The 
myth  in  a  crude  form  was  narrated  to  me  many 
years  ago  by  an  old  pioneer. 

According  to  this  myth  when  an  Indian  died 
his  spirit  form  was  conducted  by  an  unseen 
guide  over  a  mountain  trail  unknown  and  in- 
accessible to  mortals  to  a  rapidly  flowing  river 
that  separated  the  abode  of  the  living  from  that 
of  the  dead.  As  the  trail  descended  to  the  river 
it  branched  to  the  right  and  the  left.  The  right 
hand  path  led  to  a  foot  bridge  made  of  the  nuis- 
sive    trunk    of    a    rough-barked     pine     which 

spanned  the  Indian  Styx ;  the  left  led  to  a  slen- 
der, fresh-pealed  birch  pole  that  hung  high 
above  the  roaring  torrent.  At  the  parting  of 
the  trail  an  inexorable  fate  forced  the  bad  to 
the  left,  while  the  spirit  form  of  the  good  passed 
on  to  the  right  and  over  the  rough-barked  pine 
to  the  happy  hunting  grounds,  the  Indian 
heaven.  The  bad,  reaching  the  river's  brink  and 
gazing  longingly  upon  the  delights  beyond,  es- 
sayed to  cross  the  slippery  pole — a  slip,  a  slide, 
a  clutch  at  empty  space,  and  the  ghostly  spirit 
form  was  hurled  into  the  mad  torrent  below, 
and  was  borne  by  the  rushing  waters  into  a  vast 
Lethean  lake,  where  it  sank  beneath  the  waves 
and  was  blotted  from  existence  forever. 

The  Indians  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel, 
according  to  the  reports  of  the  early  explorers 
of  that  region,  were  somewhat  superior  in  ap- 
pearance and  intelligence  to  those  of  the  country 
further  south.  The  mainland  bordering  on  the 
channel  and  the  Channel  Islands  seem  to  have 
been  more  densely  populated  than  any  other 
portion  of  California.  These  natives  had  a  dif- 
ferent religious  belief,  or  at  least  a  different  god 
from  those  further  south.  The  god  of  the  Chan- 
nel Indians  was  named  Chupu.  He  was  the 
deification  of  good  and  Nunaxus  the  personifi- 
cation of  evil.  Chupu  created  Nunaxus,  who 
rebelled  against  his  creator  and  tried  to  over- 
throw him,  but  Chupu  was  all-powerful,  and  to 
punish  this  Indian  Satan,  he  created  man  who, 
devouring  the  animal  and  vegetable  products 
of  the  earth,  checked  the  physical  growth  of 
Nunaxus,  who  had  hoped  by  liberal  feeding  to 
become  like  unto  a  mountain.  Foiled  in  his 
ambition,  Nunaxus  ever  afterwards  sought  to  in- 
jure mankind. 

To  secure  the  protection  of  Chupu,  offerings 
were  made  to  him  and  dances  were  instituted  in 
his  honor.  Flutes  and  other  instruments  were 
played  to  attract  his  attention.  \\'hcn  Nunaxus 
brought  calamit)'  upon  the  Indians  in  the  shajK" 
of  dry  years  which  caused  a  dearth  of  animal 
and  vegetable  products  or  sent  sickness  to  af- 
flict them,  their  old  men  interceded  with  Chupu 
to  protect  them ;  and  to  exorcise  their  Satan 
they  shot  arrows  and  threw  stones  in  the  direc- 
tion in  which  he  was  supposed  to  be.  While 
Chupu  was  the  god  of  good  he  could  punish 
an  apostate  or  a  renegade  with  calamity  and 
death.  In  1801.  a  pulmonary  epidemic  destroyed 
great  numbers  of  the  Indians  in  the  Channel 
Missions.  Chupu  revealed  to  a  neophyte  in  a 
dream  that  the  plague  was  sent  upon  the  In- 
dians for  their  apostasy,  and  all  who  had  been 
baptized  would  die  unless  they  renounced 
Christianity.  The  story  of  the  revelation 
spread  among  tlie  nenphytcs  nf  thr  different 
missions  and  the\'  hastened  Id  propiliate  Chiiini 



with  offerings  and  to  divest  themselves  of  their 
Christianity.  The  plague  abated  and  the  In- 
dians returned  to  their  allegiance.  When  the 
padres  learned  what  had  been  going  on  they 

were  greatly  disturbed  for  they  knew  the  old 
superstition  was  still  prevalent  and  had  Chupu 
decreed  their  deaths  the  natives  would  have 
executed  his  will. 



OF  THE  twenty-one  Franciscan  Missions 
founded  in  California  from  1769  to  1823, 
nine  were  in  the  territory  now  desig- 
nated as  Southern  California.  Two  of  these, 
San  Diego  and  San  Luis  Rey,  were  located  in 
what  is  now  San  Diego  County;  one,  San  Juan 
Capistrano,  in  Orange ;  two,  San  Gabriel  and 
San  Fernando,  in  Los  Angeles;  one,  San  Buena- 
ventura, in  Ventura ;  and  three,  Santa  Barbara, 
La  Purisima  and  Santa  Inez,  are  in  Santa  Bar- 
bara County.  The  aststcncia,  or  auxiliary,  of 
San  Antonia  de  Pala  is  in  San  Diego  County. 
The  mission  buildings  of  San  Diego,  San  Juan 
Capistrano,  San  Fernando,  La  Purisima  and 
Santa  Inez  are  in  ruins.  The  church  buildings 
of  San  Luis  Rey,  San  Gabriel,  San  Buenaven- 
tura and  Santa  Barbara  are  in  a  fairly  good 
state  of  preservation  and  services  are  still  held 
in  them. 


The  four  expeditions  fitted  out  by  Jose  de 
Galvez  under  the  instructions  from  the  Viceroy 
of  New  Spain  for  the  physical  and  spiritual  con- 
quest of  Nueva  California  w'ere  all  united  at 
San  Diego  July  ist,  1769.  The  leaders,  Gov- 
ernor Caspar  de  Portola  and  President  Junipero 
Serra,  lost  no  time  in  beginning  their  work. 
On  the  14th  of  July,  Governor  Portola  set  out 
on  his  exploration  of  a  land  route  to  the  Bay 
of  Monterey  and  two  days  later  Father  Junipero 
Serra  founded  the  first  mission  in  California  for 
the  conversion  of  the  Indians. 

The  Mission  of  San  Diego  de  Alcalii  was 
founded  July  16,  1769,  by  the  president  of  the 
Lower  California  Missions,  Father  Junipero 
Serra.  The  original  site  was  at  a  place  called 
by  the  Indians  "Cosoy,"  near  the  presidio,  now 
Old  Town. 

Temporary  buildings  were  erected  here,  but 
the  location  proved  unsuitable  and  in  August, 
1774,  the  mission  was  removed  about  two 
leagues  up  the  San  Diego  River  to  a  place  called 
by  the  natives  "Nipauay."  Here  a  dwelling 
for  the  padres,  a  storehouse,  a  smithy  and  a 
wooden  church   18x57  feet  were  erected. 

The  mission  buildings  at  Cosoy  were  given 
np   to  tlie   ])residio   except    two  moms,  one   for 

the  visiting  priests  and  the  other  for  a  tem- 
porary store  room  for  mission  supplies  coming 
by  sea.  The  missionaries  had  been  fairly  suc- 
cessful in  the  conversions  of  the  natives  and 
some  progress  had  been  made  in  teaching  them 
to  labor.  On  the  night  of  November  4,  1775, 
without  any  previous  warning,  the  gentiles  or 
unconverted  Indians  in  great  numbers  attacked 
the  mission.  One  of  the  friars.  Fray  Funster, 
escaped  to  the  soldiers'  quarters ;  the  other, 
Father  Jaume,  was  killed  by  the  savages.  The 
blacksmith  also  was  killed ;  the  carpenter  suc- 
ceeded in  reaching  the  soldiers.  The  Indians 
set  fire  to  the  buildings,  which  were  nearly  all 
of  wood.  The  soldiers,  the  priest  and  carpenter 
were  driven  into  a  small  adobe  building  that 
had  been  used  as  a  kitchen.  Two  of  the  sol- 
diers were  wounded.  The  corporal,  one  soldier 
and  the  carpenter  were  all  that  were  left  to  hold 
at  bay  a  thousand  howling  fiends.  The  cor- 
poral, who  was  a  sharpshooter,  did  deadly  exe- 
cution on  the  savages.  Father  Funster  saved 
the  defenders  from  being  blown  to  pieces  by 
the  explosion  of  a  fifty-pound  sack  of  gunpow- 
der. He  spread  his  cloak  over  the  sack  and  sat 
on  it,  thus  preventing  the  power  from  ignit- 
ing by  the  sparks  from  the  burning  buildings. 
The  fight  lasted  till  daylight,  when  the  hostiles 
fled.  The  Christian  Indians  who  professed  to 
have  been  coerced  by  the  savages  then  appeared 
and  made  many  protestations  of  sorrow  at  what 
had  happened.  The  military  commander  was 
not  satisfied  that  they  were  innocent,  but  the 
padres  believed  them.  New  buildings  were 
erected  at  the  same  place,  the  soldiers  of  the 
presidio  for  a  time  assisting  the  Indians  in  their 

For  )ears  the  mission  was  fairly  prosperous. 
In  1800  the  cattle  numbered  6,960  and  the  agri- 
cultural products  amounted  to  2.600  bushels. 
From  1769  to  1834  there  were  6,638  persons 
baptized  and  4,428  buried.  The  largest  number 
of  cattle  possessed  by  the  mission  at  one  time 
was  9,245  head  in  1822.  The  total  number  of 
domestic  animals  belonging  to  the  mission  that 
year  was  30,325.  The  old  building  standing  on 
the  mission  site  at  the  head  of  the  vnllcv  is  the 
tliinl   chiuvli   erected   there,     'I'lic   first,  built  of 



\\ood  and  roofed  with  tiles,  was  erected  in  1774; 
tlic  second,  built  of  adobe,  was  completed  in 
1780  and  the  walls  of  this  were  badly  cracked 
b}-  an  earthquake  in  1803;  the  third  was  begun 
in  1808  and  dedicated  November  12,  1813.  The 
mission  was  secularized  in  1834. 


San  Gabriel  Arcangel  was  the  second  mission 
founded  in  Southern  California  and  the  fourth 
in  the  territory.  Father  Junipero  Serra  had 
gone  north  in  1770  and  founded  the  mission  of 
San  Carlos  Borromeo  on  Monterey  Bay  and 
the  following  year  he  established  the  mission  of 
San  Antonio  de  Padua  on  the  Salinas  River 
about  twenty  leagues  south  of  Monterey. 

On  the  6th  of  August,  1771,  a  cavalcade  of 
soldiers  and  muleteers  escorting  Padres  Somera 
and  Cambon  set  out  from  San  Diego  over  the 
trail  made  by  Portola's  expedition  in  1769 
(when  it  went  north  in  search  of  Monterey  Bay) 
to  found  a  new  mission  on  the  River  Jesus  de 
Los  Temblores  or  to  give  it  its  fu'.l  name — El 
Rio  del  Dulcisimo  Nombre  de  Jesus  de  Los 
TembloreS' — The  River  of  the  Sweetest  Name 
of  Jesus  of  the  Earthquakes.  Not  finding  a 
suitable  location  on  this  river  (now  the  Santa 
Ana)  they  pushed  on  to  the  Rio  San  Miguel, 
also  known  as  the  Rio  de  Los  Temblores. 

Here  they  selected  a  site  where  wood  and 
water  were  abundant.  A  stockade  of  poles  was 
built,  enclosing  a  square  within  which  a  church 
was  erected,  covered  with  boughs. 

September  8,  1771,  the  mission  was  formally 
founded  and  dedicated  to  the  Archangel  Gabriel. 
The  Indians  who  at  the  coming  of  the  Span- 
iards were  docile  and  friendly,  a  few  days  after 
the  founding  of  the  mission  suddenly  attacked 
two  soldiers  who  were  guarding  the  horses. 
One  of  these  soldiers  had  outraged  the  wife  of 
the  chief  who  led  the  attack.  The  soldier  who 
committed  the  crime  killed  the  chieftain  with  a 
musket  ball  and  the  other  Indians  fled.  The 
soldiers  then  cut  off  the  chief's  head  and 
fastened  it  to  a  pole  at  the  presidio  gate.  From 
all  accounts  the  soldiers  at  this  mission  were 
more  brutal  and  barbarous  than  the  Indians  and 
more  in  need  of  missionaries  to  convert  them 
than  were  the  savages.  The  progress  of  the 
mission  was  slow.  At  the  end  of  the  second  year 
only  73  children  and  adults  had  been  baptized. 
Father  Serra  attributed  the  lack  of  conversions 
to  the  bad  conduct  of  the  soldiers. 

The  first  buildings  at  the  Mission  Vieja  w^ere 
all  of  wood.  The  church  was  45x18  feet,  built 
of  logs  and  covered  with  tule  thatch.  The 
church  and  the  other  wooden  buildings  used  by 
the  padres  stood  within  a  Square  inclosed  by 
pointed    stakes.      In    1776,    five   years    after    its 

founding,  the  mission  was  moved  from  its  first 
location  to  a  new  site  about  a  league  distant 
from  the  old.  The  old  site  was  subject  to 
overflow  by  the  river.  The  adobe  ruins  pointed 
out  to  tourists  as  the  foundations  of  the  old 
mission  are  the  debris  of  a  building  erected  for 
a  ranch  house  between  fifty  and  sixty  years  ago. 
The  buildings  at  the  Mission  Vieja  were  all  of 
wood  and  no  trace  of  them  remains.  A  chapel 
was  first  built  at  the  new  site.  It  was  replaced 
by  a  church  built  of  adobes  108  feet  long  by 
21  feet  wide.  The  present  stone  church  begun 
about  1794,  and  completed  about  1806,  is  the 
fourth  church  erected. 

The  mission  attained  the  acme  of  its  impor- 
tance in  1817,  when  there  were  1701  neophytes 
in  the  mission  fold. 

The  largest  grain  crop  raised  at  any  mission 
was  that  harvested  at  San  Gabriel  in  1821, 
which  amounted  to  29,400  bushels.  The  num- 
ber of  cattle  belonging  to  the  mission  in  183c 
was  25,725.  During  the  whole  period  of  the 
mission's  existence,  i.  e.  from  1771  to  1834,  ac- 
cording to  statistics  compiled  by  Bancroft  from 
mission  records,  the  total  number  of  baptisms 
was  7,854 :  of  which  4,355  were  Indian  adults 
and  2,459  were  Indian  children  and  the  re- 
mainder gente  de  razon,  or  people  of  reason. 
The  deaths  were  5,656,  of  which  2,916  were  In- 
dian adults  and  2.363  Indian  children.  If  all 
the  Indian  children  born  were  baptized  it  would 
seem  (if  the  statistics  are  correct)  that  but  very 
few  ever  grew  up  to  manhood  and  womanhood. 
In  1834,  the  year  of  its  secularization,  its  neo- 
phyte population  was  1,320. 

The  missionaries  of  San  Gabriel  established  a 
station  at  old  San  Bernardino  about  1820.  It 
was  not  an  asistencia  like  Pala  but  merely  an 
agricultural  station  or  ranch  headquarters.  The 
buildings  were  destroyed  by  the  Indians  in  1834. 


The  first  attempt  to  found  the  Mission  of  San 
Juan  Capistrano  was  made  October  30,  1775. 
A  cross  was  erected  and  a  mass  said  in  a 
hut  constructed  for  the  purpose.  The  revolt  of 
the  Indians  at  San  Diego  on  the  night  of  Nov- 
ember 5th,  and  the  massacre  of  Father  Jaume 
and  others,  news  of  which  reached  San  Juan  on 
the  7th,  called  away  the  soldiers.  The  bells 
which  had  been  hung  on  the  branch  of  a  tree 
were  taken  down  and  buried  and  the  soldiers 
and  padres  hastened  to  San  Diego.  November 
I,  1776,  President  Serra  and  Fathers  Mugartc- 
gui  and  Amurro  with  an  escort  of  soldiers  re- 
established the  mission.  The  bells  were  dug  up 
and  hung  upon  a  tree.  Their  ringing  assembled 
.n  number  of  the  natives.  Ancnramada  of  boughs 
was  constructed  and  Father  Serra  said  mass. 



The  first  location  of  the  mission  was  several 
miles  northeast  of  the  present  site,  and  at  the 
foot  of  the  mountain.  The  former  location  is 
still  known  as  La  Mission  Vieja.  Whether  the 
change  of  location  was  made  at  the  time  of  the 
re-establishment  or  later  is  not  known.  The 
erection  of  a  stone  church  was  begun  in  Febru- 
ary, 1797,  and  completed  in  1806.  A  master 
builder  had  been  brought  from  JMexico,  and 
under  his  superintendence  the  neophytes  did  the 
mechanical  labor.  It  was  the  largest  and  hand- 
somest church  in  California  and  was  the  pride 
of  mission  architecture.  The  year  1812  was 
known  in  California  as  cl  ano  dc  los  temblorcs — 
the  year  of  earthquakes.  For  months  the  seis- 
mic disturbance  was  almost  continuous.  On 
Sunday,  December  8,  181 2,  a  severe  shock 
threw  down  the  lofty  church  tower,  which 
crashed  through  the  vaulted  roof  on  the  congre- 
gation below.  The  padre  \vho  was  celebrating 
mass  escaped  through  the  sacristy.  Of  the  fifty 
persons  present  only  five  or  six  escaped.  The 
church  was  never  rebuilt.  "There  is  not  much 
doubt,"  says  Bancroft,  "that  the  disaster  was 
due  rather  to  faulty  construction  than  to  the 
violence  of  the  temblor.  The  edifice  was  of  the 
usual  cruciform  shape,  about  90x180  feet  on 
the  ground,  with  very  thick  walls  and  arched 
dome-like  roof  all  constructed  of  stones  im- 
bedded in  mortar  or  cement.  The  stones  were 
not  hewn  but  of  irregular  size  and  shape,  a 
kind  of  structure  evidently  requiring  great  skill 
to  ensure  solidity."  The  mission  reached  its 
maximum  in  1819;  from  that  on  till  the  date  of 
its  secularization  there  was  a  rapid  decline  in 
the  numbers  of  its  live  stock  and  of  its  neo- 

This  was  one  of  the  missions  in  which  Gov- 
ernor Figueroa  tried  his  experiment  of  forming 
Indian  pueblos  of  the  neophytes.  For  a  time 
the  experiment  was  a  partial  success,  but  event- 
ually it  went  the  way  of  all  the  other  missions. 
Its  lands  were  granted  to  private  individuals  and 
the  neophytes  scattered.  Its  picturesque  ruins 
are  a  great  attraction  to  tourists. 


The  founding  of  San  Buenaventura  had  been 
long  delayed.  It  was  to  have  been  among  the 
first  missions  founded  by  Father  Serra ;  it 
proved  to  be  his  last.  On  the  26th  of  March, 
1782,  Governor  de  Neve  accompanied  by  Father 
Serra  (who  had  come  down  afoot  from  San 
Carlos)  and  Father  Cambon  with  a  convoy  of 
soldiers  and  a  number  of  neophytes  set  out  from 
San  Gabriel  to  found  the  mission.  At  the  first 
camping  place.  Governor  de  Neve  was  recalled 
to  San  Gabriel  by  a  message  from  Col.  Pedro 

Fages  informing  him  of  the.  orders  of  the  coun- 
cil of  war  to  proceed  against  the  Yumas,  who 
had  the  previous  year  destroyed  the  two  mis- 
sions on  the  Colorado  river  and  massacred  the 

On  the  29th  the  remainder  of  the  company 
reached  a  place  on  the  coast  named  by  Portola 
in  1769,  Asuncion  dc  Nuestra  Senora,  which 
had  for  some  time  been  selected  for  a  mission 
site.     Near  it  was  a  large  Indian  raiichcria. 

On  the  31st  of  March,  which  was  Easter  Sun- 
day, the  mission  was  formally  founded  with  the 
usual  ceremonies  and  dedicated  to  San  Buena- 
ventura, Giovanni  di  Fidanza  of  Tuscany,  born 
in  1221.  It  is  said  that  St.  Francis  of  Assissi 
(founder  of  the  Franciscan  Order),  meeting  him 
one  day  and  foreseeing  his  future  greatness,  ex- 
claimed, "O  buona  ventura!"  and  the  name 
Buenaventura  in  Spanish  clung  to  him.*  He 
was  also  called  the  "Seraphic  Doctor"  from  his 
knowledge  of  theology. 

The  progress  of  the  mission  was  slow  at  first. 
Only  two  adults  were  baptized  in  1782.  The 
first  building  built  of  wood  was  destroyed  by 
fire.  The  church  still  standing,  built  of  brick 
and  adobe,  was  completed  and  dedicated  Sep- 
tember 9,  1809.  The  earthquake  of  December 
8.  1812.  damaged  the  church  to  such  an  extent 
that  the  tower  and  part  of  the  facade  had  to  be 
rebuilt.  "The  whole  mission  site  appeared  to 
settle  and  the  fear  of  being  engulfed  by  the  sea 
drove  all  away  to  San  Joaquin  y  Santa  Ana 
where  they  remained  until  April,  1813."! 

The  mission  reached  its  greatest  prosperity 
in  1816,  when  it  had  a  neophyte  population  of 
1,330,  and  owned  23.400  cattle.  Vancouver,  the 
English  explorer,  who  visited  the  mission  in 
November,  1793,  says,  "The  garden  of  Buena- 
ventura far  exceeded  anything  I  had  before  met 
in  these  regions,  both  in  respect  of  the  quantity, 
quality  and  variety  of  its  excellent  productions, 
not  only  indigenous  to  the  country,  but  apper- 
taining to  the  temperate  as  well  as  torrid  zone : 
not  one  species  having  yet  been  sown  or  planted 
that  had  not  flourished.  These  have  principally 
consisted  of  apples,  pears,  plums,  figs,  oranges, 
grapes,  peaches  and  pomegranates,  together  with 
the  plantain,  banana,  cocoanut,  sugar  cane,  indigo 
and  a  great  variety  of  the  necessary  and  useful 
kitchen  herbs,  plants  and  roots.  All  these  were 
flourishing  io  the  greatest  health  and  perfection, 
though  separated  from  the  seaside  only  by  two 
or  three  fields  of  corn  that  were  cultivated  within 
a  few  yards  of  the  surf."  The  mission  was  secu- 
larized in  1837.  The  cliurch,  greatly  modern- 
ized, is  still  used  for  holding  services. 

♦Bancroft,  Vol.  I,  376. 
tFranciscans   in   Californi: 




Governor  Felipe  de  Neve  in  his  report  of 
June,  1777,  urged  the  establishing  of  three  mis- 
sions and  a  central  presidio  on  the  Santa  Bar- 
bara Channel.  His  report  was  approved  by 
General  Croix,  and  Rivera  was  sent  to  recruit 
settlers  in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  for  the  Channel 
establishments,  and  also  for  the  pueblos  of  San 
Jose  and  Los  Angeles.  The  pueblos  were 
founded,  but  the  founding  of  the  missions  and 
presidio  from  one  cause  or  another  had  been 
delayed.  After  the  founding  of  the  mission  of 
San  Buenaventura,  March  31,  1782,  about  the 
middle  of  the  April  following  Governor  de 
Neve,  who  had  come  up  from  San  Gabriel, 
Father  Serra,  who  was  still  at  San  Buenaven- 
tura, and  a  force  of  sixty  soldiers  with  their 
officers,  proceeded  up  the  coast  to  found  the 
presidio.  After  marching  about  nine  leagues 
the  Governor  called  a  halt  in  a  beautiful  valley 
near  the  coast.  Having  found  a  suitable  loca- 
tion where  wood  and  water  could  easily  be  pro- 
cured, the  presidio  of  Santa  Barbara  was  found- 
ed. Father  Serra  had  hoped  that  the  mission 
would  be  founded  at  the  same  time.  Disap- 
pointed in  this,  he  left  for  Monterey,  where  he 
expected  to  meet  six  new  missionaries,  who 
were  reported  coming  by  ship.  In  this,  too,  he 
was  disappointed ;  the  missionaries  did  not  come 
at  that  time. 

The  death  of  Serra  in  1784  still  further  de- 
layed the  founding,  and  it  was  not  till  the  latter 
part  of  1786  that  everything  was  in  readiness 
for  the  establishing  of  the  new  mission.  On  the 
22d  of  November,  Father  Lasuen,  who  had 
succeeded  Father  Serra  as  president  of  the  Cal- 
ifornia missions,  arrived  in  Santa  Barbara,  ac- 
companied by  two  missionaries  recently  arrived 
from  Mexico.  After  a  careful  survey  of  differ- 
ent locations  he  selected  a  site  about  a  mile 
distant  from  the  presidio.  The  place  was  called 
by  the  Indians  Tay-nay-an  ("rocky  hill").  It  was 
selected  by  the  padres  on  account  of  the  abun- 
dance of  stone  for  building  and  also  for  the  plen- 
tiful supply  of  water  for  irrigation. 

On  the  15th  of  December,  1786,  Father  La- 
suen, in  a  hut  of  boughs,  celebrated  the  first 
mass;  but  December  4th,  the  day  that  the  fiesta 
of  Santa  Barbara  is  commemorated,  is  consid- 
ered the  date  of  its  founding.  Part  of  the  serv- 
ices were  held  on  that  day.  A  chapel  built  of 
adobes  and  roofed  with  thatch  was  erected  in 
1787.  Several  other  buildings  of  adobe  were 
erected  the  same  year.  In  1788  tile  took  the 
place  of  thatch.  In  1789  a  second  church  much 
larger  than  the  first  was  built.  .\  third  church 
of  adobe  was  commenced  in  1793  and  finished 
in  1794.  A  brick  portico  was  added  in  179^  and 
the  walls  plastered. 

The  great  earthquake  of  December,  1812, 
demolished  the  Mission  Church  and  destroyed 
nearly  all  the  buildings.  The  years  1813  and 
1814  were  spent  in  removing  the  debris  of  the 
ruined  buildings  and  in  preparing  for  the  erec- 
tion of  new  ones.  The  erection  of  the  present 
Mission  Church  was  begun  in  1815.  It  was  com- 
pleted and  dedicated  September  10,  1820. 

Father  Gaballeria,  in  his  History  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara, gives  the  dimensions  of  the  church  as  fol- 
lows:  "Length  (including  walls),  60  varas ; 
width,  14  varas;  height,  10  varas  (a  vara  is  34^ 
inches)."  The  walls  are  of  stone  and  rest  on  a 
foundation  of  rock  and  cement.  They  are  six 
feet  thick  and  are  further  strengthened  by  but- 
tresses. Notwithstanding  the  building  has  with- 
stood the  storms  of  four  score  years,  it  is  still  in 
an  excellent  state  of  preservation.  Its  exterior 
has  not  been  disfigured  by  attempts  at  modern- 

The  highest  neophyte  population  was  reached 
at  Santa  Barbara  in  1803,  when  it  numbered 
1,792.  The  largest  number  of  cattle  was  5,200, 
in  1809.  In  1834,  the  year  of  secularization,  the 
neophytes  numbered  556,  which  was  a  decrease 
of  155  from  the  number  in  1830.  At  such  a  rate 
of  decrease  it  would  not,  even  if  mission  rule 
had  continued,  have  taken  more  than  a  dozen 
years  to  depopulate  the  mission. 


Two  missions,  San  Buenaventura  and  Santa 
Barbara,  had  been  founded  on  the  Santa 
Barbara  Channel  in  accordance  with  Neve's  re- 
port of  1777,  in  which  he  recommended  the 
founding  of  three  missions  and  a  presidio  in 
that  district.  It  was  the  intention  of  General 
La  Croix  to  conduct  these  on  a  dififerent  plan 
from  that  prevailing  in  the  older  missions.  The 
natives  were  not  to  be  gathered  into  a  mission- 
ary establishment  but  were  to  remain  in  their 
ranchcrias  which  were  to  be  converted  into 
mission  pueblos.  The  Indians  were  to  receive 
instruction  in  religion,  industrial  arts  and  self- 
government  while  comparatively  free  from  re- 
straint. The  plan  which  no  doubt  originated 
with  Governor  de  Neve  was  a  good  one  the- 
oretically and  possibly  might  have  been  prac- 
tically. The  missionaries  were  bitterly  opposed 
to  it!  Unfortunately  it  was  tried  first  in  the 
Colorado  River  Missions  among  the  fierce  and 
treacherous  Yumas.  The  massacre  of  the 
padres  and  soldiers  of  these  missions  was  at- 
tributed to  this  innovation. 

In  establishing  the  Channel  Mission  the  mis- 
sionaries opposed  the  inauguration  of  this  plan 
and  bv  their  persistence  succeeded  in  setting  it 
aside;  and  the  old  system  was  adopted.  La 
Purisima  Concepcion  or  the  Immaculate  Con- 


ception  of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  The  third  of  the 
Channel  Missions  was  founded,  December  8, 
1787,  by  Father  Lasuen  at  a  place  called  by  the 
natives  Algsacupi.  Its  location  is  about  twelve 
miles  from  the  ocean  on  the  Santa  Inez  River. 
Three  years  after  its  founding  300  converts  had 
been  baptized  but  not  all  of  them  lived  at  the 
mission.  The  first  church  was  a  temporary  struc- 
ture. The  second  church,  built  of  adobe  and 
roofed  with  tile,  was  completed  in  1802.  Decem- 
ber 21,  1812,  an  earthquake  demolished  the 
church  and  also  about  one  hundred  adobe 
houses  of  the  neophytes.  A  site  across  the 
river  and  about  four  miles  distant  from  the 
former  one,  was  selected  for  new  buildings.  A 
temporary  building  for  a  church  was  erected 
then.  A  new  church,  built  of  adobes  and  roofed 
with  tile,  was  completed  and  dedicated  in  1818. 

The  Indians  revolted  in  1824  and  damaged 
the  building.  They  took  possession  of  it  and  a 
battle  lasting  four  hours  was  fought  between 
130  soldiers  and  400  Indians.  -The  neophytes 
cut  loop  holes  in  the  church  and  used  two  old 
rusty  cannon  and  a  few  guns  they  possessed ; 
but,  unused  to  firearms,  they  were  routed  with 
the  loss  of  several  killed.  During  the  revolt 
which  lasted  several  months,  four  white  men 
and  fifteen  or  twenty  Indians  were  killed.  The 
hostiles,  most  of  whom  fled  to  the  Tulares,  were 
finally  subdued.  The  leaders  were  punished 
with  imprisonment  and  the  others  returned  to 
their  missions. 

This  mission's  population  was  largest  in  1804, 
when  it  numbered  1,520;  in  1834,  there  were 
but  407  neophytes  connected  with  it.  It  was 
secularized  in  Feburary,  1835.  During  mission 
rule  from  1787  to  1834  the  total  number  of 
Indian  children  baptized  was  1,492;  died  902, 
which  was  a  lower  death  rate  than  at  most  of 
the  southern  missions. 


In  the  closing  years  of  the  century,  explora- 
tions were  made  for  new  mission  sites  in  Cali- 
fornia. These  were  to  be  located  between  mis- 
sions already  founded.  Among  those  selected 
at  that  time  was  the  site  of  the  Mission  San 
Fernando  on  the  Encino  rancho,  tlien  occupied 
by  Francisco  Reyes.  Reyes  surrendered  what- 
ever right  he  had  to  the  land  and  the  padres 
occupied  his  house  for  a  dwelling  while  new 
buildings  were  in  the  course  of  erection. 

September  8,  1797,  with  the  usual  ceremonies, 
the  mission  was  founded  by  President  Lasuen 
assisted  by  Father  Dumetz.  According  to  in- 
structions from  Mexico  it  was  dedicated  to  San 
Fernando  Rey  de  Espana  (Fernando  III.  King 
of  Spain,  1217-1251).  At  the  end  of  the  year 
1797,  fifty-five  converts  lia'l  been  gathered  into 

the  mission  fold  and  at  the  end  of  the  century 
352  had  been  baptized. 

The  adobe  church,  begun  before  the  close  of 
the  century,  was  completed  and  dedicated  in 
December,  1806.  It  had  a  tiled  roof.  It  was 
but  slightly  injured  by  the  great  earthquakes  of 
December,  1812,  which  were  so  destructive  to 
the  mission  buildings  at  San  Juan  Capistrano, 
Santa  Barbara,  La  Purisima  and  Santa  Inez. 
This  mission  reached  its  greatest  prosperity  in 
1819,  when  its  neophyte  population  numbered 
1,080.  The  largest  number  of  cattle  owned  l)y 
it  at  one  time  was  12,800  in  1819. 

Its  decline  was  not  so  rapid  as  that  of  some 
of  the  other  missions,  but  the  death  rate  es- 
pecially among  the  children  was  fully  as  high. 
Of  the  1,367  Indian  children  baptized  at  it  dur- 
ing the  existence  of  mission  rule  965  or  over 
seventy  per  cent  died  in  childhood.  It  was  not 
strange  that  the  fearful  death  rate  both  of  chil- 
dren and  adults  at  the  missions  sometimes 
frightened  the  neophytes  into  running  away. 

San  Fernando  figured  frequently  in  the  Cali- 
fornia revolutions.  It  was  a  sort  of  a  frontier 
post  to  both  parties  in  the  civil  war  of  1837 
and  1838.  Negotiations  between  Fremont  and 
General  Andres  Pico  which  resulted  in  the 
treaty  of  Cahuenga  were  begun  at  the  mission. 
June  17,  1846,  Governor  Pio  Pico  sold  the  ex- 
mission  to  Enlogio  de  Celis  for  $14,000.  The 
money,  or  at  least  a  part  of  it,  was  used  by  Pico 
in  fitting  out  an  army  to  suppress  Castro  who 
was  supposed  to  be  fomenting  a  revolution  to 
overthrow  Pico.  The  seizure  of  California  by 
Commodore  Sloat,  July  7,  1846,  put  an  end  to 
Castro's  revolution  and  to  Pico's  governorship 
as  well. 

Father  Bias,  the  last  of  the  Franciscan  mis- 
sionaries of  California,  remained  at  the  mission 
until  May,  1847.  He  died  at  San  Gabriel  in  1850. 


Several  explorations  had  been  made  for  a  mis- 
sion site  between  San  Diego  and  San  Juan 
Capistrano.  There  was  quite  a  large  Indian 
population  that  had  not  been  brought  into  the 
folds  of  either  mission.  In  October,  1797,  a  new 
exploration  of  this  territory  was  ordered  and  a 
site  was  finally  selected  although  the  agri- 
cultural advantages  were  regarded  as  not  satis- 

Governor  Barica,  February  28,  1798,  issued 
orders  to  the  comandante  at  San  Diego  to 
furnish  a  detail  of  soldiers  to  aid  in  erecting  the 
necessary  buildings.  June  13,  1798,  President 
Lasuen,  the  successor  of  President  Serra,  as- 
sisted by  Fathers  Peyri  and  Santiago,  with  the 
usual  services,  founded  the  new  mission.  It 
was  named  San  Luis  Rey  de  I'rnncin  (St.  Louis 



King  of  France).  Its  location  was  near  a  river 
on  which  was  bestowed  the  name  of  the  mis- 
sion. The  mission  flourished  from  its  very  be- 
ginning. Its  controlHng  power  was  Padre 
Antonio  Peyri.  He  remained  in  charge  of  it 
from  its  founding  almost  to  its  downfall,  in  all 
thirty-three  years.  He  was  a  man  of  great  ex- 
ecutive abilities  and  under  his  administration  it 
became  one  of  the  largest  and  most  prosperous 
missions  in  California.  It  reached  its  maximum 
in  1826,  when  its  neophyte  population  numbered 
2,86g  the  largest  number  at  one  time  connected 
with  any  mission  in  the  territory. 

The  Asisfencia  or  Auxiliary  Mission  of  San 
Antonio  was  established  at  Pala,  seven  leagues 
easterly  from  the  parent  mission.  A  chapel  was 
erected  here  and  regular  services  held.  One  of 
the  padres  connected  with  San  Luis  Rey  was 
in  charge  of  this  station.  Father  Peyri  left 
California  in  1831,  with  the  exiled  Governor 
Victoria.  He  went  to  Mexico  and  from  there 
to  Spain  and  lastly  to  Rome  where  he  died.  The 
mission  was  converted  into  an  Indian  pueblo  in 
1834,  but  the  pueblo  was  not  a  success.  Most 
of  the  neophytes  drifted  to  Los  Angeles  and 
San  Gabriel.  During  the  Mexican  Conquest 
American  troops  were  stationed  at  it.  It  has 
recently  been  partially  repaired  and  is  now  used 
for  a  Franciscan  school  under  charge  of  Father 
J.  .J.  O'Keefe. 


Santa  Inez  was  the  last  mission  founded  in 
Southern  California.  It  was  established  Septem- 
ber 17,  1804.  Its  location  is  about  forty  miles 
northwesterly  from  Santa  Barbara  on  the 
erly  side  of  the  Santa  Inez  mountains  and  eight- 
een miles  southeasterly  from  La  Purisima. 
Father  Tapis,  president  of  the  mission  from 
1803  to  1812,  preached  the  sermon  and  was  as- 
sisted in  the  ceremonies  by  Fathers  Cipres, 
Calzada  and  Gutierrez.  Carrillo,  the  comman- 
dante  at  the  presidio,  was  present,  as  were  also  a 
number  of  neophytes  from  Santa  Barbara  and 
La  Purisima.  Some  of  these  were  transferred 
to  the  new  mission. 

The  earthquake  of  December,  1812,  shook 
down  a  portion  of  the  church  and  destroyed  a 
number  of  the  neophytes'  houses.    In  1815,  the 

erection  of  a  new  church  was  begun.  It  was 
built  of  adobes  lined  with  brick  and  was  com- 
pleted and  dedicated  July  4,  1817. 

The  Indian  revolt  of  1824,  described  in  the 
sketch  of  La  Purisima,  broke  out  first  at  this 
mission.  The  neophytes  took  possession  of  the 
church.  Tlie  mission  guard  defended  them- 
selves and  the  padre.  A  portion  of  the  mission 
buildings  were  burned.  At  the  approach  of 
troops  from  Santa  Barbara  the  Indians  fled  to 

Stephen  C.  Foster,  in  one  of  his  '  reminis- 
cences, gives  the  following  version  of  the  fight, 
which  was  told  him  by  an  old  Californian : 
"The  Indians  were  destitute  of  firearms,  but 
their  overv^'helming  numbers  and  showers  of 
arrows  they  directed  against  the  portholes  had 
quite  demoralized  the  garrison,  when  the  priest 
appeared  and  took  command  (he  had  been  a 
soldier  before  he  became  a  priest).  It  must 
have  been  a  singular  scene.  The  burly  friar, 
with  shaven  crown  and  sandaled  feet,  clad  in 
the  gray  gown,  girt  with  the  cord  of  St.  Francis, 
wielding  carnal  weapons ;  now  encouraging  the 
little  garrison ;  now  shouting  defiance  to  the 
swarming  assailants." 

"Ho  father,"  cried  a  young  Indian  acolyte, 
"is  that  the  way  to  say  mass?"  "Yes,  I  am  say- 
ing mass,  my  son.  Here  (holding  up  his  cart- 
ridge box)  is  the  chalice ;  here  (holding  up  his 
carbine)  is  the  crucifix,  and  here  goes  my 
benediction  to  you,"  as  he  leveled  his  carbine 
and  laid  the  scoffer  low.  "A  large  force  was 
finally  collected  from  the  different  towns,  the 
Indian  converts  were  followed  into  the  Tulare 
valley  and  captured ;  the  ring-leaders  were  shot 
and  the  others  brought  back  to  their  missions." 
The  revolting  Indians  of  Santa  Inez  and  La 
Purisima  had  been  joined  by  hindas  or  deserters 
from  some  of  the  other  missions.  The  real 
cause  of  the  revolt  is  unknown. 

Santa  Inez  attained  its  maximum  population, 
770,  1816.  In  1834  its  population  was  334. 
During  its  mission  period,  from  1804  to  1834, 
757  Indian  children  were  baptized  and  519  died, 
leaving  only  238  or  about  thirty  per  cent  to  grow 
up.  This  mission  was  not  completely  secularized 
until  1836. 





THE  Roman  presidium  and  the  Spanish 
presidio  were  similar  in  form  and  pur- 
pose. The  prsesidium  was  a  fort  or 
fortified  square  centrally  located,  where  a  gar- 
rison was  stationed  to  protect  the  "colonists  and 
keep  in  subjection  the  aborigines.  From  it 
settlements  radiated  and  around  it  usually  in 
course  of  time  a  city  was  built.  The  presidio 
in  Spanish  colonization  subserved  the  same  pur- 
pose and  became  the  nucleus  of  a  town  or  city. 

In  the  mission  colonization  of  California  there 
were  four  presidios  founded,  viz. :  San  Diego, 
Monterey,  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Barbara. 
These  furnished  the  mission  guards  for  their  in- 
dividual districts  and  after  the  founding  of  the 
pueblos  of  San  Jose  and  Los  Angeles  supplied  a 
small  pueblo  guard.  The  first  presidio  founded 
in  California  as  well  as  the  first  mission  was 
located  at  San  Diego. 

Rivera  y  Moncada,  who  was  commander  of  the 
first  land  expedition  for  the  colonization  of  Cali- 
fornia, arrived  at  San  Diego  on  the  14th  of  May. 
The  two  vessels  of  the  expedition,  the  San 
Carlos  and  San  Antonio,  with  their  scurvy- 
afHicted  crews,  had  already  arrived  and  had 
established  a  hospital  on  shore. 

Bancroft  says :  "The  old  camp  or  pest  house 
on  the  bay  shore  is  probably  within  the  limits 
of  what  is  now  the  city  of  San  Diego,  locally 
known  as  New  Town;  but  the  day  after  his 
arrival  Rivera,  so  say  the  chroniclers,  aUhough 
according  to  the  instructions  of  Galvez,  Pages 
was  chief  in  command,  selects  a  new  site  some 
miles  north,  at  what  is  now  Old,  or  North  San 
Diego,  at  the  foot  of  a  hill  on  which  are  still  to 
be  seen  the  remains  of  the  old  presidio.  Here 
camp  is  pitched  and  fortified,  a  corral  for  the 
animals  and  a  few  rude  huts  are  built,  and  hither 
on  the  17th  are  transported  the  sick  and  their 
tents.  The  immediate  purpose  is  that  the  camp 
may  be  near  the  river  which  at  this  point  flows 
into  the  north  end  of  the  bay." 

The  Indians  of  San  Diego  were  a  thievish 
and  murderous  lot  of  savages.  Before  the  little 
settlement  was  three  months  old,  they  made  an 
attack  upon  it  in  which  they  killed  a  Spanish 
youth  and  wounded  Padre  \'iscaino,  the  black- 
smith, a  soldier  and  a  Lower  California  Indian. 

It  became  necessary  to  surround  the  mission 
with  a  stockade  to  protect  it  from  their  depreda- 
tions. In  1782  the  presidial  force  besides  the 
commissioned  officers  "consisted  of  five  cor- 
porals and  forty-six  soldiers.  Six  men  were 
constantly  on  duty  at  each  of  the  three  missions 
of  the  district,  San  Diego,  San  Juan  Capistrano 
and  San  Gabriel ;  while  four  served  at  the  pueblo 
of  Los  Angeles,  thus  leaving  a  sergeant,  two 
corporals  and  about  twenty-five  men  to  garrison 
the  fort,  care  for  the  horses  and  a  small  herd  of 
cattle,  and  to  carry  the  mails,  which  latter  duty 
was  the  hardest  connected  with  the  presidio 
serv'ice  in  time  of  peace.  There  were  a  car- 
penter and  blacksmith  constantly  employed, 
besides  a  few  ser\^ants,  mostly  natives.  The 
population  of  the  district  in  1790,  not  including 
Indians,  was  220."* 

It  was  a  monotonous  existence  the  soldiers 
and  their  families  led  at  the  presidio.  Most 
if  not  all  resided  inside  the  presidial  square, 
which  now  had  an  adobe  wall  around  it  instead 
of  palisades.  Once  a  month  the  soldier  couriers 
brought  up  from  Loreta  a  budget  of  mail  made 
up  of  official  bandos  and  a  few  letters  that  con- 
tained all  the  items  of  news  that  came  from 
their  home  land,  Mexico.  The  mission  was  two 
leagues  up  the  river  and  there  most  of  the 
Indians  were  congregated.  The  padres  had  lit- 
tle use  for  the  soldiers  except  when  the  natives 
rebelled,  but  in  the  closing  years  of  the  century 
the  fierce  Dieguhos  had  become  subjugated  to 
mission  rules.  Once  a  year  the  mission  ship 
landed  the  year's  supplies  at  the  embarcadero 
down  the  bay  and  this  was  about  the  only  ripple 
of  excitement  that  broke  the  weary  monotony 
of  their  lives. 

In  the  first  years  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
the  Yankee  fur  trading  vessels  discovered  the 
port  of  San  Diego  and  occasionally  broke  the 
monotony  of  the  soldiers'  lives,  "^^nfcy  came 
to  trade  for  sea  otter  skins,  the  most  valued 
peltry  of  the  coast.  There  was  a  heavy  export 
duty  on  these,  and  to  avoid  this  the  captains 
resorted  to  any  expedient  that  promised  success. 
The  people  were  not  averse  to  illicit  trading  if 

•■Bancroft,  Vol. 



they   could    get    a   better    price    for    their    furs. 

In  March,  1803.  the  Lelia  Byrd,  a  Yankee 
fur-trading  vessel,  put  into  San  Diego  bay, 
ostensibly  to  secure  supplies  but  really  to  trade 
for  otter  skins.  The  commander  of  the  presidio 
had  about  a  thousand  skins,  part  of  which  he 
had  secured  by  confiscation  from  Captain  John 
Brown  of  the  ship  Alexander.  Shaler,  cap- 
tain of  the  Byrd,  tried  to  buy  the  skins  from 
the  comandante  but  was  unsuccessful.  Then  he 
attempted  to  trade  with  the  soldiers  who  had 
a  few.  He  was  detected  at  this,  and  one  boat- 
load of  his  men  sent  out  at  night  to  secure  the 
skins  was  made  prisoners.  He  sent  an  armed 
force  ashore  and  rescued  his  men  and,  getting 
them  aboard,  hoisted  sail  and  put  to  sea  with 
the  guards  that  had  been  put  aboard  to  hold  the 
ship.  As  he  passed  the  fort  at  w-hat  is  now 
Ballast  Point  the  Spaniards  fired  a  broadside  at 
the  vessel.  The  captain  returned  the  fire  and 
then  placed  the  Spanish  sergeant  and  his  guard 
in  an  exposed  situation  where  their  friends 
would  be  pretty  sure  to  hit  them  when  they 
fired.  The  sergeant  frantically  besought  his 
compatriots  of  the  fort  to  cease  firing,  which 
they  did.  The  guards  w-ere  put  ashore  further 
along,  greatly  to  their  relief. 

During  the  long  years  of  the  Mexican  Revo- 
lution the  old  presidio  fell  into  decay  and  the 
old  guns  in  the  fort  at  Point  Guijarros  grew 
rusty  from  disuse.  This  fort  or  battery  had 
been  built  in  1797  to  defend  the  entrance  to  the 

Only  once  during  the  long  contest  for  Mex- 
ican independence  did  war's  wrinkled  front 
affright  the  soldiers  of  the  fort,  and  that  was 
in  1818,  when  Bouchard,  the  privateer,  from  the 
black  hull  of  his  piratical  craft  looked  into  the 
bay  to  see  whether  there  was  anything  to 
plunder,  but,  seeing  nothing,  passed  by  without 
entering.  Comandante  Ruiz  was  prepared  for 
him  and  awaited  his  attempt  to  enter  with  red 
hot  cannon  balls  to  burn  his  ships.  Little  did 
the  soldiers  of  the  old  presidio  know  of  the  inter- 
necine struggle  in  Mexico  that  was  transform- 
ing them  from  subjects  of  a  monarchy  to  free 
citizens  of  a  republic.  They  knew  that  there 
was  trouble,  but  what  it  was  about  they  were 
ignorant,  nor  did  their  officers  and  the  padres 
who  were  loyalist  attempt  to  enlighten  them. 

But  there  came  a  day  when  the  flag  of  Spain, 
that  for  fifty  years  had  floated  from  the  presidio 
flagstaff,  was  lowered,  never  again  to  rise,  and 
in  its  stead  was  unfurled  the  tri-color  of  the 
Mexican  empire.  A  few  months  pass  and  that 
goes  down  before  the  banner  of  the  Republic. 
His  transfer  of  allegiance  from  monarchy  to 
republicanism  brings  no  change  for  the  better 
in  the  soldier's  condition.     He  is  poorly  paid, 

poorly  fed,  and  the  old  presidio  with  its  cracked 
adobe  walls  that  have  sheltered  him  so  long  is 
fast  crumbling  to  ruins. 

Alexico,  more  liberal  than  Spain,  lifted  from 
commerce  some  of  the  restrictions  that  had 
oppressed  it  and  trade  began  to  seek  California 
ports.  First  came  the  hide  droghers  with  their 
department-store  cargoes. 

San  Diego  was  well  located  to  secure  that 
trade.  Robinson  in  "Life  in  California"  tells  us 
what  the  town  looked  like  in  1829,  when  hides 
and  tallow  were  the  only  exports — and  when  it 
was  the  capital  of  the  two  Californias :  "After 
dinner  we  called  upon  the  General  Don  Jose 
Maria  de  Echeandia,  a  tall  gaunt  personage,  who 
received  us  wdth  true  Spanish  dignity  and  polite- 
ness. His  house  was  located  in  the  center  of 
a  large  square  of  buildings  occupied  by  his 
officers,  and  so  elevated  as  to  overlook  them  all 
and  command  a  view  of  the  sea.  On  the  right 
hand  was  a  small  Gothic  chapel  with  its  ceme- 
tery and  immediately  in  front,  close  to  the  prin- 
cipal entrance,  was  a  guardroom  where  the 
soldiers  were  amusing  themselves ;  some  seated 
on  the  ground  playing  cards,  and  smoking,  while 
others  were  dancing  to  the  music  of  the  guitar; 
the  whole  was  surrounded  by  a  high  wall  orig- 
inally intended  as  a  defence  against  the  Indians. 
At  the  gate  stood  a  sentinel,  with  slouched  hat 
and  blanket  thrown  over  one  shoulder,  his  old 
Spanish  musket  resting  on  the  other ;  his  panta- 
loons were  buttoned  and  ornamented  at  the 
knee,  below  which  his  legs  were  protected  by 
leggins  of  dressed  deer  skin,  secured  with 
spangled  garters. 

"On  the  lawn  beneath  the  hill  on  which  the 
presidio  is  built  stood  about  thirty  houses  of 
rude  appearance,  mostly  occupied  by  retired  vet- 
erans, not  so  well  constructed  in  respect  either 
to  beauty  or  stability  as  the  houses  at  Monterey, 
with  the  exception  of  that  belonging  to  our 
Administrator,  Don  Juan  Bandini,  whose  man- 
sion, then  in  an  unfinished  state,  bade  fair,  when 
completed,  to  surpass  any  other  in  the  country." 

A  few  months  later,  Robinson  on  his  return 
to  San  Diego  attended  a  house  warming  at  Don 
Juan  Bandini's.  "Senor  Don  Juan  Bandini  had 
his  house  hcndccida  or  blessed  during  our  stay 
here,  and  Gale  and  myself  were  invited  to  attend. 
The  ceremony  took  place  at  noon,  when  the 
chaplain  proceeded  through  the  different  apart- 
ments, sprinkling  holy  water  on  the  walls  and 
uttering  verses  in  Latin.  This  concluded,  w-e 
sat  down  to  an  excellent  dinner  consisting  of  all 
the  luxuries  the  place  afforded  provided  in  Don 
Juan's  best  style."  After  dinner  came  a  dance 
"and  in  the  evening  a  fandango.  Such  was  San 
Diego  in  1829. 

Seven  years  pass  and  then  another  employe 



nf  the  "hide  droghers" — R.  H.  Dana — draws  this 
picture  of  the  old  presidio  and  the  town  as  he 
saw  them  in  1836:  "The  first  place  we  went  to 
was  the  old  ruinous  presidio,  which  stands  on 
a  rising  ground  near  the  village  which  it  over- 
looks. It  is  built  in  the  form  of  an  open  square, 
like  all  the  other  presidios,  and  was  in  a  most 
ruinous  state,  with  the  exception  of  one  side, 
in  which  the  commandant  lived  with  his  family. 
There  were  only  two  guns,  one  of  which  was 
spiked  and  the  other  had  no  carriage.  Twelve 
half  clothed  and  half  starved  looking  fellows 
composed  the  garrison ;  and  they,  it  was  said, 
had  not  a  musket  apiece.  The  small  settlement 
lay  directly  below  the  fort  composed  of  about 
forty  dark  brown  looking  huts  or  houses  and 
three  or  four  larger  ones  whitewashed,  which 
belonged  to  the  "gente  de  razon." 

One  more  picture  and  the  last :  The  old 
presidio  is  in  ruins.  The  ragged  soldiers  are 
gone.  The  cannon  spiked  and  unspiked  have 
disappeared.  The  hide  droghers  are  only  a 
memory.  Another  nation  controls  the  destinies 
of  California,  but  through  the  changing  years 
San  Diego  remains  unchanged.  "Twenty-four 
years  after"  (1859)  Dana  revisited  the  town  and 
thus  describes  it :  "The  little  town  of  San  Diego 
has  undergone  no  change  whatever  that  I  can 
see.  It  certainly  has  not  grown.  It  is  still  like 
Santa  Barbara,  a  Mexican  town.  The  four  prin- 
cipal houses  of  the  gente  de  razon — of  the  Ban- 
dinis,  Estudillos,  Argiiellos,  and  Picos — are  the 
chief  houses  now;  but  all  the  gentlemen — and 
their  families,  too,  I  believe — are  gone.  The 
big,  vulgar  shop  keeper  and  trader  Fitch  is  long 
since  dead ;  Tom  Wrightington,  who  kept  the 
rival  pulperia,  fell  from  his  horse  when  drunk 
and  was  found  nearly  eaten  up  by  coyotes ;  and 
I  can  scarce  find  a  person  whom  I  remember." 


Cabrillo,  in  1542,  found  a  large  Indian  popu- 
lation inhabiting  the  main  land  of  the  Santa 
Barbara  Channel.  Two  hundred  and  twenty- 
seven  years  later,  when  Portola  made  his  ex- 
ploration, apparently  there  had  been  no  decrease 
in  the  number  of  inhabitants.  No  portion  of  the 
coast  ofifered  a  better  field  for  missionary  labor 
and  Father  Serra  was  anxious  to  enter  it.  In 
accordance  with  Governor  Felipe  de  Neve's 
report  of  1777,  it  had  been  decided  to  found 
three  missions  and  a  presidio  on  the  channel. 
Various  causes  had  delayed  the  founding  and  it 
was  not  until  April  17,  1782,  that  Governor  do 
Xevc  arrived  at  the  point  where  he  had  decided 
to  locate  the  presidio  of  Santa  Barbara.  Tiic 
troops  that  were  to  man  the  fort  reached  San 
Gabriel  in  the  fall  of  1781.  It  was  thouglit  best 
for  them  In  remain  there  tmtil  the  rainy  season 

was  over.  March  26,  1782,  the  Governor  and 
Father  Serra,  accompanied  by  the  largest  body 
of  troops  that  had  ever  before  been  collected  in 
California,  set  out  to  found  the  mission  of  San 
Buenaventura  and  the  presidio.  The  Gover- 
nor, as  has  been  stated  in  a  former  chapter,  was 
recalled  to  San  Gabriel.  The  mission  was 
founded  and  the  Governor  having  rejoined  the 
cavalcade  a  few  weeks  later  proceeded  to  find  a 
location  for  the  presidio. 

"On  reaching  a  point  nine  leagues  from  San 
Buenaventura,  the  Governor  called  a  halt  and 
in  company  with  Father  Serra  at  once  proceeded 
to  select  a  site  for  the  presidio.  The  choice 
resulted  in  the  adoption  of  the  square  now 
formed  by  city  blocks  139,  140,  155  and  156,  and 
bounded  in  common  by  the  following  streets: 
Figueroa,  Cafion  Perdido,  Garden  and  Anacapa. 
A  large  community  of  Indians  were  residing 
there,  but  orders  were  given  to  leave  them  un- 
disturbed. The  soldiers  were  at  once  directed 
to  hew  timbers  and  gather  brush  to  erect  tem- 
porary barracks,  which  when  completed  were 
also  used  as  a  chapel.  A  large  wooden  cross 
was  made  that  it  might  be  planted  in  the  center 
of  the  square  and  possession  of  the  country  was 
taken  in  the  name  of  the  cross — the  emblem  of 

"April  21,  1782,  the  soldiers  formed  a  square 
and  with  edifying  solemnity  raised  the  cross  and 
secured  it  in  the  earth.  Father  Serra  blessed 
and  consecrated  the  district  and  preached  a  ser- 
mon. The  royal  standard  of  Spain  was  un- 

An  inclosure,  sixty  varas  square,  was  made  of 
palisades.  The  Indians  were  friendly  and 
through  their  Chief  Yanoalit,  who  controlled 
thirteen  rancherias,  details  of  them  were  secured 
to  assist  the  soldiers  in  the  work  of  building.  The 
natives  were  paid  in  food  and  clothing  for  their 

Irrigation  works  were  constructed  consisting 
of  a  large  reservoir  made  of  stone  and  cement, 
with  a  zanja  for  conducting  water  to  the 
presidio.  The  soldiers,  who  had  families,  culti- 
vated small  gardens,  which  aided  in  their  sup- 
port. Lieutenant  Ortega  was  in  command  of 
the  presidio  for  two  years  after  its  founding.  He 
was  succeeded  by  Lieutenant  Felipe  de  Goy- 
coechea.  After  the  founding  of  the  mission,  in 
1786,  a  bitter  feud  broke  out  between  the  padres 
and  the  comandante  of  the  presidio.  Goy- 
coechea  claimed  the  right  to  employ  the  Indians 
in  the  building  of  the  presidio,  as  he  had  done 
l)efore  the  coming  of  the  friars.  This  they 
denied.  After  an  acrimonious  controversy  the 
dispute  was  finally  compromised  by  dividing  the 

*Father  Gabelleria's  Hi 

>f  Santa  Barbara. 


Indians  into  two  bands — a  mission  band  and  a 
presidio  band. 

Gradually  the  palisades  were  replaced  by  an 
adobe  wall  twelve  feet  high.  It  had  a  stone 
foundation  and  was  strongly  built.  The  plaza  or 
inclosed  square  was  330  feet  on  each  side.  On 
two  sides  of  this  inclosure  were  ranged  the 
family  houses  of  the  soldiers,  averaging  in  size 
15x25  feet.  On  one  side  stood  the  officers' 
quarters  and  the  church.  On  the  remaining  side 
were  the  main  entrance  four  varas  wide,  the  store 
rooms,  soldiers'  quarters  and  guard  room ;  and 
adjoining  these  outside  the  walls  were  the  cor- 
rals for  cattle  and  horses.  A  force  of  from  fifty 
to  sixty  soldiers  was  kept  at  the  post.  There 
were  bastions  at  two  of  the  corners  for  cannon. 

The  presidio  was  completed  about  1790,  with 
the  exception  of  the  chapel,  which  was  not  fin- 
ished until  1797.  Many  of  the  soldiers  when 
they  had  served  out  their  time  desired  to  remain 
in  the  country.  These  were  given  permission 
to  build  houses  outside  the  walls  of  the  presidio 
and  in  course  of  time  a  village  grew  up  around 

At  the  close  of  the  century  the  population  of 
the  gente  de  razon  of  the  district  numbered  370. 
The  presidio  when  completed  was  the  best  in 
California.  Vancouver,  the  English  navigator, 
who  visited  it  in  November,  1793,  says  of  it: 
"Tiie  buildings  appeared  to  be  regular  and  well 
constructed,  the  walls  clean  and  white  and  the 
roofs  of  the  houses  were  covered  with  a  bright 
red  tile.  The  presidio  excels  all  the  others  in 
neatness,  cleanliness  and  other  smaller  though 
essential  comforts ;  it  is  placed  on  an  elevated 
part  of  the  plain  and  is  raised  some  feet  from  the 
ground  by  a  basement  story  which  adds  much 
to  its  pleasantness." 

During  the  Spanish  regime  the  settlement  at 
the  presidio  grew  in  the  leisurely  way  that  all 
Spanish  towns  grew  in  Californa.  There  was 
but  little  immigration  from  Mexico  and  about 
the  only  source  of  increase  was  from  invalid  sol- 
diers and  the  children  of  the  soldiers  growing 
up  to  manhood  and  womanhood. 

Foreigners  were  not  allowed  to  remain  in  the 
country.  In  1795,  an  English  merchant  ship, 
the  "Phoenix,"  touched  at  Santa  Barbara  for 
supplies  and  left  a  Boston  boy  who  wanted  to 
remain,  "become  a  Christian"  and  grow  up  with 
the  country.  This  Boston  boy's  name  was 
Joseph  O'Cain  and  he  is  described  as  "an. En- 
glishman, a  native  of  Ireland,  whose  parents  now 
reside  in  Boston."  Whether  O'Cain  "became  a 
Christian"  the  records  do  not  state,  but  he  did 
not  become  a  citizen  of  California.  A  few 
months  after  his  arrival  they  shipped  him  to  San 

The   presidio   furnished   guards  for   the   mis- 

sions in  its  district,  namely  :  San  Gabriel,  San 
Fernando,  San  Buenaventura,  Santa  Barbara, 
La  Purisima  and  Santa  Inez ;  and  also  the  pueblo 
guard  of  Los  Angeles.  Lieutenant  Jose  de  la 
Guerra  y  Noriega  took  command  of  it  in  181 5. 
In  1818  he  was  promoted  to  be  captain  and  for 
twenty-four  years  was  the  comandante  of  the 
district.  During  his  administration,  April,  1822, 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  imperial  regency, 
Augustin  I.,  emperor  of  Mexico,  was  taken  by 
the  officers,  soldiers  and  citizens  and  the  rule  of 
Spain  was  at  an  end.  Next  year  they  swore 
allegiance  to  the  Republic.  Father  Gabelleria  in 
his  history  says  :  "On  receiving  intelligence  that 
the  cause  of  independence  had  triumphed,  they 
immediately  took  up  the  cry  recognizing  the 
then  Mexican  government,  and  although  they 
were  Spanish  soldiers  shouted  with  one  accord, 
'Abajo  Esparia'  (down  with  Spain)." 

It  was  at  this  time  that  direct  trade  was 
opened  up  between  Boston  and  California  and 
the  "hide  droghers"  that  afterward  became  such 
a  prominent  feature  in  California  commerce 
came  to  the  coast.  To  William  A.  Gale,  who  in 
the  early  years  of  the  century  had  been  a  fur 
trader  on  the  coast,  belongs  the  credit  of  inaugu- 
rating this  trade.  With  him,  in  1829,  in  the  ship 
"Brookline,"  came  Alfred  Robinson,  whose 
"Life  in  California"  gives  us  the  best  descrip- 
tion of  manners,  usages  and  customs  in  Califor- 
nia during  the  early  years  of  the  last  century. 
Robinson,  who  visited  Santa  Barbara  in  1829, 
thus  describes  it : 

"Seen  from  the  ship  the  'presidio'  or  town, 
its  charming  vicinity,  and  neat  little  mission  in 
the  background,  all  situated  on  an  inclined  plane, 
rising  gradually  from  the  sea  to  a  range  of  ver- 
dant hills,  three  miles  from  the  beach,  have  a 
striking  and  beautiful  effect.  Distance,  however, 
in  this  case,  'lends  enchantment  to  the  view' 
which  a  nearer  approach  somewhat  dispels ;  for 
we  found  the  houses  of  the  town,  of  which  there 
were  some  two  hundred,  in  not  very  good  con- 
dition. They  are  built  in  the  Spanish  mode, 
with  adobe  walls,  and  roofs  of  tile,  and  are  scat- 
tered about  outside  of  the  military  department : 
showing  a  total  disregard  of  order  on  the  part 
of  the  authorities.  On  the  left  of  the  town  in 
an  elevated  position  stands  the  Castillo  or  fort- 
ress. *  *  *  The  most  stately  house  in  the 
place  at  this  time  was  that  of  the  diputado  to 
Mexico,  Don  Jose  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega." 

Dana,  in  "Two  Years  Before  the  Mast,"  de- 
scribes the  town  as  it  was  in  1836:  "The  town 
is  composed  of  one-story  houses,  built  of  sun- 
baked clay,  or  adobe,  .some  of  them  white- 
washed, with  red  tiles  on  the  roofs.  I  should 
judge  that  there  were  about  a  hundred  of  them ; 
and  in  the  midst  of  them  stands  the  Presidio, 



or  fort,  built  of  the  same  material,  and  apparently 
but  little  stronger.  The  town  is  finely  situated 
with  a  bay  in  front  and  an  amphitheater  of  hills 
behind.  The  only  thing  which  diminishes  its 
beauty  is,  that  the  hills  have  no  large  trees  upon 
them,  they  having  been  all  burnt  by  a  great  fire 
which  swept  them  off  about  a  dozen  years  ago, 
and  they  had  not  yet  grown  again.  The  fire 
was  described  to  me  by  an  inhabitant  as  having 
been  a  very  terrible  and  magnificent  sight.  The 
air  of  the  whole  valley  was  so  heated  that  the 
people  were  obliged  to  leave  the  town  and  take 
up  their  quarters  for  several  days  on  the  beach." 

Farnham,  who  visited  the  town  in  1840,  gives 
this  description  of  it  in  his  "Early  Days  of  Cali- 
fornia :"  "The  houses  are  chiefly  built  in  the 
Spanish  mode — adobe  walls  and  roofs  of  tile. 
These  tiles  are  made  of  clay  fashioned  into  half 
cylinders,  and  burned  like  brick.  In  using  them, 
the  first  layer  is  placed  hollow  side  up ;  the  sec- 
ond inversely,  so  as  to  lock  over  the  first.  Their 
ends  overlap  each  other  as  common  shingles  do. 
This  roofing  serves  very  well  in  dry  weather. 
But  when  the  southeasters  of  the  winter  season 
come  on,  it  affords  a  poor  shelter.  Very  few  of 
the  houses  have  glass  windows.  Open  spaces  in 
the  walls  protected  with  bars  of  wood  and  plank 
shutters,  serve  instead.  A.  B.  Thompson,  a 
wealthy  and  hospitable  American  merchant,  has 
erected  a  residence  in  the  center  of  the  town, 
which  bears  very  striking  testimony  to  his  being 
a  civilized  man." 

Fremont's  battalion  took  possession  of  Santa 
Barbara,  December  27,  1846.  Next  day  the 
United  States  flag  was  raised  on  the  flag  stafT 
in  the  plaza,  from  which  had  floated  the  banner 

of  Spain,  the  imperial  standard  of  the  empire 
and  the  cactus-perched  eagle  flag  of  the  Republic 
of  Mexico. 

Lieut.  Bryant,  of  Fremont's  battalion,  de- 
scribes the  town  as  it  appeared  at  the  time  of 
the  American  conquest :  "The  town  of  Santa 
Barbara  is  beautifully  situated  for  the  pictur- 
esque, about  one  mile  from  the  shore  of  a  road- 
stead, which  affords  anchorage  for  vessels  of 
any  size,  and  a  landing  for  boats  in  calm  weather. 
The  population  of  the  town,  I  should  judge  from 
the  number  of  houses  to  be  about  1,200  souls. 
Most  of  the  houses  are  constructed  of  adobes, 
in  the  usual  architectural  style  of  Mexican  build- 
ings. Some  of  them,  however,  are  more  Ameri- 
canized, and  have  some  pretentions  to  tasteful 
architecture,  and  comfortable  and  convenient  in- 
terior arrangement. 

For  intelligence,  refinement  and  civilization 
the  population,  it  is  said,  will  compare  advan- 
tageously with  any  in  California.  Some  old  and 
influential  Spanish  families  are  residents  of  this 
place ;  but  their  casas,  with  the  exception  of  that 
of  Sehor  Don  Jose  Noriega,  the  largest  house 
in  the  place,  are  now  closed  and  deserted.  It  is 
a  peculiarity  of  the  Mexicans  that  they  allow  no 
shade  or  ornamental  trees  to  grow  near  their 
houses.  In  none  of  the  streets  of  the  towns  or 
missions  through  which  I  have  passed  has  there 
been  a  solitary  tree  standing.  I  noticed  very 
few  horticultural  attempts  in  Santa  Barbara." 

In  1834,  the  diputacion  granted  the  pueblo  a 
regular  ayuntamiento,  but  what  the  municipal 
council  did,  no  one  knows.  The  records  have 
been  lost.  The  legislature  of  1849-50  incorpor- 
ated the  City  of  Santa  Barbara,  April  9,  1850. 



THE  history  of  the  founding  of  our  Ameri- 
can cities  shows  that  the  location  of  a  city, 
as  well  as  its  plan,  is  as  often  the  result  of 
accident  as  of  design.  Neither  chance  nor  acci- 
dent entered  into  the  selection  of  the  site,  the 
plan  or  the  name  of  Los  Angeles.  All  these  had 
been  determined  upon  years  before  a  colonist 
had  been  enlisted  to  make  the  settlement.  The 
.Spanish  colonist,  unlike  the  American  back- 
woodsman, was  not  free  to  locate  on  the  public 
<lomain  wherever  his  caprice  or  his  convenience 

The  Spanish  poblador  (founder  or  colonist) 
went  where  he  was  sent  by  his  government.  He 
built  his  pueblo  after  a  plan  designated  by  royal 

reglamento.  His  planting  and  his  sowing,  the 
size  of  his  fields  and  the  shape  of  his  house  lot 
were  fixed  by  royal  decree.  He  was  a  dependent 
of  the  crown.  The  land  he  cultivated  was  not 
his  own,  except  to  use.  If  he  failed  to  till  it,  it 
was  taken  from  him  and  he  was  deported  from 
the  colony.  He  could  not  buy  the  land  he  lived  on 
nor  could  he  even  exercise  that  privilege  so  dear 
to  the  ./Knglo-Californian — the  right  to  mortgage 
it.  Once  located  by  royal  order  he  could  not 
change  his  location  without  permission  nor  could 
he  visit  his  native  land  without  a  passport.  He 
could  not  change  his  political  opinions — that  is 
if  he  had  any  to  change.  He  could  not  change 
his  religion  and  survive  the  operation.     Envi- 



roned  and  circumscribed  by  limitations  and  re- 
strictions on  all  sides,  it  is  not  strange  that  the 
Spanish  colonists  were  non-progressive. 

The  pueblo  plan  of  colonization  so  common 
in  Spanish-American  countries  did  not  originate 
with  the  Spanish-American  colonists.  It  was 
older  even  than  Spain  itself.  In  early  Euro- 
pean colonization,  the  pueblo  plan,  the  common 
square  in  the  center  of  the  town,  the  house  lots 
grouped  round  it,  the  arable  fields  and  the  com- 
mon pasture  lands  beyond,  appears  in  the  Aryan 
village,  in  the  ancient  German  mark  and  in  the 
old  Roman  prsesidium.  The  Puritans  adopted 
this  form  in  their  first  settlements  in  New  Eng- 
land. Around  the  public  square  or  common 
where  stood  the  meeting  house  and  the  town 
house,  they  laid  off  their  home  lots  and  beyond 
these  were  their  cultivated  fields  and  their  com- 
mon pasture  lands.  This  form  of  colonization 
was  a  combination  of  communal  interests  and 
individual  ownership.  Primarily,  no  doubt,  it 
was  adopted  for  protection  against  the  hostile 
aborigines  of  the  country,  and  secondly  for  social 
advantage.  It  reversed  the  order  of  our  own 
western  colonization.  The  town  came  first,  it 
was  the  initial  point  from  which  the  settlement 
radiated ;  while  with  our  western  pioneers  the 
town  was  an  afterthought — a  center  point  for  the 
convenience  of  trade. 

When  it  had  been  decided  to  send  colonists  to 
colonize  California  the  settlements  naturally  took 
the  pueblo  form.  The  difificulty  of  obtaining 
regular  supplies  for  the  presidios  from  Mexico, 
added  to  the  great  expense  of  shipping  such  a 
long  distance,  was  the  principal  cause  that  influ- 
enced the  government  to  establish  pueblos  de 
gente  de  razon.  The  presidios  received  their 
shipments  of  grain  for  breadstuff  from  San  Bias 
by  sailing  vessels.  The  arrival  of  these  was  un- 
certain. Once  when  the  vessels  were  unusually 
long  in  coming,  the  padres  and  the  soldiers  at  the 
presidios  and  missions  were  reduced  to  living  on 
milk,  bear  meat  and  what  provisions  they  could 
obtain  from  the  Indians.  When  Felipe  de  Neve 
was  made  governor  of  Alta  or  Nueva  California 
in  1776,  he  was  instructed  by  the  viceroy  to  make 
observations  on  the  agricultural  possibilities  of 
the  country  and  the  feasibility  of  founding  pueb- 
los where  grain  could  be  produced  to  supply 
the  military  establishments. 

On  his  journey  from  San  Diego  to  San  Fran- 
cisco in  1777,  he  carefully  examined  the  country ; 
and  as  a  result  of  his  observations  recommended 
the  founding  of  two  pueblos :  one  on  the  Rio  de 
Porciuncula  in  the  south,  and  the  other  on  the 
Rio  de  Guadalupe  in  the  north.  On  the  29th 
day  of  November,  1777,  the  Pueblo  of  San  Jose 
de  Guadalupe  was  founded.  The  colonists  were 
nine  of  the  presidio  soldiers  from  San  Francisco 

and  Monterey,  who  had  some  knowledge  of 
farming,  and  five  of  Anza's  pobladores,  who  had 
come  with  his  expedition  the  previous  year  to 
found  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco.  From  the 
fact  that  the  founders,  in  part,  of  the  first  pueblo 
in  California  were  soldiers  has  originated  the  fic- 
tion that  the  founders  of  the  second  pueblo,  Los 
Angeles,  were  soldiers  also ;  although  this  fiction 
has  been  contradicted  repeatedly,  it  reappears  in 
nearly  every  newspaper  write-up  of  the  early  his- 
tory of  Los  Angeles. 

From  various  causes  the  founding  of  the  sec- 
ond pueblo  had  been  delayed.  In  the  latter  part 
of  1779,  active  preparations  were  begun  for  car- 
rying out  the  plan  of  founding  a  presidio  and 
three  missions  on  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel 
and  a  pueblo  on  the  Rio  Porciuncula  to  be 
named  "Reyna  de  Los  Angeles."  The  Coman- 
dante-General  of  the  Four  Interior  Provinces  of 
the  West  (which  embraced  the  Cahfornias,  So- 
nora.  New  Mexico  and  Viscaya),  Don  Teodoro 
de  Croix  or  "El  Cavallero  de  Croix,"  "The 
Knight  of  the  Cross,"  as  he  usually  styled  him- 
self, gave  instructions  to  Don  Fernando  de  Ri- 
vera y  Moncada  to  recruit  soldiers  and  settlers 
for  the  proposed  presidio  and  pueblo  in  Nueva 
California.  He,  Rivera,  crossed  the  Gulf  and 
began  recruiting  in  Sonora  and  Sinaloa.  His 
instructions  were  to  secure  twenty-four  settlers, 
who  were  heads  of  families.  They  must  be  ro- 
bust and  well  behaved,  so  that  they  might  set  a 
good  example  to  the  natives.  Their  families 
must  accompany  them  and  unmarried  female  rel- 
atives must  be  encouraged  to  go,  with  the  view 
of  marrying  them  to  bachelor  soldiers. 

According  to  the  Regulations  drafted  by  Gov. 
Felipe  deNeve  June  1,1779,  fo''  the  Government 
of  the  Province  of  California  and  approved  by 
the  King,  in  a  royal  order  of  the  24th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1781,  settlers  in  California  from  the  older 
provinces  were  each  to  be  granted  a  liouse  lot 
and  a  tract  of  land  for  cultivation.  Each  pobla- 
dor  in  addition  was  to  receive  $116.50  a  year  for 
the  first  two  years,  "the  rations  to  be  understood 
as  comprehended  in  this  amount,  and  in  lieu  of 
rations  for  the  next  three  years  they  will  receive 
sixty  dollars  yearly." 

Section  3  of  Title  14  of  the  Reglamento  pro- 
vided that  "To  each  poblador  and  to  the  com- 
munity of  the  Pueblo  there  shall  be  given  under 
condition  of  repayment  in  horses  and  mules  fit 
to  be  given  and  received,  and  in  the  payment  of 
the  other  large  and  small  cattle  at  the  just  prices, 
which  are  to  be  fixed  by  tariff,  and  of  the  tools 
and  implements  at  cost,  as  it  is  ordained,  two 
mares,  two  cows  and  one  calf,  two  sheep  and  two 
goats,  all  breeding  animals,  and  one  yoke  of 
oxen  or  steers,  one  plow  point,  one  hoe,  one 
spade,  one  axe,  one  sickle,  one  wood  knife,  one 


musket  and  one  leather  shield,  Iwo  horses  and 
one  cargo  mule.  To  the  community  there  shall 
likewise  be  given  the  males  corresponding  to 
the  total  number  of  cattle  of  different  kinds  dis- 
tributed amongst  all  the  inhabitants,  one  forge 
and  anvil,  six  crowbars,  six  iron  spades  or  shov- 
els and  the  necessary  tools  for  carpenter  and  cast 
work."  For  the  government's  assistance  to  the 
pobladors  in  starting  their  colony  the  settlers 
were  required  to  sell  to  the  presidios  the  surplus 
products  of  their  lands  and  herds  at  fair  prices, 
which  were  to  be  fixed  by  the  government. 

The  terms  offered  to  the  settler  were  certainly 
liberal,  and  by  our  own  hardy  pioneers,  who  in 
the  closing  years  of  the  last  century  were  making 
their  way  over  the  Alleghany  mountains  into 
Ohio,  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  they  would  have 
been  considered  munificent ;  but  to  the  indolent 
and  energyless  mixed  breeds  of  Sonora  and 
.'-iinaloa  they  were  no  inducement.  After  spend- 
ing nearly  nine  months  in  recruiting,  Rivera  was 
able  to  obtain  only  fourteen  pobladores,  but  little 
over  half  the  number  required,  and  two  of  these 
deserted  before  reaching  California.  The  soldiers 
that  Rivera  had  recruited  for  California,  forty- 
two  in  number,  with  their  families,  were  ordered 
to  proceed  overland  from  Alamos,  in  Sonora,  by 
way  of  Tucson  and  the  Colorado  River  to  San 
Gabriel  Mission.  These  were  commanded  by 
Rivera  in  person. 

Leaving  Alamos  in  April,  1781,  thev  arrived 
in  the  latter  part  of  June  at  the  junction  of  the 
Gila  and  Colorado  rivers.  After  a  short  delay 
to  rest  the  main  company  was  sent  on  to  San 
Gabriel  Mission.  Rivera,  with  ten  or  twelve 
soldiers,  remained  to  recruit  his  live  stock  before 
crossing  the  desert.  Two  missions  had  been 
established  on  the  California  side  of  the  Colo- 
rado the  previous  year.  Before  the  arrival  of 
Rivera  the  Indians  had  been  behaving  badly. 
Rivera's  large  herd  of  cattle  and  horses  de- 
stroyed the  mesquite  trees  and  intruded  upon 
the  Indians'  melon  patches.  This,  with  their 
previous  quarrel  with  the  padres,  provoked  the 
savages  to  an  uprising.  They,  on  July  17,  at- 
tacked the  two  missions,  massacred  the  padres 
and  the  Spanish  settlers  attached  to  the  missions 
and  killed  Rivera  and  his  soldiers — forty-six 
persons  in  all.  The  Indians  burned  the  mis- 
sion buildings.  These  w^ere  never  rebuilt  nor 
was  there  any  other  attempt  made  to  convert 
the  Vumas.  The  hostility  of  the  Yumas  prac- 
tically closed  the  Colorado  route  to  California 
for  many  years. 

The  pobladores  who  had  been  recruited  for 
the  founding  of  the  new  pueblo,  with  their  fam- 
ilies and  a  military  escort,  all  under  the  com- 
mand of  Lieutenant  Jose  Zuiiiga,  crossed  the 
gulf  from  Guaymas  to  Loreto,  in  Lower  Califor- 

nia, and  by  the  i6th  of  May  were  ready  for  their 
long  journey  northward.  In  the  meantime  two 
of  the  recruits  had  deserted  and  one  was  left 
behind  at  Loreto.  On  the  i8th  of  August  the 
eleven  who  had  remained  faithful  to  their  con- 
tract, with  their  families,  arrived  at  San  Gabriel. 
( )n  account  of  smallpox  among  some  of  the 
children  the  company  was  placed  in  quaran- 
tine about  a  league  from  the  mission. 

On  the  26th  of  August,  1781,  from  San  Ga- 
briel, Governor  de  Neve  issued  his  instructions 
for  the  founding  of  Los  Angeles,  which  gave 
some  additional  rules  in  regard  to  the  distribu- 
tion of  lots  not  found  in  the  royal  reglamento 
previously  mentioned. 

On  the  4th  of  September.  1781,  the  colonists, 
with  a  military  escort  headed  by  Governor  Felipe 
de  Neve,  took  up  their  line  of  march  from  the 
INIission  San  Gabriel  to  the  site  selected  for  their 
pueblo  on  the  Rio  de  Porciuncula.  There,  with 
religious  ceremonies,  the  Pueblo  de  Nuestra 
Sefiora  La  Reina  de  Los  Angeles  was  formally 
founded.  A  mass  was  said  by  a  priest  from  the 
Mission  San  Gabriel,  assisted  by  the  choristers 
and  musicians  of  that  mission.  There  were 
salvos  of  musketry  and  a  procession  with  a 
cross,  candlesticks,  etc.  At  the  head  of  the  pro- 
cession the  soldiers  bore  the  standard  of  Spain 
and  the  women  followed  bearing  a  banner  with 
the  image  of  Our  Lady  the  Queen  of  the  Angels. 
This  procession  made  a  circuit  of  the  plaza,  the 
priest  blessing  it  and  the  building  lots.  At  the 
close  of  the  services  Governor  de  Neve  made  an 
address  full  of  good  advice  to  the  colonists. 
Then  the  Governor,  his  military  escort  and  the 
priests  returned  to  San  Gabriel  and  the  colo- 
nists were  left  to  work  out  their  destiny. 

Few  of  the  great  cities  of  the  land  have  had 
such  humble  founders  as  Los  Angeles.  Of  the 
eleven  pobladores  who  built  their  huts  of  poles 
and  tule  thatch  around  the  plaza  vieja  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  years  ago,  not  one  could  read 
or  WTite.  Not  one  could  boast  of  an  unmixed 
ancestry.  They  were  mongrels  in  race — Cauca- 
sian, Indian  and  Negro  mixed.  Poor  in  purse, 
poor  in  blood,  poor  in  all  the  sterner  qualities  of 
character  that  our  own  hardy  pioneers  of  the 
west  possessed,  they  left  no  impress  on  the  city 
they  founded ;  and  the  conquering  race  that  pos- 
sesses the  land  they  colonized  has  forgotten 
them.  No  street  or  landmark  in  the  city  bears 
the  name  of  any  one  of  them.  No  monument 
or  tablet  marks  the  spot  where  they  planted  the 
germ  of  their  settlement.  No  Forefathers'  day 
preserves  the  memory  of  their  services  and  sac- 
rifices. Their  names,  race  and  the  number  of 
persons  in  each  family  have  been  preserved  in 
the  archives  of  California.    They  are  as  follows : 

I.     Jose  de  Lara,  a  Spaniard  (or  reputed  to 



be  one,  although  it  is  doubtful  whether  he  was  of 
pure  blood)  ;  had  an  Indian  wife  and  three  chil- 

2.  Jose  Antonio  Navarro,  a  Mestizo,  forty- 
two  years  old;  wife  a  mulattress  ;  three  children. 

3.  Basilio  Rosas,  an  Indian,  sixty-eight  years 
old ;    had  a  mulatto  wife  and  two  children. 

5.  Antonio  Felix  \'illavicencio,  a  Spaniard, 
thirty  rears  old;  had  an  Indian  wife  and  one 

6.  Jose  \'anegas,  an  Indian,  twenty-eight 
years  old;   had  an  Indian  wife  and  one  child. 

7.  Alejandro  Rosas,  an  Indian,  nineteen 
years  old  and  had  an  Indian  wife.  (In  the  rec- 
ords, "wife  Co_\-ote-Indian.")* 

8.  Pablo  Rodriguez,  an  Indian,  twenty-five 
years  old ;    had  an  Indian  wife  and  one  child. 

9.  Manuel  Camero,  a  mulatto,  thirty  years 
old  ;   had  a  mulatto  wife. 

10.  Luis  Ouintero,  a  negro,  fifty-five  years 
old,  and  had  a  mulatto  wife  and  five  children. 

11.  Jose  Morena,  a  mulatto,  twenty-two 
years  old,  and  had  a  mulatto  wife. 

Antonio  Miranda,  the  twelfth  person  de- 
scribed in  the  padron  (list)  as  a  Chino,  fifty 
years  old,  and  having  one  child,  was  left  at 
Loreto  when  the  expedition  marched  northward. 
It  would  have  been  impossible  for  him  to  have 
rejoined  the  colonists  before  the  founding.  Pre- 
sumably his  child  remained  with  him,  conse- 
quently there  were  but  forty-four  instead  of 
"forty-six  persons  in  all."  Col.  J.  J.  Warner,  in 
his  "Historical  Sketch  of  Los  Angeles,"  orig- 
inated the  fiction  that  one  of  the  founders  (Mi- 
randa, the  Chino)  was  born  in  China.  Chino, 
while  it  does  mean  a  Chinaman,  is  also  applied 
in  Spanish-American  countries  to  persons  or 
animals  having  curly  hair.  Miranda  was  prob- 
bably  of  mixed  Spanish  and  Negro  blood,  and 
curly  haired.  There  is  no  record  to  show  that 
.Miranda  ever  came  to  Alta  California. 

Another  fiction  that  frequently  appears  in 
newspaper  "write-ups"  of  Los  Angeles  is  the 
statement  that  the  founders  were  "discharged 
soldiers  from  the  Mission  San  Gabriel."  None 
of  them  had  ever  seen  San  Gabriel  before  they 
arrived  there  with  Zuniga's  expedition  on  the 
18th  of  August,  1781,  nor  is  there  a  probability 
that  any  one  of  them  ever  was  a  soldier.  When 
Jose  de  Galvcz  was  fitting  out  the  expedition 
for  occupying  San  Diego  and  Monterey,  he  is- 
sued a  proclamation  naming  St.  Joseph  as  the 
patron  saint  of  his  California  colonization 
scheme.  Bearing  this  fact  in  mind,  no  doubt. 
Governor  de  Neve,  when  he  founded  San  Jose, 
named    St.    Joseph    its   patron    .saint.      Having 

*Tlio  lerni  coyote  was  appl 
tivfs   of    Lower   California. 

named  one  of  the  two  pueblos  for  San  Jose  it 
naturally  followed  that  the  other  should  be 
named  for  Santa  Maria,  the  Queen  of  the  An- 
gels, wife  of  San  Jose. 

On  the  1st  of  August,  1769,  Portola's  expedi- 
tion, on  its  journey  northward  in  search  of  Mon- 
terey Bay,  had  halted  in  the  San  Gabriel  Valley 
near  where  the  IMission  \ieja  was  afterwards 
located,  to  reconnoiter  the  country  and  "above 
all,"  as  Father  Crespi  observes,  "for  the  purpose 
of  celebrating  the  jubilee  of  Our  Lady  of  the 
Angels  of  Porciuncula."  Next  day,  August  2, 
after  traveling  about  three  leagues  (nine  miles). 
Father  Crespi,  in  his  diary,  says:  "We  came  to 
a  rather  wide  Canada  having  a  great  many  Cot- 
tonwood and  alder  trees.  Through  it  ran  a  beau- 
tiful river  toward  the  north-northeast  and  curv- 
ing around  the  point  of  a  cliff  it  takes  a  direc- 
tion to  the  south.  Toward  the  north-northeast 
we  saw  another  river  bed  which  must  have  been 
a  great  overflow,  but  we  found  it  dry.  This  arm 
unites  with  the  river  and  its  great  floods  during 
the  rainy  season  are  clearly  demonstrated  by 
the  many  uprooted  trees  scattered  along  the 
banks."  (This  dry  river  is  the  Arroyo  Seco.) 
"We  stopped  not  very  far  from  the  river,  to 
which  we  gave  the  name  of  Porciuncula."  Por- 
ciuncula is  the  name  of  a  hamlet  in  Italy  near 
which  was  located  the  little  church  of  Our  Lady 
of  the  Angels,  in  which  St.  Francis  of  Assisi 
was  praying  when  the  jubilee  was  granted  him. 
Leather  Crespi,  speaking  of  the  plain  through 
which  the  river  flows  says :  "This  is  the  best 
locality  of  all  those  we  have  yet  seen  for  a  mis- 
sion, besides  having  all  the  resources  required 
for  a  large  town."  Padre  Crespi  was  evidently 
somewhat  of  a  prophet. 

The  fact  that  this  locality  had  for  a  number  of 
years  borne  the  name  of  "Our  Lady  of  the  An- 
gels of  Porciuncula"  may  have  influenced  Gov- 
ernor de  Neve  to  locate  his  pueblo  here.  The 
full  name  of  the  town.  El  Pueblo  de  Nuestra 
Senora  La  Reina  de  Los  Angeles,  was  seldom 
used.  It  was  too  long  for  everyday  use.  In  the 
earlier  years  of  the  town's  history  it  seems  to 
have  had  a  variety  of  names.  It  appears  in  the 
records  as  Fl  Pueblo  de  Nuestra  Senora  de  Los 
Angeles,  as  El  Pueblo  de  La  Reina  de  Los  An- 
geles and  as  El  Pueblo  de  Santa  Maria  de  Los 
Angeles.  Sometimes  it  was  abbreviated  to 
Santa  Maria,  but  it  w-as  most  commonly  spoken 
of  as  El  Pueblo — the  town.  At  what  time  the 
name  of  Rio  Porciuncula  was  changed  to  Rio 
Los  Angeles  is  uncertain.  The  change  no  doubt 
was  gradual. 

The  site  selected  for  the  pueblo  of  Los  An- 
geles was  picturesque  and  romantic.  From 
where  Alameda  street  now  is  to  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  river  the  land  was  covered  with  a 



dense  growth  of  willows,  cottonwoods  and  al- 
ders ;  while  here  and  there,  rising  above  the 
swampy  copse,  towered  a  giant  aliso  (sycamore). 
A\'ild  grape  vines  festooned  the  branches  of  the 
trees  and  wild  roses  bloomed  in  profusion.  Be- 
hind the  narrow  shelf  of  mesa  land  where  the 
pueblo  was  located  rose  the  brown  hills,  and  in 
the  distance  towered  the  lofty  Sierra  Madre 

Forages  the  Indians  had  roamed  up  and  down 
the  valley,  hut  the  Indian  is  so  ardent  a  lover  of 
nature  that  he  never  defaces  her  face  by  attempt- 
ing to  make  improvements — particularly  if  it  re- 
quires exertion  to  make  the  changes.  For  cen- 
turies within  the  limits  that  Neve  had  marked 
out  for  his  pueblo  had  stood  the  Indian  village 
of  Yang-na  or  rather  a  succession  of  villages  of 
that  name.  When  the  accretions  of  filth  en- 
croached upon  the  red  man's  dwelling  and  the 
increase  of  certain  kinds  of  live  stock,  of  name 

offensive  to  ears  polite,  had  become  so  great  and 
their  appetites  so  keen  that  even  the  phlegmatic 
Digger  could  no  longer  endure  their  aggressive 
attacks,  then  the  poor  Indian  resorted  to  a  he- 
roic method  of  house-cleaning.  ( )n  an  appointed 
day  the  portable  property  was  removed  from  the 
wickeups,  the  village  was  set  on  fire  and  myriads 
on  myriads  of  piojos  and  piilgas  were  cremated 
in  the  conflagration.  Alter  purification  by  fire 
poor  Lo  built  a  new  village  on  the  old  site — a 
new  town  with  the  same  old  name,  Yang-na. 
Probably  all  of  the  Indians  of  Yang-na  had  been 
gathered  into  the  mission  fold  at  San  Gabriel 
iDefore  Neve's  pobladores  built  their  huts  on  the 
banks  of  the  Rio  Porciuncula,  still  there  seems 
to  have  been  fears  of  an  attack  by  hostile  In- 
dians, for  the  colonists  built  a  guard  house  and 
barracks  and  a  guard  of  soldiers  was  stationed 
at  the  pueblo  for  many  years  after  the  found- 

CHAPTER   Vlll. 


IN  THE  previous  chapter  we  had  a  description 
of  the  founding  of  the  pueblo  and  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  house  lots  and  the  plaza.  The 
plaza  is  an  essential  feature  in  the  plan  of 
Spanish-America  towns.  It  is  usually  the  geo- 
graphical center  of  the  pueblo  lands.  The  old 
plaza  of  El  Pueblo  de  Nuestra  Seiiora  La  Reina 
de  Los  Angeles,  as  designated  by  Gov.  Felipe  de 
Neve,  in  his  "Instruccion  para  La  I-'undaccion 
de  Los  Angeles,"  was  a  parallelogram  one  hun- 
dred varas  in  length  by  seventy-five  in  breadth. 
It  was  laid  out  w-ith  its  corners  facing  the  cardi- 
nal points  of  the  compass,  and  with  three  streets 
running  perpendicularly  to  each  of  its  four  sides, 
so  that  no  street  would  be  swept  by  the  winds. 
The  Governor  evidently  supposed  that  the  winds 
would  always  blow  from  the  orthodox  four  cor- 
ners of  the  earth  ;  therefore,  he  cut  out  his  town 
on  the  bias,  so  as  to  outwit  old  Boreas. 

The  usual  area  of  a  pueblo  in  California  was 
four  square  leagues,  or  about  17,770  acres  (a 
Spanish  square  league  contains  4,4444-9  acres). 
The  pueblo  lands  were  divided  into  solares,  or 
house  lots,  suertes* — planting  fields,  dehesas, 
outside  pasture  lands  ;  ejidos,  or  commons,  lands 
nearest  the  town  where  the  mustangs  were  teth- 
ered and  the  goats  roamed  at  pleasure  (from  the 
ejidos,  solares  or  house  lots  may  be  granted  to 

*Sucrto — cliancc    or 
icrtes  because  assigned 

new  comers) ;  propios^ — public  lands  that  may 
be  rented  or  leased,  and  the  proceeds  used  to 
defray  municipal  expenses ;  realanges,  or  royal 
lands,  also  used  for  raising  revenue,  and  from 
these  lands  grants  were  made  to  new  settlers. 
In  addition  there  was  also  certain  communal 
property  know?n  as  Bienes  Concejiles,  which 
term  has  been  defined  as  "that  which,  in  respect 
of  ownership,  belongs  to  the  public  or  council  of 
a  city,  village  or  town,  and  in  respect  of  its  use 
belongs  to  every  one  of  its  inhabitants,  such  as 
fountains,  woods,  the  pastures,  waters  of  rivers 
for  irrigation,  etc." 

After  the  pobladores  had  built  their  rude  huts 
they  turned  their  attention  to  the  preparation  of 
their  fields  for  cultivation.  A  toma,  or  dam,  and 
an  irrigating  ditch  were  constructed.  This 
ditch  passed  along  the  east  side  and  close  to 
those  lots  on  the  southeastern  corner  of  the 
square.  It  not  only  supplied  the  settlers  with 
water  for  irrigating  their  fields,  but  also  for 
drinking  and  household  purposes.  It  was  the 
first  water  system  of  Los  Angeles.  According 
to  Neve's  "Instructions,"  the  suertes,  or  plant- 
ing fields,  were  to  be  located  at  least  200  varas 
from  the  house  lots  that  surrounded  the  square. 
This  instruction,  if  complied  with,  located  the 
western  line  of  these  fields  about  where  Ala- 
meda street  now  is. 

The  following  description  nf  the  colonists' 
idanting  fields  is  taken  from  the  first  Los  .\n- 



geles  directory,  published  in  1872  by  A.  J-  King 
and  A.  Waite : 

"Thirty  fields  for  cultivation  were  also  laid 
out.  Twenty-six  of  these  fields  contained  each 
40,000  square  varas  (equal  to  about  eight  acres). 
They  were,  with  the  exception  of  four  (which 
were  300  by  100  varas)  200  varas  square,  and 
separated  by  lanes  three  varas  wide.  The  fields 
were  located  between  the  irrigating  ditch  and  the 
river,  and  mostly  above  a  line  running  direct  and 
nearly  east  from  the  town  site  to  the  river.  (The 
fields  covered  ihe  present  site  of  Chinatown  and 
that  of  the  lumber  yards,  and  possibly  extended 
up  to  the  San  Fernando,  or  river  station  depot.) 
The  distance  from  the  irrigating  ditch  to  the 
river  across  these  fields  was  upwards  of  1,200 
varas.  At  that  time  the  river  ran  along  where 
now  (1872)  stand  the  houses  of  Julian  Chavez 
and  Elijah  Moulton.  It  was  evident  that  when 
the  town  was  laid  out  the  bluff  bank,  which  in 
modern  times  extended  from  Aliso  street  up  by 
the  Stearns  (now  Capitol)  mill  to  the  toma,  did 
not  e.xist,  but  was  made  when  the  river  ran  near 
the  town." 

The  streets  of  the  pueblo  were  each  ten  varas 
(about  twenty-eight  feet)  wide.  The  boundaries 
of  the  Plaza  Vieja,  or  old  plaza,  as  nearly  as  it 
is  possible  to  locate  them  now,  are  as  follows: 
"The  southeast  corner  of  Tapper  Main  and  Mar- 
chessault  streets  for  the  southern  or  southeast- 
ern corner  of  the  square ;  the  east  line  of  Upper 
Main  street  from  the  above-named  corner,  100 
varas,  in  a  northerly  direction  for  the  east  line 
of  the  square ;  the  eastern  line  of  new  High 
street  for  the  western  line  of  the  square  ;  and  the 
northern  line  of  Marchessault  street  for  the 
southern  line  of  the  square."*  LTpon  three  sides 
of  this  parallelogram  were  the  house  lots,  each 
40x20  varas,  except  the  two  corner  lots,  which, 
fronting  in  part  on  two  sides  of  the  square,  were 

The  eastern  half  of  the  southwestern  side  was 
left  vacant ;  the  western  half  of  this  side  was  de- 
signed for  the  public  buildings — a  guard-house, 
a  town-house  and  a  public  granary. 

While  the  house  lots,  the  tilling-fields  and  a 
certain  part  of  the  live  stock  belonged  in  sever- 
alty to  each  head  of  a  family,  and  to  the  care  and 
cultivation  of  which  he  was  supposed  to  devote 
his  time  and  attention,  there  were  also  certain 
comnuuiity  interests  of  which  each  was  re- 
quired to  perform  his  part,  such  as  building  the 
guard-house,  the  public  granaries  and  the  irri- 
gating works,  standing  guard  and  herding  the 
village  flocks.  It  was  discovered  before  long  that 
there  were  shirks  among  the  colonists — men  who 
would  not  do  their  part  of  the  conumuiity  labor. 

•J.  J.  WanuT's  Hi.slorical  sketch  of  Los  .■\ngelcs  Co. 

Early  in  1782,  Jose  de  Lara,  one  of  the  two  Span- 
iards, Antonio  Mesa  and  Luis  Quintero,  the  two 
negroes,  were  deported  from  the  colony  and 
their  property  taken  from  them  by  order  of  the 
Governor,  they  being  "useless  to  the  pueblo  and 
to  themselves."  As  their  families  went  with  them, 
by  their  deportation  the  population  of  the  pueblo 
was  reduced  to  twenty-eight  persons.  The  re- 
maining colonists  went  to  work.  T'efore  the 
close  of  1784  they  had  replaced  most  of  their 
tule-thatchcd  and  mud-daubed  huts  of  poles  with 
adobe  houses.  They  had  built  the  public  build- 
ings required  and  had  begun  the  erection  of  a 
chapel.  All  of  these  were  built  of  adobe  and 
covered  with  thatch. 

In  1785  Jose  Francisco  Sinova,  a  laborer,  who 
for  a  number  of  years  had  lived  in  California, 
applied  for  admission  into  the  pueblo  and  was  ad- 
mitted on  the  same  terms  as  the  original  pobla- 

In  1786  Alferez  (Lieut.)  Jose  Argiiello,  who 
had  been  detailed  for  that  purpose  by  Governor 
Fages,  the  successor  of  de  Neve,  put  the  nine 
settlers  who  had  been  faithful  to  their  trust  in 
legal  possession  of  their  house,  lots  and  sowing 
fields.  Corporal  A^icente  Felix  and  Private  Roque 
de  Cota  acted  as  legal  witnesses.  Each  colonist 
in  the  presence  of  the  others  received  a  grant  of 
a  house,  lot  and  three  sowing  fields,  and  he  was 
given  a  branding-iron  to  distinguish  his  live 
stock  from  that  of  his  neighbors. 

It  is  probable  that  there  had  from  the  begin- 
ning been  some  understanding  of  what  was  the 
individual  property  of  each  one.  Each  of  the 
nine  settlers  signed  his  grant  or  agreement  with 
a  cross ;  not  one  of  them  could  write.  Lieut. 
Argiiello  spent  but  little  time  over  surveys,  and 
probably  set  up  no  landmarks  to  define  bound- 
aries. The  propios  were  said  to  extend  southerly 
2,200  varas  from  the  toma  or  dam  (which  was 
located  near  the  point  where  the  Fiuena  Vista 
street  bridge  now  crosses  the  river)  to  the  limit 
of  the  distributed  lands.  The  realenges,  or  royal 
lands,  were  located  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 

The  e.xterior  boundaries  of  the  pueblo  were 
not  fi.xcd  then,  nor  were  they  ever  defined  while 
the  town  was  under  the  domination  of  Spain.  .\s 
we  shall  find  later  on,  this  occasioned  controver- 
sies between  the  missionaries  of  San  Gabriel  and 
the  settlers  of  Los  Angeles. 

The  local  government  of  the  pueblo  was  a 
combination  of  the  military  and  the  civil  forms. 
The  civil  authority  was  vested  in  an  alcalde  and 
two  regidores  (councilman) ;  the  military  in  a 
corporal  of  the  guard.  There  was  another  office, 
that  of  coniisionado,  which  was  quasi-military. 
The  principal  duty  of  this  officer  was  to  appor- 
tion the  pueblo  lands  to  new  settlers. 



The  corporal  of  the  pueblo  guard  seems  to 
have  been  the  ranking  officer  in  the  town  gov- 
ernment, and,  in  addition  to  his  military  com- 
mand, had  supervision  over  the  acts  of  the  rcgi- 
dores  and  the  alcalde. 

The  civil  authorities  were  at  first  appointed 
bv  the  governor;  later  on  they  were  elected  by 
the  people.  The  territory  of  California  was  di- 
vided into  military  districts,  corresponding  in 
number  to  the  presidios.  Each  military  district 
was  under  the  command  of  a  military  officer 
(captain  or  lieutenant),  who  reported  to  the  gov- 
ernor, who  was  also  an  army  officer,  usually  a 
lieutenant-colonel  or  colonel. 

At  the  time  of  the  founding  of  Los  Angeles 
there  were  three  presidios,  viz. :  San  Diego, 
^Monterey  and  San  Francisco.  Los  Angeles  was 
at  first  attached  to  San  Diego.  After  the  found- 
ing of  Santa  Barbara  presidio  it  was  placed  in 
that  military  district. 

The  corporal  of  the  pueblo  guard  reported  to 
the  commander  of  his  district,  and  the  com- 
mander to  the  comandante-general  or  governor. 
Mcente  Felix,  who  assisted  Lieut.  Argiiello  in 
the  distribution  of  the  pueblo  lands  to  the  set- 
tlers in  1/86,  was  the  first  corporal  of  the  pueblo 
guard,  which  was  furnished  from  the  presidio 
of  San  Diego,  and  consisted  of  four  or  five  sol- 
diers of  the  regular  army.  All  the  male  in- 
habitants of  the  pueblo  over  eighteen  years  were 
subject  to  military  service,  both  at  home  in  keep- 
ing order,  and  in  the  field  in  case  of  foreign  in- 
vasion or  an  Indian  outbreak.  The.'^c  civilian 
soldiers  reported  to  the  corporal  of  the  guard  for 
duty.  Each  was  required  to  provide  himself  with 
a  horse,  a  musket  and  a  cuera  or  shield  of  bull 

For  fifty  years  after  the  founding  of  the  pueblo 
a  guard  was  kept  on  duty  at  the  cuartel  or  guard- 
house that  stood  just  above  the  church  of  Our 
Lady  of  the  Angels,  on  what  is  now  the  north- 
west corner  of  Upper  Main  and  Marchessault 
streets;  and  nightly  armed  sentinels  patroled  the 

Los  Angeles,  like  all  pioneer  settlements  of 
America,  had  her  Indian  question  to  settle. 
There  are  no  records  of  Indian  massacres,  but 
Indian  scares  occurred  occasionally.  In  1785  we 
find  from  the  provincial  records  that  35  pounds 
of  powder  and  800  bullets  were  sent  to  Los  An- 
geles as  a  reserve  supply  of  ammunition  for  the 
settlers  in  case  of  an  attack.  There  was  not 
much  danger  from  the  valley  Indians,  who  had 
been  tamed  by  mission  training  and  subjugated 
by  the  lash,  but  the  mountain  Indians  were  pred- 
atory and  ho.stile.  At  one  time  the  Mojaves 
made  an  incursion  into  the  valley  with  the  design 
of  sacking  the  mission  and  attacking  Los  .An- 
geles.    They  penetrated  within  two  leagues  of 

the  mission,  where  they  killed  a  neophyte,  but, 
hearing  that  there  was  a  company  of  soldiers  at 
Los  Angeles  prepared  to  attack  them,  they  fled 
back  to  the  mountains. 

Between  1786  and  1790  the  number  of  families 
increased  from  9  to  30.  An  estado,  or  census  of 
the  pueblo,  taken  August  17,  1790,  gives  its 
total  population  141,  divided  as  follows:  Males, 
75;  females,  66;  unmarried,  91;  married,  44; 
widowed,  6;  under  7  years,  47;  7  to  16  years, 
33;  16  to  29  years,  12;  29  to  40  years,  27;  40  to 
90  years,  13;  over  90  years,  9;  Europeans,  i; 
Spanish  (this  probably  means  Spanish-Ameri- 
cans), 72;  Indians,  7;  Mulattoes,  22;  Mestizos, 
39.  The  large  percentage  of  the  population  over 
90  years  of  age  is  rather  remarkable.  The  mixed 
races  still  constituted  a  large  proportion  of  the 
pueblo  population.  The  increase  of  inhabitants 
came  largely  from  discharged  soldiers  of  the 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  government  to  encour- 
age marriages  between  the  bachelor  soldiers 
and  neophyte  women,  and  thus  increase  the  pop- 
ulation of  the  territory  without  the  expense  of 
importing  colonists  from  Mexico.  Spain  evi- 
dently looked  more  to  the  quantity  of  her  colo- 
nists than  to  the  quality. 

Of  the  social  hfe  of  the  pueblo  we  know  but 
little.  The  inhabitants  were  not  noted  for  good 
behavior ;  they  were  turbulent  and  quarrelsome. 
The  mixture  of  races  was  not  conducive  of  har- 
monv  and  good  citizenship. 

Corporal  Felix  seems  to  have  been  moderately 
successful  in  controlling  the  discordant  elements. 
The  settlers  complained  of  his  severity,  but  the 
governor  sustained  him,  and  he  retained  his  posi- 
tion to  the  close  of  the  century.  If  padre  Sala- 
zar's  opinions  of  the  colonists  of  California  were 
correct,  they  were  a  hard  lot ;  but  the  padres 
were  opposed  to  all  efforts  at  the  colonization  of 
California  by  gente  de  razon,  and  the  priest's 
picture  of  pueblo  life  may  be  overdrawn.  He 
asserted  that  "the  inhabitants  of  the  pueblos 
were  idlers  and  paid  more  attention  to  gambling 
and  playing  the  guitar  than  to  tilling  their  lands 
and  educating  their  children.  The  pagans  did 
most  of  the  work,  took  a  large  part  of  the  crop, 
and  were  so  well  supplied  thereby  that  they  did 
not  care  to  be  converted  and  live  at  tlTe  mis- 
sions. The  friars  attended  to  the  spiritual  needs 
of  the  settlers  free  of  charge,  and  their  tithes  did 
California  no  good.  Young  men  grew  up  with- 
out restraint  and  wandered  among  the  ranchcrias, 
setting  the  Indians  a  bad  example  and  indulging 
in  excesses  that  were  sure  sooner  or  later  to 
result  in  disaster." 

Xotwithstanding  Salazar's  doleful  picture  of 
the  ])uel)los.  that  of  Los  Angeles  had  made  fair 
l)rogress.    In  1790  the  earlier  settlers  had  all  re- 



placed  their  huts  of  poles  with  adobe  houses. 
There  were  twenty-nine  dwellings,  a  town  hall, 
barrack,  cuartel  and  granaries  built  of  adobe,  and 
around  these  was  a  wall  of  the  same  material. 
Whether  the  wall  was  built  as  a  defense  against 
hostile  Indians  or  to  prevent  incursions  of  their 
herds  into  the  village  does  not  appear.  In  1790 
their  crop  of  grain  amounted  to  4,500  bushels, 
and  their  cattle  had  increased  to  3,000  head. 
During  the  decade  between  1790  and  1800  the 
population  increased  from  141  to  315.  The  in- 
crease came  chiefly  from  the  growing  up  of  chil- 
dren and  from  the  discharged  soldiers  of  the  pre- 
sidios. Horses  and  cattle  increased  from  3,000 
to  12,500  head,  and  the  production  of  grain 
reached  7,800  bushels  in  1796.  In  1800  they 
offered  to  enter  into  an  agreement  to  supply 
3,400  bushels  of  wheat  per  year,  at  $1.66  per 
bushel,  for  the  San  Bias  market.  Taxes  were  low 
and  were  payable  in  grain.  Each  settler  was  re- 
quired to  give  annually  two  fanegas  of  maize 
or  wheat  for  a  public  fund  to  be  expended  for 
the  good  of  the  community. 

The  decade  between  1800  and  1810  was  as  de- 
void of  noteworthy  events  as  the  preceding  one. 
Life  in  the  pueblo  was  a  monotonous  round  of 
commonplace  occurrences.  The  inhabitants  had 
but  little  communication  with  the  world  be- 
yond their  own  narrow  limits.  There  was  a  mail 
between  Mexico  and  California  but  once  a 
month.  As  not  more  than  half  a  dozen  of  the 
inhabitants  could  read  or  write,  the  pueblo  mail 
added  little  weight  to  the  budget  of  the  soldiers' 
correras  (mail  carriers). 

The  settlers  tilled  their  little  fields,  herded 
their  cattle  and  sheep,  and  quarreled  among 
themselves.  During  the  decade  drunkenness  and 
other  excesses  were  reported  as  alarmingly  on 
the  increase,  and,  despite  the  efforts  of  the  co- 
misionado,  the  pobladores  could  not  be  con- 
trolled. The  jail  and  the  stocks  were  usually 
\w\\  filled.  \'icente  Felix  was  no  longer  com- 
missioner. Javier  Alvarado,  a  sergeant  of  the 
army,  was  comisionado  in  1809,  and  probably 
had  filled  the  office  the  preceding  years  of 
the  decade.  Population  increased  slowly  during 
the  decade.  In  1810  there  were  365  persons 
in  the  pueblo;  fifty  had  been  recruited  from  the 
town  for  niilitar)-  service  in  the  presidios.  This 
would  make  a  total  of  415,  or  an  increase  of 
100  in  ten  years. 

The  decade  between  1810  and  1820  was 
marked  by  a  greater  increase  in  population  than 
the  preceding  one.  In  1820  the  population  of 
the  pueblo,  including  the  few  ranches  surround- 
ing it  which  were  under  its  jurisdiction,  was  650. 
The  rule  of  Spain  in  Mexico  was  drawing  to  an 
end.  The  revolutionary  war  begun  by  Hidalgo 
at  the  pueblo  of  Dolores  in  1810  was  carried  on 

with  varying  success  throughout  this  decade. 
About  all  that  was  known  of  it  in  California  was 
that  some  disturbance  in  New  Spain  prevented 
supplies  being  sent  to  the  missions  and  the  pre- 
sidios. The  officers  and  soldiers  received  no 
pay.  There  was  no  money  at  the  presidios  to 
buy  the  products  of  the  pueblos,  and  there  were 
hard  times  all  along  the  line.  The  common 
people  knew  little  or  nothing  of  what  was  going 
on  in  Mexico,  and  probably  cared  less.  They 
had  no  aspirations  for  independence  and  were 
unfit  for  any  better  government  than  they  had. 
The  friars  were  strong  adherents  of  the  Spanish 
crown  and  bitterly  opposed  to  a  republican 
form  of  government.  If  the  revolution  suc- 
ceeded it  would  be  the  downfall  of  their  power 
in  California. 

The  most  exciting  event  of  the  decade  was  the 
appearance  on  the  coast  of  California,  in  Novem- 
ber, 1818,  of  the  "pirate  Buchar,"  as  he  was  com- 
monly called  by  the  Californians.  Bouchard 
was  a  Frenchman,  in  the  service  of  the  revolu- 
tionists of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  carried  letters  of 
marque,  which  authorized  him  to  prey  on  Span- 
ish commerce.  Bouchard,  with  two  ships,  carry- 
ing 66  guns  and  350  men,  attacked  Monterey, 
and  after  an  obstinate  resistance  by  the  Cali- 
fornians, it  was  captured  and  burned.  He  next 
pillaged  Ortega's  ranch  and  burned  the  build- 
ings ;  then,  sailing  down  the  coast,  he  scared  the 
Santa  Barbarans,  looked  into  San  Pedro  Bay. 
but  finding  nothing  there  to  tempt  him,  he  kept 
on  to  San  Juan  Capistrano.  Here  he  landed  and 
robbed  the  mission  of  a  few  articles  and  drank 
the  padres'  wine ;  then  he  sailed  away  and  dis- 
appeared from  the  coast.  Los  Angeles  sent  a 
company  of  soldiers  to  Santa  Barbara  to  fight 
the  insurgents.  The  Santa  Barbara  and  Los  An- 
geles troops  reached  San  Juan  the  day  after  Bou- 
chard pillaged  the  mission.  Los  Angeles  lost 
nothing  by  the  insurgents,  but  on  the  contrary 
gained  two  citizens — Joseph  Chapman,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  an  American  negro,  named  Fisher. 
Joseph  Chapman  was  the  first  English-speaking 
resident  of  Los  Angeles.  He  and  Fisher  were 
captured  at  Monterey,  and  not  at  Ortega's  ran- 
cho,  as  stated  by  Stephen  C.  Foster.  Chapman 
married  and  located  at  the  Alission  San  Gabriel, 
where  he  became  Padre  Sanchez'  man  of  all 
work,  and  built  the  first  mill  in  Southern  Cali- 

The  first  year  of  the  third  decade  of  the  cen- 
tury witnessed  the  downfall  of  Spanish  domina- 
tion in  Mexico.  The  patriot  priest  Hidalgo  had. 
on  the  15th  of  September,  i8io,  struck  the  first 
blow  for' independence.  For  eleven  years  a  frat- 
ricidal war  was  waged — cruel,  bloody  and  dev- 
astating. Hidalgo,  Allende.  Mina,  Morelos, 
Aldama,  Rayon,  and  other  patriot  leaders  sacri- 



ficed  their  lives  for  the  liberty  of  their  countr}-. 
Under  Iturbide,  in  September,  1821,  the  inde- 
pendence of  Mexico  was  finally  achieved.  It  was 
not  until  September,  1822,  that  the  flag  of  Spain 

was  supplanted  by  that  of  Mexico  in  California, 
although  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  imperial 
government  of  Mexico  was  taken  in  April  by 
Sola  and  others. 



PABLO  VICENTE  DE  SOLA  was  gov- 
ernor of  Alta  California  when  the  transi- 
tion came  from  the  rule  of  Spain  to  that  of 
Mexico.  He  had  received  his  appointment  from 
Viceroy  Calleja  in  1814.  Calleja,  the  butcher  of 
Guanajuato,  was  the  crudest  and  the  most 
bloodthirsty  of  the  vice-regal  governors  of  New 
Spain  during  the  Mexican  revolution.  Sola  was 
thoroughly  in  sympathy  with  the  loyalists  and 
bitterly  opposed  to  the  revolutionary  party  of 
Mexico.  To  his  influence  and  that  of  the  friars 
was  due  the  adherence  of  California  to  the  cause 
of  Spain.  Throughout  the  eleven  years  of  inter- 
necine war  that  deluged  the  soil  of  Mexico  with 
blood,  the  sympathies  of  the  Californians  were 
not  with  those  who  were  struggling  for  freedom. 

Of  the  political  upheavals  that  shook  Spain  in 
the  first  decades  of  the  century  only  the  faintest 
rumblings  reached  far-distant  California.  Not- 
withstanding the  many  changes  of  rulers  that 
political  revolutions  and  Napoleonic  wars  gave 
the  mother  country,  the  people  of  California  re- 
mained loyal  to  the  Spanish  crown,  although  at 
times  they  must  have  been  in  doubt  who  wore 
the  crown.  The  success  of  the  revolutionary 
movement  in  ^Mexico  was  no  doubt  bitterly  dis- 
appointing to  Sola,  but  he  gracefully  submitted 
to  the  inevitable. 

For  half  a  century  the  Spanish  flag  had  floated 
in  California.  It  was  lowered  and  in  its  place 
was  hoisted  the  imperial  standard  of  the  jNIexican 
Empire.  A  few  months  pass  and  the  fiag  of  the 
empire  is  supplanted  by  the  tricolor  of  the  Re- 
public of  Mexico.  Thus  the  Californians,  in  little 
more  than  one  year,  have  passed  under  three 
different  forms  of  government — that  of  a  king- 
dom, an  empire  and  a  republic,  and  Sola,  from  a 
loyal  Spanish  governor,  has  been  transformed 
into  a  RIcxican  republican. 

The  transition  from  one  form  of  government 
to  another  was  not  marked  by  any  radical 
changes.  Under  the  empire  a  beginning  was 
made  towards  a  representative  government.  Cal- 
ifornia was  given  a  "diputacion  provincial"  or 
provincial  legislature,  composed  of  a  president 
and  six  vocales  or  members.  This  territorial 
legislature  met  at  Monterey  November  Q,  1822. 
Los    .'\ngeles,    was    rcjircscnted    in    it    by    Jose 

Paloniares  and  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo.  The 
diputacion  authorized  the  organization  of 
ayuntamientos  or  town  councils  for  the  pueblos 
of  Los  Angeles  and  San  Jose,  and  the  election 
of  regidores  or  councilmen  to  office  by  the  votes 
of  the  people. 

LTnder  the  empire,  California  also  was  entitled 
to  send  a  diputado  or  delegate  ^o  the  imperial 
cortes,  to  be  selected  by  the  people.  Upon  the 
overthrow  of  his  "Most  Serene  Majesty, 
Augustin  I.  by  Divine  Providence  and  by  the 
Congress  of  the  Nation,  First  Constitutional 
Emperor  of  Mexico,"  and  the  downfall  of  his 
short-lived  empire,  the  republic  of  IMexico  was 
established  and  went  into  effect  November  19, 
1823,  by  the  adoption  of  a  constitution  similar 
to  that  of  the  LTnited  States.  The  federation  was 
composed  of  nineteen  states  and  four  territories. 
Alta  California  was  one  of  the  territories.  The 
territories  were  each  allowed  a  diputado  in  the 
JMexican  congress.  The  governors  of  the  terri- 
tories were  appointed  by  the  president  of  the 
republic.  The  a}untaniiento  of  Los  Angeles, 
which  had  been  foriiied  in  November,  1822,  un- 
der the  empire,  was  continued  under  the  rcpul)- 
lic,  with  the  addition  of  a  secretary  and  a  sindico 
(treasurer).  The  quasi-military  office  of  comis- 
ionado,  which  had  existed  almost  from  the 
founding  of  the  pueblo,  was  abolished,  but  the 
old  soldiers,  who  composed  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  the  town's  population,  did  not  take  kindly 
to  this  innovation.  The  niilitai\v  coiiiandante 
of  the  district,  with  the  approval  oi  Governor 
Argiiello,  who  had  succeeded  Sola,  appointed 
Sergeant  Guillermo  Cota  to  control  the  unruly 
element  of  the  pueblo,  his  authority  bciiig  similar 
to  that  formerly  e.Kercised  by  the  comisionados. 
Then  there  was  a  clash  between  the  civil  and  mil- 
itary authorities.  The  alcalde  and  the  ayunta- 
niiento  refused  to  recognize  Cota's  authority. 
Tliey  had  progressed  so  rapidly  in  republican 
ideas  that  they  denied  the  right  of  any  military 
officer  to  exercise  his  power  over  the  free  citi- 
zens of  Angeles.  The  town  had  a  bad  reputa- 
tion in  the  territory.  There  was  an  unruly  ele- 
ment in  it.  The  people  generally  had  a  poor 
opinion  of  their  riilers,  both  civil  and  military, 
and  tlic  imiKt  reciprocated  in  kind.  The  town  hail 



a  large  crop  of  aspiring  politicians,  and  it  was 
noted  for  its  production  of  wine  and  brandy. 
The  result  of  mixing  these  two  was  disorder, 
dissensions  and  brawls.  Rotation  in  office  seems 
to  have  been  the  rule.  No  one  could  hold  the 
office  of  alcalde  two  years  in  succession,  nor 
could  he  vote  for  himself.  In  1826,  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo  was  elected  alcalde,  but  nine  citizens 
jirotestcd  that  his  election  was  illegal  because 
as  an  elector  he  had  voted  for  himself  and  that 
he  could  not  hold  the  office  twice  within  two 
years.  A  new  election  was  ordered.  At  another 
election  A"icente  Sanchez  reported  to  Governor 
Echeandia  that  the  election  was  void  because 
the  candidates  were  "vagabonds,  drunkards  and 

The  population  of  the  pueblo  in  1822,  when  it 
passed  from  under  the  domination  of  Spain,  was 
770.  It  was  exclusively  an  agricultural  com- 
munity. The  only  manufacturing  was  the  con- 
verting of  grapes  into  wine  and  brandy.  The 
tax  on  wine  and  brandy  retailed  in  1829,  was 
$339;  and  the  fines  collected  were  $158.  These, 
the  liquor  tax  and  the  fines,  constituted  the  prin- 
cipal sources  of  municipal  revenue. 

The  cattle  owned  by  the  citizens  of  the  pueblo 
in  1821  amounted  to  10,000  head.  There  was  a 
great  increase  in  live  stock  during  the  decade  be- 
tween 1820  and  1830.  The  increased  demand 
for  liidcs  and  tallow  stimulated  the  raising  of 
cattle.  In  1830,  the  cattle  of  the  pueblo  had  in- 
creased to  42,000  head,  horses  and  mules  num- 
liered  3,000  head  and  sheep  2,400.  A  few  for- 
eigners had  settled  in  Los  Angeles.  The  first 
luiglish-speaking  person  to  locate  here  was  Jose 
Chapman,  captured  at  INIonterey  when  the  town 
was  attacked  and  burned  by  Bouchard,  as  pre- 
viously mentioned.  He  arrived  at  Los  Angeles 
in  1 81 8.  Chapman  was  the  only  foreign-born 
resident  of  the  pueblo  under  Spanish  rule.  Mex- 
ico, although  jealous  of  foreigners,  was  not  so 
proscriptive  in  her  policy  toward  them  as  Spain. 
.\s  oijportunity  for  trade  opened  up  foreigners 
began  to  locate  in  the  town.  Between  1822  and 
1830  came  Santiago  McKinley,  John  Temple, 
George  Rice.  J.  D.  Leandry,  Jesse  Ferguson, 
Richard  Laughlin,  Nathaniel  Pryor,  Abel 
Stearns,  Louis  Bouchette  and  Juan  Domingo. 
These  adopted  the  customs  of  the  country,  mar- 
ried and  became  permanent  residents  of  the 
town.  Of  these  !\IcKinley,  Temple,  Stearns  and 
Rice  were  engaged  in  trade  and  kept  stores. 
Their  principal  business  was  the  purchase  of 
liides  for  exchange  with  the  hide  droghers.  The 
hide  droghers  were  vessels  fitted  out  in  Boston 
and  freighted  with  assorted  cargoes  to  exchange 
for  hides  and  tallow.  The  embarcadero  of  San 
Pedro  became  the  principal  entrepot  of  this 
trade.     It  was  the  port  of  Los  Angeles  and  of 

the  three  missions,  San  Gabriel,  San  Fernando 
and  San  Juan  Capistrano. 

Alfred  Robinson  in  his  "Life  in  California" 
thus  describes  the  methods  of  doing  business  at 
San  Pedro  in  1829:  "After  the  arrival  of  olu" 
trading  vessel  our  friends  came  in  the  morning 
flocking  on  board  from  all  quarters ;  and  soon  a 
busy  scene  commenced,  afloat  and  ashore.  Boats 
were  passing  to  the  beach,  and  men,  women  and 
children  partaking  in  the  general  excitement. 
On  shore  all  was  confusion,  cattle  and  carts 
laden  with  hides  and  tallow,  gente  de  razon  and 
Indians  busily  employed  in  the  delivery  of  their 
produce  and  receiving  in  return  its  value  in 
goods.  Groups  of  individuals  seated  around 
little  bonfires  upon  the  ground,  and  horsemen 
racing  over  the  plains  in  every  direction."  "Thus 
the  day  passed,  some  arriving,  some  departing — 
till  long  after  sunset,  the  low  white  road,  leading 
across  the  plains  to  the  town,  appeared  a  living 
panorama."  Next  to  a  revolution  there  was  no 
other  event  that  so  stirred  up  the  social  ele- 
ments of  the  old  pueblo  as  the  arrival  of  a  hide 
drogher  at  San  Pedro.  "On  the  arrival  of  a  new 
vessel  from  the  United  States,"  says  Robinson, 
"every  man,  woman,  boy  and  girl  took  a  pro- 
portionate share  of  interest  as  to  the  qualities 
of  her  cargo.  If  the  first  inquired  for  rice,  sugar 
or  tobacco,  the  latter  asked  for  prints,  silks  and 
satins;  and  if  the  boy  wanted  a  Wilson's  jack- 
knife  the  girl  hoped  that  there  might  be  some 
satin  ribbons  for  her.  Thus  the  whole  popula- 
tion hailed  with  eagerness  an  arrival.  Even  the 
Indian  in  his  unsophisticated  style  asked  for 
Panas  Colorodos  and  Abalaris — red  handker- 
chiefs and  beads." 

Robinson  describes  the  pueblo  as  he  saw  it  in 
1829:  "The  town  of  Los  Angeles  consisted  at 
this  time  of  about  twenty  or  thirty  houses  scat- 
tered about  withdut  any  regularity  or  any 
particular  attraction,  excepting  the  numbers  of 
vineyards  located  along  the  lowlands  on  the 
borders  of  the  Los  Angeles  River.  There  were 
but  two  foreigners  in  the  town  at  that  time,  na- 
tives of  New  England,  namely :  George  Rice 
and  John  Temple,  who  were  engaged  in  mer- 
chandising in  a  small  way,  under  the  firm  name 
of  Rice  &  Temple."  The  following  description, 
taken  from  Robinson's  "Life  in  California." 
while  written  of  Monterey,  applies  equally  well 
to  Los  Angeles  and  vicinity :  "Scarce  two 
houses  in  tlie  town  had  fireplaces;  then  (1829) 
the  method  of  heating  ihe  houses  was  by  plac- 
ing coals  in  a  roof  tile,  which  was  placed  in  the 
center  of  the  room."  "This  method  we  found 
common  throughout  the  country.  There  were  no 
windows;  and  in  place  of  the  ordinary  wooden 
door  a  dried  bullock  hide  was  substituted,  which 
was  the  case  as  a  general  thing  in  nearly  all  the 



ranches  on  the  coast,  as  there  was  no  fear  of  in- 
trusion excepting  from  bears  that  now  and  then 
prowled  about  and  were  easily  frightened  away 
when  they  ventured  too  near.  The  bullock  hide 
was  used  almost  universally  in  lieu  of  the  old- 
fashioned  bed  ticking,  being  nailed  to  the  bed- 
stead frame,  and  served  every  purpose  for  which 
it  was  intended  and  was  very  comfortable  to 
sleep  upon."  At  the  close  of  the  third  decade  of 
the  century  we  find  but  little  change  in  the  man- 
ners and  customs  of  the  colonists  from  those  of 
the  pobladores  who  nearly  fifty  years  before 
built  their  primitive  habitations  around  the  plaza 
vieja.  In  the  half  century  the  town  had  slowly 
increased  in  population,  but  there  had  been  no 
material  improvement  in  the  manner  of  living 
and  but  little  advancement  in  intelligence.  The 
population  of  the  pueblo  was  largely  made  up  of 
descendants  of  the  founders  who  had  grown  to 
manhood  and  womanhood  in  the  place  of  their 
birth.     Isolated  from  contact  with  the  world's 

activities  they  were  content  to  follow  the  anti- 
quated customs  and  to  adopt  the  non-progres- 
sive ideas  of  their  fathers.  They  had  passed  from 
under  the  domination  of  a  monarchy  and  be- 
come the  citizens  of  a  republic,  but  the  transi- 
tion was  due  to  no  effort  of  theirs  nor  was  it  of 
their  own  choosing.  With  the  assistance  of  the 
missions  they  had  erected  a  new  church,  but 
neither  by  the  help  of  the  missions  nor  by  their 
own  exertions  had  they  iDiiilt  a  schoolhouse.  In 
the  first  half  century  of  the  pueblo's  existence, 
if  tlie  records  are  correct,  there  were  but  three 
terms  of  school.  Generations  grew  to  manhood 
during  the  vacations.  "A  little  learning  is  a 
dangerous  thing."  The  learning  obtained  at 
the  pueblo  school  in  the  brief  term  that  it  was 
open  never  reached  the  danger  pomt.  The  lim- 
ited foreign  immigration  that  had  come  to  the 
country  after  it  had  passed  from  the  rule  of 
Spain  had  as  yet  made  no  change  in  its  cus- 



IT  IS  not  my  purpose  in  this  volume  to  de- 
vote much  space  to  the  subject  of  the  Sec- 
ularization of  the  Missions.  Any  extended 
discussion  of  that  theme  would  be  out  of  place 
in  a  local  history. 

Much  has  been  written  in  recent  years  on  the 
subject  of  the  Franciscan  Missions  of  Alta  Cali- 
fornia, but  the  writers  have  added  nothing  to 
our  knowledge  of  these  establishments  beyond 
what  can  be  obtained  from  the  works  of  Ban- 
croft, Hittell,  Forbes  and  Robinson.  Some  of 
the  later  writers,  carried  awa-y  by  sentiment,  are 
very  misleading  in  their  statements.  Such  ex- 
pressions as  "the  Robber  Hand  of  Seculariza- 
tion" and  "the  brutal  and  thievish  dis-establish- 
ment  of  the  missions"  emanate  from  writers  who 
look  at  the  question  from  its  sentimental  side 
only,  and  who  know  little  or  nothing  of  the 
causes  which  brought  about  the  secularization  of 
the  mission. 

It  is  an  historical  fact  known  to  all  acquainted 
with  California  history  that  these  establishments 
were  not  intended  by  the  Crown  of  Spain  to  be- 
come permanent  institutions.  The  purpose  for 
which  the  Spanish  government  fostered  and  pro- 
tected them  was  to  christianize  the  Indians  and 
make  of  them  self-supporting  citizens.  Very 
early  in  its  history  Governor  Borica,  Fages  and 
other  intelligent  Spanish  ofificers  in  California 
discovered  the  weakness  of  the  mission  system. 
Governor   Borica,   writing  in    T/O^i,   sairl :    ".Ac- 

cording to  the  laws  the  natives  are  to  be  free 
from  tutelage  at  the  end  of  ten  years,  the  Mis- 
sions then  becoiiiing  doctrinairs,  but  those  of 
New  California  at  the  rate  they  are  advancing 
will  not  reach  the  goal  in  ten  centuries;  the  rea- 
son, God  knows,  and  men,  too,  know  something 
about  it."  Spain,  early  in  the  present  century, 
had  formulated  a  plan  for  their  secularization, 
but  the  war  of  Mexican  Independence  prevented 
the  enforcement  of  it. 

With  the  downfall  of  Spanish  domination  in 
Mexico  came  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  mis- 
sionary rule  in  California.  The  majority  of  the 
mission  padres  were  Spanish  born.  In  the  war 
of  Mexican  independence  their  sympathies  were 
with  their  mother  country,  Spain.  .After  Mexico 
attained  her  independence,  some  of  them  refused 
to  acknowledge  allegiance  to  the  Republic.  The 
Mexican  authorities  feared  and  distrusted  them. 
In  this,  in  part,  they  found  a  pretext  for  the  dis- 
establishment of  the  missions  and  the  confisca- 
tion of  the  mission  estates.  There  was  another 
cause  or  reason  for  secularization  more  potent 
than  the  loyalty  of  the  padres  to  Spain.  Few 
forms  of  land  monopoly  have  ever  exceeded  tlint 
in  vogue  under  the  mission  system  of  California. 
From  San  Diego  to  San  Francisco  bay  the 
twenty  missions  established  under  Spanish  rule 
monopolized  the  greater  part  of  the  fertile  land 
between  the  Coast  Range  and  the  sea.  There 
was  lull   liltlo  left  for  oilier  settlers.      A   seltler 


could  not  obtain  a  grant  of  land  if  the  padres  of 
the  nearest  mission  objected. 

The  twenty-four  ranchos  owned  by  the  Mis- 
sion San  Gabriel  contained  about  a  million  and 
a  half  acres  and  extended  from  the  sea  to  the 
San  Bernardino  mountains.  The  greatest  neo- 
phyte population  of  San  Gabriel  was  in  1817, 
when  it  reached  1701.  Its  yearly  average  for  the 
first  three  decades  of  the  present  century  did  not 
exceed  1,500.  It  took  a  thousand  acres  of  fertile 
land  under  the  mission  system  to  support  an 
Indian,  even  the  smallest  papoose  of  the  mission 
flock.  It  is  not  strange  that  the  people  clamored 
for  a  subdivision  of  the  mission  estates;  and  sec- 
ularization became  a  public  necessity.  The  most 
enthusiastic  admirer  of  the  missions  to-day,  had 
he  lived  in  California  seventy  years  ago,  would 
no  doubt  have  been  among  the  loudest  in  his 
wail  against  the  mission  system.  The  Regla- 
mento  governing  the  secularization  of  the  mis- 
sions published  by  Governor  Echeandia  in  1830, 
but  not  enforced,  and  that  formulated  by  the 
diputacion  under  Governor  Figueroa  in  1834, 
approved  by  the  Mexican  congress  and  finally 
enforced  in  1834-35-36,  were  humane  measures. 
The  regulations  provided  for  the  colonizations 
of  the  neophytes  into  pueblos  or  villages.  A 
portion  of  the  personal  property  and  a  part  of 
the  lands  held  by  the  missions  \vere  to  be  dis- 
tributed among  the  Indians  as  follows  :  "Article 
5 — To  each  head  of  a  family  and  all  who  are 
more  than  twenty  years  old,  although  without 
families,  will  be  given  from  the  lands  of  the  mis- 
sion, whether  temporal  (lands  dependent  on  the 
seasons)  or  watered,  a  lot  of  ground  not  to  con- 
tain more  than  four  hundred  varas  (yards)  in 
length,  and  as  many  in  breadth,  nor  less  than 
one  hundred.  Sufficient  land  for  watering  the 
cattle  will  be  given  in  common.  The  outlets  or 
roads  .shall  be  marked  out  by  each  village,  and 
at  the  proper  time  the  corporation  lands  shall 
I)e  designated."  This  colonization  of  the  neo- 
phytes into  pueblos  would  have  thrown  large 
bodies  of  the  land  held  by  the  missions  open  to 
settlement  by  white  settlers.  The  personal 
property  of  missionary  establishments  was  to 
have  been  divided  among  their  neophyte  re- 
tainers thus :  "Rule  6.  Among  the  said  indi- 
viduals will  be  distributed,  ratably  and  justly, 
according  to  the  discretion  of  the  political  chief, 
the  half  of  the  movable  property,  taking  as  a 
basis  the  last  inventory  which  the  missionaries 
have  presented  of  all  descriptions  of  cattle. 
Rule  7.  One-half  or  less  of  the  implements  and 
seeds  indispensable  for  agriculture  shall  be  al- 
lotted to  them." 

The  political  government  of  the  Indian 
pueblos  was  to  be  organized  in  accordance  with 
existing  laws  of  the  territory  governing  other 

towns.  The  neophyte  could  not  sell,  mortgage 
or  dispose  of  the  land  granted  him ;  nor  could 
he  sell  his  cattle.  The  regulations  provided  that 
"Religious  missionaries  shall  be  relieved  from 
the  administration  of  temporalities  and  shall 
only  exercise  the  duties  of  their  ministry  so  far 
as  they  relate  to  spiritual  matters."  The  nun- 
neries or  the  houses  where  the  Indian  girls  were 
kept  under  charge  of  a  duena  until  they  were 
of  marriageable  age  were  to  be  abolished  and 
the  children  restored  to  their  parents.  Rule 
seven  provided  that  "What  is  called  the  'priest- 
hood' shall  immediately  cease,  female  children 
whom  they  have  in  charge  being  handed  over  to 
their  fathers  explaining  to  them  the  care  they 
should  take  of  them,  and  pointing  out  their 
obligations  as  parents.  The  same  shall  be  done 
with  the  male  children." 

Commissioners  were  to  be  appointed  to  take 
charge  of  the  mission  property  and  superintend 
its  subdivision  among  the  neophytes.  The  con- 
version of  ten  of  the  missionary  establishments 
into  pueblos  was  to  begin  in  August,  1835.  That 
of  the  others  was  to  follow  as  soon  as  possible. 
San  Gabriel,  San  Fernando  and  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano  were  among  the  ten  that  were  to  be  sec- 
ularized first.  For  years  secularization  had 
threatened  the  missions,  but  hitherto  something- 
had  occurred  at  the  critical  time  to  avert  it.  The 
missionaries  had  used  their  influence  against  it, 
had  urged  that  the  neophytes  were  unfitted  for 
self-support,  had  argued  that  the  emancipation 
of  the  natives  from  mission  rule  would  result  in 
disaster  to  them.  Through  all  the  agitation  of 
the  question  in  previous  years  the  padres  had 
labored  on  in  the  preservation  and  upbuilding 
of  their  establishments;  but  the  issuing  of 
the  secularization  decree  by  the  Mexican  Con- 
gress, August  17,  1833,  the  organization  of  the 
Hijar  Colony  in  Mexico  and  the  instructions  of 
acting  President  Frarias  to  Hijar  to  occupy  all 
the  property  of  the  missions  and  subdivide  it 
among  the  colonists  on  their  arrival  in  Cali- 
fornia, convinced  the  missionaries  that  the  blow 
could  no  longer  be  averted.  The  revocation  of 
Hijar's  appointment  as  governor  and  the  con- 
troversy which  followed  between  him  and  Gov- 
ernor Figueroa  and  the  diputacion  for  a  time 
delayed  the  enforcement  of  the  decree. 

In  the  meantime,  with  the  energy  born  of 
despair,  eager  at  any  cost  to  outwit  those  who 
sought  to  profit  by  their  ruin,  the  mission 
fathers  hastened  to  destroy  that  which  through 
more  than  half  a  century  thousands  of  human 
beings  had  spent  their  lives  to  accumulate. 

"Hitherto,  cattle  had  been  killed  only  as  their 
meat  was  needed  for  use,  or,  at  intervals  per- 
haps, for  the  hides  and  tallow  alone,  when  an 
overplus  of  stock  rendered  such  action  neces- 



sary.  Now  they  were  slaughtered  in  herds  by 
contract  on  equal  shares,  with  any  who  would 
undertake  the  task.  It  is  claimed  by  some 
writers  that  not  less  than  100,000  head  of  cattle 
were  thus  slain  from  the  herds  of  San  Gabriel 
Mission  alone.  The  same  work  of  destruction 
was  in  progress  at  every  other  mission  through- 
out the  territory  and  this  vast  country,  from  end 
to  end,  was  become  a  mighty  shambles, 
drenched  in  blood  and  reeking  with  the  odor  of 
decaying  carcasses.  There  was  no  market  for 
the  meat  and  this  was  considered  worthless. 
The  creature  was  lassoed,  thrown,  its  throat  cut, 
and  while  yet  writhing  in  death  agony  its  hide 
was  stripped  and  pegged  upon  the  ground  to 
dry.  There  were  no  vessels  to  contain  the  tallow 
and  this  was  run  into  great  pits  dug  for  that 
purpose,  to  be  spaded  out  anon,  and  shipped 
with  the  hides  to  market — all  was  haste." 

"Whites  and  natives  alike  revelled  in  gore, 
and  vied  with  each  other  in  destruction.  So 
many  cattle  were  there  to  kill,  it  seemed  as 
though  this  profitable  and  pleasant  work  must 
last  forever.  The  white  settlers  were  especially 
pleased  with  the  turn  affairs  had  taken,  and 
many  of  them  did  not  scruple  unceremoniously 
to  appropriate  herds  of  young  cattle  wherewith 
to  stock  their  ranches."*  So  great  was  the 
stench  from  the  rotting  carcasses  of  the  cattle  on 
the  plains  that  a  pestilence  was  threatened.  The 
ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles,  November  15, 
1833,  passed  an  ordinance  compelling  all  persons 
slaughtering  cattle  for  the  hides  and  tallow  to 
cremate  the  carcasses. 

Hugo  Reid  in  the  "Letters"  (previously  re- 
ferred to  in  this  volume)  says  of  this  period  at 
San  Gabriel:  "These  facts  (the  decree  of  sec- 
ularization and  the  distribution  of  the  mission 
property)  being  known  to  Padre  Tomas 
(Estenaga),  he,  in  all  probability  by  order  of  his 
superior,  commenced  a  work  of  destruction. 
The  back  buildings  were  unroofed  and  the  tim- 
ber converted  into  fire  wood.  Cattle  were  killed 
on  the  halves  by  people  who  took  a  lion's  share. 
Utensils  were  disposed  of,  and  goods  and  other 
articles  distributed  in  profusion  among  the 
neophytes.  The  vineyards  were  ordered  to  be 
,  cut  down,  which,  however,  the  Indians  refused 
to  do."  After  the  mission  was  placed  in  charge 
of  an  administrator,  Padre  Tomas  remained  as 
minister  of  the  church  at  a  stipend  of  $1,500  per 
annum,  derived  from  the  Pious  Fund. 

Hugo  Reid  says  of  him,  "As  a  wrong  impres- 
sion of  his  character  may  be  produced  from  the 
preceding  remarks,  in  justice  to  his  memory  be 
it  stated  that  he  was  a  truly  good  man,  a  sin- 

*History    of   Los    Angeles    County,    by   J.    Albert 

cere  Christian  and  a  despiser  of  hypocrisy.  He 
had  a  kind,  unsophisticated  heart,  so  that  he  be- 
lived  every  word  told  him.  There  has  never 
been  a  purer  priest  in  California.  Reduced  in 
circumstances,  annoyed  on  many  occasions  by 
the  petulancy  of  administrators,  he  fulfilled  his 
duties  according  to  his  conscience,  with  benev- 
olence and  good  humor.  The  nuns,  who  when 
the  secular  movement  came  into  operation,  had 
been  set  free,  were  again  gathered  together  un- 
der his  supervision  and  maintained  at  his  ex- 
pense, as  were  also  a  number  of  old  men  and 

The  experiment  of  colonizing  the  Indians  in 
pueblos  was  a  failure  and  they  were  gathered 
back  into  the  mission,  or  as  many  of  them  as 
could  be  got  back,  and  placed  in  charge  of  ad- 
ministrators. "The  Indians,"  says  Reid,  "were 
made  happy  at  this  time  in  being  permitted  to 
enjoy  once  more  the  luxury  of  a  tule  dwelling, 
from  which  the  greater  part  had  been  debarred 
for  so  long;  they  could  now  breathe  freely 
again."  (The  close  adobe  buildings  in  which 
they  had  been  housed  in  mission  days  were  no 
doubt  one  of  the  causes  of  the  great  mortality 
among  them.) 

"Administrator  followed  administrator  until 
the  mission  could  support  no  more,  when  the 
system  was  broken  up."  *  *  *  "The  In- 
dians during  this  period  were  continually  run- 
ning of?.  Scantily  clothed  and  still  more  scantily 
supplied  with  food,  it  was  not  to  be  wondered 
at.  Nearly  all  the  Gabrielinos  went  north,  while 
those  of  San  Diego,  San  Luis  and  San  Juan 
overrun  this  country,  filling  the  Angeles  and 
surrounding  ranchos  with  more  servants  than 
were  required.  Labor,  in  consequence,  was  very 
cheap.  The  different  missions,  however,  had 
alcaldes  continually  on  the  move  hunting  them 
up  and  carrying  them  back,  but  to  no  purpose ; 
it  was  labor  in  vain." 

"Even  under  the  dominion  of  the  church  in 
mission  days,"  Reid  says,  "the  neophytes  were 
addicted  both  to  drinking  and  gaming,  with  an 
inclination  to  steal ;"  but  after  their  emancipa- 
tion they  went  from  bad  to  worse.  Those  at- 
tached to  the  ranchos  and  those  located  in  the 
town  were  virtually  slaves.  They  had  bosses  or 
owners  and  when  they  ran  away  were  captured 
and  returned  to  their  master.  The  sindico's  ac- 
count book  for  1840  contains  this  item  "For 
delivery  of  two  Indians  to  their  boss,  $12.00." 

At  Los  Angeles  the  Indian  village  on  the  river 
between  what  is  now  Aliso  and  First  streets  was 
a  sink  hole  of  crime.  It  was  known  as  the  "pueb- 
lilo''  or  little  town.  Time  and  again  the  neigh- 
boring citizens  petitioned  for  its  removal.  In 
1846  it  was  demolished  and  the  Indians  removed 
to  the  "Spring  of  the  Abilas"  across  the  river. 


but  their  removal  did  not  improve  their  morals. 

In  1847,  when  the  American  soldiers  vi^ere  sta- 
tioned at  Los  Angeles,  the  new  pueblito  became  so 
vile  that  Col.  Stevenson  ordered  the  city  author- 
ities either  to  keep  the  dissolute  characters  out 
of  it  or  destroy  it.  The  authorities  decided  to 
allot  land  to  the  families  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
city,  keeping  them  dispersed  as  much  as  possi- 
ble. Those  employing  Indian  servants  were 
required  to  keep  them  on  their  premises ;  but 
even  these  precautions  did  not  prevent  the  In- 
dians from  drunkenness  and  debauchery. 
Vicente  Guerrero,  the  sindico,  discussing  the 
Indian  question  before  the  ayuntamiento  said : 
"The  Indians  are  so  utterly  depraved  that  no 
matter  wTiere  they  may  settle  down  their  con- 
duct would  be  the  same,  since  they  look  upon 
death  even  with  indifference,  provided  they  can 
indulge  in  their  pleasures  and  vices." 

After  the  downfall  of  the  missions  some  of 
the  more  daring  of  the  neophytes  escaped  to  the 
mountains.  Joining  the  wild  tribes  there,  they 
became  leaders  in  frequent  predatory  excursions 
on  the  horses  and  cattle  of  the  settlers  in  the 
valleys.  They  were  hunted  and  shot  down  like 
wild  beasts. 

After  the  discovery  of  gold  and  American 
immigration  began  to  pour  into  California  the 
neophyte  sunk  to  lower  depths.  The  vineyards 
of  Los  Angeles  became  immensely  profitable, 
grapes  retailing  at  twenty-five  cents  a  pound  in 
San  Francisco.  The  Indians  constituted  the 
labor  element  of  Los  Angeles,  and  many  of 
them  were  skillful  vineyardists.  Unprincipled 
employers  paid  them  ofif  in  aguardiente,  a  iiery 
liquid  distilled  from  grapes.  Even  when  paid  in 
money  there  were  unscrupulous  wretches  ready 
to  sell  tliem  strong  drink ;  the  consequences 
were  that  on  Saturday  night  after  they  received 
their  pay  they  assembled  at  their  ranclierias  and 
all,  young  and  old,  men  and  women,  spent  the 
night  in  drunkenness,  gambling  and  debauchery. 
( )n  Sunday  afternoon  the  marshal  with  his  In- 
dian alcaldes,  who  had  been  kept  sober  by  being 
locked  up  in  jail,  proceeded  to  gather  the  drunk- 
en wretches  into  a  big  corral  in  the  rear  of  the 
Downey  block.  On  Monday  morning  they  were 
put  up  at    auction    and  sold  for  a    week  to  the 

vineyardists  at  prices  ranging  from  one  to  three 
dollars,  one  third  of  which  was  paid  to  the  slave 
at  the  end  of  the  week,  usually  in  aguardiente. 
Then  another  Saturday  night  of  debauchery, 
followed  by  the  Monday  auction  and  in  two  or 
three  years  at  most  the  Indian  was  dead.  In 
less  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  after  the  Ameri- 
can occupation,  dissipation  and  epidemics  of 
smallpox  had  settled  the  Indian  question  in  Los 
Angeles — settled  it  by  the  extinction  of  the 

What  became  of  the  vast  mission  estates?  As 
the  cattle  were  killed  oft'  the  dift'erent  ranchos  of 
the  mission  domains,  settlers  petitioned  the  ay- 
untamiento for  grants.  If  upon  investigation  it 
was  found  that  the  land  asked  for  was  vacant  the 
petition  was  referred  to  the  Governor  for  his  ap- 
proval. In  this  way  the  vast  mission  domains 
passed  into  private  hands.  The  country  im- 
proved more  in  wealth  and  population  between 
1836  and  1846  than  in  the  previous  fifty  years. 
Secularization  was  destruction  to  the  missions 
and  death  to  the  Indian,  but  it  was  beneficial  to 
the  country  at  large.  The  passing  of  the  neo- 
phyte had  begun  long  before  the  decrees  of 
secularization  were  enforced.  Nearly  all  the 
missions  passed  their  zenith  in  population  during 
the  second  decade  of  the  century.  Even  had 
the  missionary  establishments  not  been  secular- 
ized they  would  eventually  have  been  depopu- 
lated. At  no  time  during  mission  rule  were  the 
number  of  births  equal  to  the  number  of  deaths. 
When  recruits  could  no  longer  be  obtained 
from  the  Gentiles  or  wild  Indians  the  decline 
became  more  rapid.  The  mission  annals  show 
that  from  1769  to  1834,  when  secularization  was 
enforced — an  interval  of  65  years — 79,000  con- 
verts were  baptized  and  62,000  deaths  recorded. 
The  death  rate  among  the  neopiiytes  was  about 
twice  that  of  the  negro  in  this  country  and  four 
times  that  of  the  white  race.  The  extinction 
of  the  neophyte  or  mission  Indian  was  due  to 
the  enforcement  of  that  inexorable  law  or  decree 
of  nature,  the  Survival  of  the  Fittest.  Where  a 
stronger  race  comes  in  contact  with  a  weaker 
there  can  be  but  one  ending  to  the  contest — 
the  extermination  of  the  weaker. 




THE  decade  between  1830  and  1840  was  the 
era  of  California  revolutions.  Los  An- 
geles was  the  storm  center  of  the  political 
disturbances  that  agitated  the  territory.  Most 
of  them  originated  there,  and  those  that  had 
their  origin  in  some  other  quarter  veered  to  the 
town  before  their  fury  was  spent.  The  town 
produced  prolific  crops  of  statesmen  in  the  '30s, 
and  it  must  be  said  that  it  still  maintains  its  repu- 
tation in  that  line.  The  Angelehos  of  that  day 
seemed  to  consider  that  the  safety  of  the  terri- 
tory and  the  liberty  of  its  inhabitants  rested  on 
them.  The  patriots  of  the  south  were  hostile  to 
the  office-holders  of  the  north  and  yearned  to 
tear  the  state  in  two,  as  they  do  to-day,  in  order 
that  there  might  be  more  offices  to  fill. 

From  the  downfall  of  Spanish  domination  in 
California  in  1822  to  the  close  of  that  decade 
there  had  been  but  few  disturbances.  The  only 
political  outbreak  of  any  consequence  had  been 
Solis'  and  Herrera's  attempt  to  revolutionize  the 
territory  in  the  interest  of  Spain.  Argiiello,  who 
had  succeeded  Sola  as  governor,  and  Echeandia, 
who  filled  the  office  from  1825  to  the  close  of  the 
decade,  were  men  of  liberal  ideas.  They  had  to 
contend  against  the  Spanish-born  missionaries, 
who  were  bitterly  opposed  to  republican  ideas. 
Serria,  the  president  of  the  missions,  and  a  num- 
ber of  the  priests  under  him,  refused  to  swear 
allegiance  to  the  Republic.  Serria  was  suspended 
from  office  and  one  or  two  of  the  friars  deported 
from  the  country.  Their  disloyalty  brought 
about  the  beginning  of  the  movement  for  secu- 
larization of  the  missions,  as  narrated  in  the 
previous  chapter.  Echeandia,  in  1829,  had  elab- 
orated a  plan  for  their  secularization,  but  was 
superseded  by  Victoria  before  he  could  put  it  in 

Manuel  Victoria  was  appointed  governor  in 
March,  1830,  but  did  not  reach  California  until 
the  last  month  of  the  year.  Victoria  very  soon 
became  unpopular.  He  undertook  to  overturn 
the  civil  authority  and  substitute  military  rule. 
He  reconunended  the  abolition  of  the  ayunta- 
mientos  and  refused  to  call  together  the  terri- 
torial diputacion.  He  exiled  Don  Abel  Stearns 
and  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo ;  and  at  different 
times,  on  trumped-up  charges, had  half  a  hundred 
of  the  leading  citizens  of  Los  Angeles  incarcer- 
ated in  the  pueblo  jail,     .\lcaldc  Mccnte  San- 

chez was  the  petty  despot  of  the  pueblo  who  car- 
ried out  the  tyrannical  decrees  of  his  master, 
Victoria.  Among  others  who  were  imprisoned 
in  the  cuartel  was  Jose  Maria  Avila.  Avila  was 
proud,  haughty  and  overbearing.  He  had  in- 
curred the  hatred  of  both  Victoria  and  Sanchez. 
Sanchez,  under  orders  from  Victoria,  placed 
Avila  in  prison,  and  to  humiliate  him  put  him 
in  irons.  Avila  brooded  over  the  indignities  in- 
flicted upon  him  and  vowed  to  be  revenged. 

A'ictoria's  persecutions  became  so  unbearable 
that  Pio  Pico,  Juan  Bandini  and  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  at  San 
Diego  and  issued  a  pronunciamiento,  in  which 
they  set  forth  the  reasons  why  they  felt  them- 
selves obliged  to  rise  against  the  tyrant,  Victoria. 
Pablo  de  Portilla,  comandante  of  the  presidio 
of  San  Diego,  and  his  officers,  with  a  force  of 
fifty  soldiers,  joined  the  revolutionists  and 
niarclied  to  Los  Angeles.  Sanchez'  prisoners 
were  released  and  he  was  chained  up  in  the 
pueblo  jail.  Here  Portilla's  force  was  recruited 
to  two  hundred  men.  Avila  and  a  number  of 
the  other  released  prisoners  joined  the  revolu- 
tionists, and  all  marched  forth  to  meet  Victoria, 
who  was  moving  southward  with  an  armed  force 
to  suppress  the  insurrection.  The  two  forces 
met  on  the  plains  of  Cahuenga.  west  of  the 
pueblo,  at  a  place  laiown  as  the  Lomitas  de  la 
Canada  de  Brcita.  The  sight  of  his  persecutor 
so  infuriated  Avila  that  alone  he  rushed  upon 
him  to  run  him  through  with  his  lance.  Captain 
Pacheco,  of  \'ictoria's  staff,  parried  the  lance 
thrust.  Avila  shot  him  dead  with  one  of  his  pis- 
tols and  again  attacked  the  governor  and  suc- 
ceeded in  wounding  him,  when  he  himself  re- 
ceived a  pistol  ball  that  unhorsed  him.  After 
a  desperate  struggle  (in  which  he  seized  Victoria 
by  the  foot  and  dragged  him  from  his  horse)  he 
was  shot  by  one  of  \'ictoria's  soldiers.  Portilla's 
army  fell  back  in  a  panic  to  Los  Angeles  and 
\'ictoria's  men  carried  the  wounded  governor 
to  the  Mission  San  Gabriel,  where  his  wounds 
were  dressed  by  Joseph  Chapman,  who  to  his 
many  other  accomplishments  added  that  of  ama- 
teur surgeon.  Some  citizens  who  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  fight  brought  the  bodies  of  Avila  and 
Pacheco  to  the  town.  "They  were  taken  to  the 
same  house,  the  same  hands  rendered  them  the 
last  sad  rites,  and  they  were  laid  side  by  side. 


Side  by  side  knelt  their  widows  and  mingled 
their  tears,  while  sympathizing  countrymen 
chanted  the  solemn  prayers  of  the  church  for 
the  repose  of  the  souls  of  these  untimely  dead. 
Side  by  side  beneath  the  orange  and  the  olive  in 
the  little  churchyard  upon  the  plaza  sleep  the 
slayer  and  the  .slain."* 

Next  day,  Victoria,  supposing  himself  mor- 
tally wounded,  abdicated  and  turned  over  the 
governorship  of  the  territory  to  Echeandia.  He 
resigned  the  office  December  9,  1831,  having 
been  governor  a  little  over  ten  months.  When 
Victoria  was  able  to  travel  he  was  sent  to  San 
Diego,  from  where  he  was  deported  to  Mexico, 
San  Diego  borrowing  $125  from  the  ayunta- 
miento  of  Los  Angeles  to  pay  the  expense  of 
shipping  him  out  of  the  country.  Several  years 
afterwards  the  money  had  not  been  repaid,  and 
the  town  council  began  proceedings  to  recoyer 
it,  but  there  is  no  record  in  the  archives  to  show 
that  it  was  ever  paid.  And  thus  it  was  that  Cali- 
fornia got  rid  of  a  bad  governor  and  Los  An- 
geles incurred  a  bad  debt. 

January  10,  1832,  the  territorial  legislature 
met  at  Los  Angeles  to  choose  a  "gefe  politico," 
or  governor,  for  the  territory.  Echeandia  was 
invited  to  preside,  but  replied  from  San  Juan 
Capistrano  that  he  was  busy  getting  Victoria  out 
of  the  country.  The  diputacion,  after  waiting" 
some  time  and  receiving  no  satisfaction  from 
Echeandia  whether  he  wanted  the  office  or  not, 
declared  Pio  Pico,  by  virtue  of  his  office  of  senior 
vocal,  "gefe  politico." 

No  sooner  had  Pico  been  sworn  into  office 
than  Echeandia  discovered  that  he  wanted  the 
office  and  wanted  it  badly.  He  came  to  Los 
Angeles  from  San  Diego.  He  protested  against 
the  action  of  the  diputacion  and  intrigued  against 
Pico.  Another  revolution  was  threatened.  Los 
Angeles  favored  Echeandia,  although  all  the 
other  towns  in  the  territory  had  accepted  Pico. 
(Pico  at  that  time  was  a  resident  of  San  Diego.) 
A  mass-meeting  was  called  on  February  12, 
1832,  at  Los  Angeles  to  discuss  the  question 
whether  it  should  be  Pico  or  Echeandia.  I  give 
the  report  of  the  meeting  in  the  quaint  language 
of  the  pueblo  archives : 

"The  town,  acting  in  accord  with  the  Most 
Illustrious  Ayuntamiento,  answered  in  a  loud 
voice,  saying  they  would  not  admit  Citizen  Pio 
Pico  as  'gefe  politico,'  but  desired  that  Lieut. 
Col.  Citizen  Jose  Maria  Echeandia  be  retained  in 
office  until  the  supreme  government  appoint. 
Then  the  president  of  the  meeting,  seeing  the 
determination  of  the  people,  asked  the  motive 
or  reason  of  refusing  Citizen  Pio  Pico,  who  was 
of  unblemished  character.     To  this  the  people 

♦Stephen  C.  Foster. 

responded  that  while  it  was  true  that  Citizen  Pio 
Pico  was  to  some  extent  qualified,  yet  they  pre- 
ferred Lieut.-Col.  Citizen  Jose  Ma.  Echeandia. 
The  president  of  the  meeting  then  asked  the  peo- 
ple whether  they  had  been  bribed,  or  was  it 
merely  insubordination  that  they  opposed  the 
resolution  of-  the  Most  Eccellent  Diputacion? 
Whereupon  the  people  answered  that  they  had 
not  been  bribed  nor  were  they  insubordinate,  but 
that  they  opposed  the  proposed  'gefe  politico' 
because  he  had  not  been  named  by  the  supreme 

At  a  public  meeting,  February  19,  the  matter 
was  again  brought  up.  Again  the  people  cried 
out,  "they  would  not  recognize  or  obey  any 
other  gefe  politico  than  Echeandia."  The  Most 
Illustrious  Ayuntamiento  opposed  Pio  Pico  for 
two  reasons  :  "First,  because  his  name  appeared 
first  on  the  plan  to  oust  Gefe  Politico  Citizen 
Manuel  Victoria,"  and  "Second,  because  he, 
Pico,  had  not  sufficient  capacity  to  fulfil  the 
duties  of  the  office."  Then  Jose  Perez  and  Jose 
Antonio  Carrillo  withdrew  from  the  meeting, 
saying  they  would  not  recognize  Echeandia  as 
"gefe  politico."  Pico,  after  holding  tlie  office 
for  twenty  days,  resigned  for  the  sake  of  peace. 
And  this  was  the  length  of  Pico's  first  term  as 

Echeandia,  by  obstinacy  and  intrigue,  had  ob- 
tained the  coveted  office  of  "gefe  politico,"  but 
he  did  not  long  enjoy  it  in  peace.  News  came 
from  Monterey  that  Captain  Augustin  V.  Za- 
morano  had  declared  himself  governor  and  was 
gathering  a  force  to  invade  the  south  and  en- 
force his  authority.  Echeandia  began  at  once 
marshaling  his  forces  to  oppose  him.  Ybarra. 
Zamorano's  military  chief,  with  a  force  of  one 
hundred  men,  by  a  forced  march  reached  Paso 
de  Bartolo,  on  the  San  Gabriel  River,  where  fif- 
teen years  later  Stockton  fought  the  ^fcxican 
troops  under  Flores.  Here  Ybarra  found  Cap- 
tain Borroso  posted  with  a  piece  of  artillery  and 
fourteen  men.  He  did  not  dare  to  attack  him. 
Echeandia  and  Borroso  gathered  a  force  of  a 
thousand  neophytes  at  Paso  de  Bartolo,  where 
they  drilled  them  in  military  evolutions.  Ybar- 
ra's  troops  had  fallen  back  to  Santa  Barbara, 
where  he  was  joined  by  Zamorano  with  rein- 
forcements. Ybarra's  force  was  largely  made  up 
of  ex-convicts  and  other  undesirable  characters, 
who  took  what  they  needed,  asking  no  questions 
of  the  owners.  The  Angclenos,  fearing  those 
marauders,  gave  their  adhesion  to  Zamorano's 
l)lan  and  recognized  him  as  military  chief  of  the 
territory.  Captain  Borroso,  Echeandia's  faithful 
adherent,  disgusted  with  the  fickleness  of  the 
Angeleiios,  at  the  head  of  a  thousand  mounted 
Indians,  threatened  to  invade  the  recalcitrant 
pueblo,  but  at  the  intercession  of  the  frightened 



inhabitants  this  modern  Coriolanus  turned  aside 
and  regaled  his  neophyte  retainers  un  the  fat 
bullocks  of  the  Mission  San  Gabriel,  much  to 
the  disgust  of  the  mission  padres.  The  neophyte 
warriors  were  disbanded  and  sent  to  their  re- 
spective missions. 

A  peace  was  patched  up  between  Zamorano 
and  Echeandia.  Alta  California  was  divided 
into  two  territories.  Eclieandia  was  given  juris- 
diction over  all  south  of  San  Gabriel  and  Zamo- 
rano all  north  of  San  Fernando.  This  division 
apparently  left  a  neutral  district,  or  "no  man's 
land,"  between.  \\'hether  Los  Angeles  was  in 
this  neutral  territory  the  records  do  not  show. 
If  it  was,  it  is  probable  that  neither  of  the  gov- 
ernors wanted  the  job  of  governing  the  recal- 
citrant pueblo. 

In  January,  1833,  Governor  Figueroa  arrived 
in  California.  Echeandia  and  Zamorano  each 
surrendered  his  half  of  the  divided  territory  to 
the  newly  appointed  governor,  and  California 
was  united  and  at  peace.  Figueroa  proved  to  be 
the  right  man  for  the  times.  He  conciliated  the 
factions  and  brought  order  out  of  chaos.  The 
two  most  important  events  in  Figueroa's  term  of 
office  were  the  arrival  of  the  Hijar  Colony  in 
California  and  the  secularization  of  the  missions. 
These  events  were  most  potent  factors  in  the 
evolution  of  the  territory. 

In  1833,  the  first  California  colonization 
scheme  was  inaugurated  in  Mexico.  At  the 
head  of  this  was  Jose  Maria  Hijar,  a  Mexican 
gentleman  of  wealth  and  influence.  He  was  as- 
sisted in  its  promulgation  by  Jose  M.  Padres, 
an  adventurer,  who  had  been  banished  from 
California  by  Governor  \^ictoria.  Padres,  like 
some  of  our  modern  real  estate  boomers,  pic- 
tured the  country  as  an  earthly  paradise — an  im- 
proved and  enlarged  Garden  of  Eden.  Among 
other  inducements  held  out  to  the  colonists,  it 
is  said,  was  the  promise  of  a  division  among 
them  of  the  mission  property  and  a  distribution 
of  the  neophytes  for  servants. 

Headquarters  were  established  at  the  city  of 
Mexico  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  colonists  en- 
listed. Each  family  received  a  bonus  of  $10, 
and  all  were  to  receive  free  transportation  to 
California  and  rations  while  on  the  journey. 
Each  head  of  a  family  was  promised  a  farm  from 
the  public  domain,  live  stock  and  farming  imple- 
ments ;  these  advances  to  be  paid  for  on  the  in- 
stallment plan.  The  original  plan  was  to  found 
a  colony  somewhere  north  of  San  Francisco  bay, 
but  this  was  not  carried  out.  Two  vessels  were 
dispatched  with  the  colonists — the  Morelos  and 
the  Natalia.  The  latter  was  compelled  to  put 
into  San  Diego  on  account  of  sickness  on  board. 
She  reached  that  port,  September  i,  1834.  A 
part  of  the  colonists  on  board  her  were  sent  to 

San  Pedro  and  from  there  they  were  taken  to 
Los  Angeles  and  San  Gabriel.  The  Morelos 
reached  Monterey,  September  25.  Hijar  had 
been  appointed  governor  of  California  by  Presi- 
dent Farias,  but  after  the  sailing  of  the  expedi- 
tion Santa  Anna,  who  had  succeeded  Farias, 
dispatched  a  courier  overland  with  a  counter- 
manding order.  By  one  of  the  famous  rides  of 
history,  Amador,  the  courier,  made  the  journey 
from  the  city  of  Mexico  to  Monterey  in  forty 
days  and  delivered  his  message  to  Governor  Fi- 
gueroa. When  Hijar  arrived  he  found  to  his 
dismay  that  he  was  only  a  private  citizen  of  the 
territory  instead  of  its  governor.  The  coloniza- 
tion scheme  was  abandoned  and  the  immigrants 
distributed  themselves  throughout  the  territory. 
Generally  they  were  a  good  class  of  citizens,  and 
many  of  them  became  prominent  in  California 
affairs.  Of  those  who  located  in  Southern  Cali- 
fornia may  be  named  Ignacio  Coronel  and  his 
son,  Antonio  F.  Coronel,  Augustin  Olvera,  the 
first  county  judge  of  Los  Angeles ;  Victor  Pru- 
don,  Jose  M.  Covarrubias,  Charles  Baric,  Jesus 
Noe  and  Juan  N.  Ayala. 

That  storm  center  of  political  disturbances, 
Los  Angeles,  produced  but  one  small  revolution 
during  Figueroa's  term  as  governor.  A  party  of 
fifty  or  sixty  Sonorans,  some  of  whom  were 
Hijar  colonists  who  were  living  either  in  the 
town  or  its  immediate  neighborhood,  assembled 
at  Los  Nietos  on  the  night  of  March  7,  1835. 
They  formulated  a  pronunciamiento  against  Don 
Jose  Figueroa,  in  which  they  first  vigorously 
arraigned  him  for  sins  of  omission  and  commis- 
sion and  then  laid  down  their  plan  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  territory.  Armed  with  this  for- 
midable document  and  a  few  muskets  and  lances, 
these  patriots,  headed  by  Juan  Gallado,  a  cob- 
bler, and  Felipe  Castillo,  a  cigar-maker,  in  the 
gray  light  of  the  morning  rode  into  the  pueblo, 
took  possession  of  the  town  hall  and  the  big 
icannon  and  the  ammunition  that  had  been 
stored  there  w'hen  the  Indians  of  San  Luis  Rey 
had  threatened  hostilities.  The  slumbering  in- 
habitants were  aroused  from  their  dreams  of 
peace  by  the  drum  beat  of  war.  The  terrified 
citizens  rallied  to  the  juzgado,  the  ayuntamiento 
met,  the  cobbler  statesmen,  Gallado,  presented 
his  plan ;  it  was  discussed  and  rejected.  The 
revolutionists,  after  holding  possession  of  the 
pueblo  throughout  the  day,  tired,  hungry  and 
disappointed  in  not  receiving  their  pay  for  sav- 
ing the  country,  surrendered  to  the  legal  author- 
ities the  real  leaders  of  the  revolution  and  dis- 
banded. The  leaders  proved  to  be  Torres,  a 
clerk,  and  Apalatcgui,  a  doctor,  both  supposed 
to  be  emissaries  of  Hijar.  They  were  impris- 
oned at  San  Gabriel.  When  news  of  the  revolt 
reached  Figueroa  he  had  Hijar  and  Padres  ar- 



rested  for  coniplicity  in  the  outbreak.  Hijar, 
with  lialf  a  dozen  of  his  adherents,  was  shipped 
back  to  Mexico.  And  thus  the  man  who  the  year 
before  had  landed  in  California  with  a  commis- 
sion as  governor  and  authority  to  take  posses- 
sion of  all  the  property  belonging  to  the  mis- 
sions, returned  to  his  native  land  an  exile.  His 
grand  colonization  scheme  and  his  "Compania 
Cosmopolitana"  that  was  to  revolutionize  Cali- 
fornia commerce  were  both  disastrous  failures. 

Governor  Jose  Figueroa  died  at  Monterey 
September  29,  1835.  He  is  generally  regarded 
as  the  best  of  the  Mexican  governors  sent  to 
California.  He  was  of  Aztec  extraction  and  was 
proud  of  his  Indian  blood.  Governor  Figueroa 
during  his  last  sickness  turned  over  the  political 
command  of  the  territory  to  Jose  Castro,  senior 
vocal,  who  then  became  "gefe  politico."  Los 
Angeles  refused  to  recognize  his  authority.  By 
a  decree  of  the  Mexican  congress  (of  which  the 
following  is  a  copy)  it  had  just  been  declared  a 
city  and  the  capital  of  Alta  California : 

"His  excellency,  the  president  ad  interim  of 
the  United  States  of  Mexico,  Miguel  Barragan. 
The  president  ad  interim  of  the  United  States 
of  Mexico,  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  republic. 
Let  it  be  known  :  That  the  general  congress  has 
decreed  the  following:  That  the  town  of  Los 
Angeles,  Upper  California,  is  erected  to  a  city 
and  shall  be  for  the  future  the  capital  of  that 

Basilo  Arrillag.\, 

President  House  of  Deputies. 

Antonio  Pacheco  Leal, 

President  of  the  Senate. 
Demetrio  Del  Castillo, 

Secretary  House  of  Deputies. 
Manuel  Mirand.\, 

Secretary  of  the  Senate. 

I  therefore  order  it  to  be  printed  and  circu- 
lated and  duly  complied  with. 

Palace  of  the  federal  government  in  Mexico, 
May  2T^,  1835.  Miguel  Barkaga.v." 

The  ayuntamiento  claimed  that  as  Los 
Angeles  was  the  capital  the  governor  should  re- 
move his  office  and  archives  to  that  city.  Mon- 
terey opposed  the  removal,  and  considerable  bit- 
terness was  engendered.  This  was  the  beginning 
of  the  "capital  war,"  which  disturbed  the  peace 
of  the  territory  for  ten  years,  and  increased  in 
bitterness  as  it  increased  in  age. 

Castro  held  the  office  of  gefe  politico  four 
months  and  then  passed  it  on  to  Colonel  Gutier- 
rez, military  chief  of  the  territory,  who  held  it 
about  the  same  length  of  time.  The  supreme 
government,  December  16,  1835,  appointed 
Mariano  Chico  governor.  Thus  the  territory 
had  four  governors  within  nine  months.  They 
changed  so  rapidly  that  there  was  not  time  to 
foment  a  revolution. 

Chico  reached  California  in  April,  1836,  and 
began  his  administration  by  a  series  of  petty 
tyrannies.  Just  before  his  arrival  in  California 
a  vigilance  committee  at  Los  Angeles  shot  to 
death  Gervacio  Alispaz  and  his  paramour,  Maria 
del  Rosario  Villa,  for  the  murder  of  the  woman's 
husband,  Domingo  Feliz.  Chico  had  the  leaders 
arrested  and  came  down  to  Los  Angeles  with 
the  avowed  purpose  of  executing  Prudon,  Ar- 
zaga  and  Aranjo,  the  president,  secretary  and 
military  commander,  respectively,  of  the  Defend- 
ers of  Public  Security,  as  the  vigilantes  called 
themselves.  He  summoned  Don  Abel  Stearns 
to  Monterey  and  threatened  to  have  him  shot 
for  some  unknown  or  imaginary  offense.  He 
fulminated  a  fierce  pronunciamiento  against  for- 
eigners, and,  in  an  address  before  the  diputacion, 
proved  to  his  own  satisfaction  that  the  country 
was  going  to  the  "demnition  bow-wows."  Ex- 
asperated beyond  endurance,  the  people  of  Mon- 
terey rose  en  masse  against  him,  and  so  terrified 
him  that  he  took  passage  on  board  a  brig  that 
was  lying  in  the  harbor  and  sailed  for  Mexico. 



(The  Free  and  Sovereign  State  of  Alta  California.) 

THE  effort  to  free  California  from  the  domi- 
nation of  Mexico  and  make  her  an  inde- 
pendent government  is  an  ahnost  un- 
known chapter  of  her  history.  Los  Angeles 
and  San  Diego  played  a  very  important  part  in 
California's  war  for  Independence,  but  unfor- 
tunately their  efforts  were  wrongly  directed  and 
they  received  neither  honor  nor  profit  out  of  the 
part  they  played.  The  story  of  the  part  they 
played  in  the  revolution  is  told  in  the  Los  An- 
geles Archives.  From  these  I  derive  much  of 
the  matter  given  in  this  chapter. 

The  origin  of  the  movement  to  make  Cali- 
fornia independent  and  the  causes  that  led  to  an 
outbreak  against  the  governing  power  were 
very  similar  to  those  which  led  to  our  separation 
from  our  own  mother  country  of  England, 
namely,  bad  governors.  Between  1830  and  1836 
the  territory  had  had  six  Mexican-born  govern- 
ors. The  best  of  these,  Figueroa,  died  in  office. 
Of  the  others  the  Californians  deposed  and  de- 
ported two  ;  and  a  third  was  made  so  uncomfort- 
able that  he  exiled  himself.  Many  of  the  acts  of 
these  governors  were  as  despotic  as  those  of  the 
royal  governors  of  the  colonies  before  our  Revo- 
lution. California  was  a  fertile  field  for  Mexican 
adventurers  of  broken  fortunes.  Mexican  offi- 
cers commanded  the  provincial  troops ;  Mexi- 
can officials  looked  after  the  revenues  and  em- 
l)ezzled  them,  and  Mexican  governors  ruled  the 
territory.  There  was  no  outlet  for  the  ambitious 
native-born  sons  of  California.  There  was  no 
chance  for  the  hijos  del  pais  (Sons  of  the  Coun- 
try) to  obtain  office,  and  one  of  the  most  treas- 
ured prerogatives  of  the  free-born  citizen  of  any 
republic  is  the  privilege  of  holding  office. 

We  closed  the  previous  chapter  of  the  revolu- 
tionary decade  with  the  departure  of  Governor 
Marino  Chico,  who  was  deposed  and  virtually 
exiled  by  the  people  of  Monterey.  On  his  de- 
parture Colonel  Gutierrez  for  the  second  time 
i)ccame  governor.  He  very  soon  made  himself 
unpopular  by  attempting  to  enforce  the  Central- 
ist decrees  of  the  Mexican  Congress  and  by 
other  arbitrary  measures.  He  quarreled  with 
Juan  Bautista  .Mvarado,  the  ablest  of  the  native 
Californians.     .Mvarado  and  Jose  Castro  raised 

the  standard  of  revolt.  They  gathered  together 
a  small  army  of  rancheros  and  an  auxiliary  force 
of  twenty-five  American  hunters  and  trappers 
under  Graham,  a  backwoodsman  from  Tennes- 
see. By  a  strategic  movement  they  captured  the 
Castillo  or  fort  which  commanded  the  presidio 
where  Gutierrez  and  the  Alexican  army  officials 
were  stationed.  The  patriots  demanded  the  sur- 
render of  the  presidio  and  the  arms.  The  gov- 
ernor refused.  The  revolutionists  had  been  able 
to  find  but  a  single  cannon  ball  in  the  castillo, 
but  this  was  sufficient  to  do  the  business.  A 
well-directed  shot  tore  through  the  roof  of  the 
governor's  house,  covering  him  and  his  staff 
with  the  debris  of  broken  tiles;  this,  and  the  de- 
sertion of  most  of  his  soldiers  to  the  patriots, 
brought  him  to  terms.  On  the  5th  of  November, 
1836,  he  surrendered  the  presidio  and  his  au- 
thority as  governor.  He  and  about  seventy  of 
his  adherents  were  sent  aboard  a  vessel  lying  in 
the  harbor  and  shipped  out  of  the  country. 

With  the  Mexican  governor  and  his  officers 
out  of  the  country  the  next  move  of  Castro  and 
Alvarado  was  to  call  a  meeting  of  the  diputacion 
or  territorial  congress.  A  plan  for  the  inde- 
pendence of  California  was  adopted.  This, 
which  was  known  afterwards  as  the  Monterey 
plan,  consisted  of  six  sections,  the  most  impor- 
tant of  which  are  as  follows :  "First,  Alta  Cali- 
fornia hereby  declares  itself  independent  from 
Mexico  until  the  Federal  System  of  1824  is  re- 
stored. Second,  The  same  California  is  hereby 
declared  a  Free  and  Sovereign  State ;  establish- 
ing a  congress  to  enact  the  special  laws  of  the 
country  and  the  other  necessary  supreme  pow- 
ers. Third,  The  Roman  Apostolic  Catholic 
Religion  shall  prevail,  no  other  creed  shall  be 
allowed,  but  the  government  shall  not  molest 
anyone  on  account  of  his  private  opinions."  The 
diputacion  issued  a  Declaration  of  Independence 
that  arraigned  the  Alother  Country,  Mexico, 
and  her  officials  very  much  in  the  style  that  our 
own  Declaration  gives  it  to  King  George  HI. 
and  England. 

Castro  issued  a  pronunciamiento  ending  with 
\'iva  La  Federacion  !  \'iva  La  Libertad !  \'iva  el 
F.slado  Libre  y  Sobcrano    de    .Mta  California! 


Tims  amid  vi\as  and  proclamations,  with  the 
heating  of  drums  and  the  booming  of  cannon, 
I'd  Estado  Libre  de  Alta  California  (The  Free 
State  of  Alta  California)  was  launched  on  the 
political  sea.  But  it  was  rough  sailing  for  the 
little  craft.  Her  ship  of  state  struck  a  rock  and 
fur  a  time  shipwreck  was  threatened. 

For  years  there  had  been  a  growing  jealousy 
lietwecn  Northern  and  Southern  California.  Los 
Angeles,  as  has  been  stated  in  the  previous  chap- 
ter, had  by  a  decree  of  the  Alexican  Congress 
been  made  the  capital  of  the  territory.  Monterey 
had  persistently  refused  to  give  up  the  governor 
and  the  archives.  In  the  movement  to  make 
Alia  California  a  free  and  independent  state,  the 
.\ngelenos  recognized  an  attempt  on  the  part  of 
the  people  of  the  North  to  deprive  them  of  the 
capital.  Although  as  bitterly  opposed  to  Mexi- 
can governors,  and  as  active  in  fomenting  revo- 
lutions against  them  as  the  people  of  Monterey 
the  Angeleiios  chose  to  profess  loyalty  to  the 
Mother  Country.  They  opposed  the  plan  of 
government  adopted  by  the  Congress  at  Monte- 
rey and  promulgated  a  plan  of  their  own,  in 
wliich  they  declared  California  was  not  free ;  that 
the  "Roman  Catholic  Apostolic  Religion  shall 
])revail  in  this  jurisdiction,  and  any  person  pub- 
licly professing  any  other  shall  be  prosecuted  by 
law  as  heretofore."  A  mass  meeting  was  called 
to  take  measures  "to  prevent  the  spreading  of 
the  Monterey  Revolution,  so  that  the  progress  of 
the  Nation  may  not  be  paralyzed,"  and  to  ap- 
point a  i)erson  to  take  military  command  of  the 

San  Diego  and  San  Luis  Rev  took  the  part  of 
Los  Angeles  in  the  quarrel,  Sonoiua  and  San 
Jose  joined  Monterey,  while  Santa  Barbara,  al- 
ways conservative,  was  undecided,  but  finally  is- 
sued a  plan  of  her  own.  Alvarado  and  Castro 
determined  to  suppress  the  revolutionary  An- 
gelenos.  They  collected  a  force  of  one  hundred 
men  made  up  of  natives  and  Graham's  con- 
tingent (jf  twenty-five  American  riflemen.  With 
this  arm_\-  they  prepared  to  move  against  the 
recalcitrant  snrcnos   (southerners). 

The  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles  began 
preparations  to  resist  the  invaders  .Vn  army  of 
270  men  was  enrolled,  a  part  of  which  was  made 
up  of  neo])hytes.  To  secure  the  sinews  of  war 
Jose  Sepulveda,  second  alcalde,  was  sent  to  the 
Mission  San  I'ernando  to  secure  what  money 
there  was  in  the  hands  of  the  mayor  domo.  He 
returned  with  two  packages  which  when  counted 
were  found  to  contain  $2,000. 

Scouts  patrolled  the  Santa  Barbara  road  as  far 
at  San  Buenaventura  to  give  warning  of  the  ap- 
proach of  tlie  enemy,  and  pickets  guarded  the 
Pass  of  Cahuenga  and  the  Rodeo  de  1-as  Agnas 
to    prevent    northern    spies    fri^m    entering   ;iiiil 

southern  traitors  from  getting  out  vi  the  pueblo. 
The  southern  army  was  stationed  at  San 
F'ernando  under  the  command  of  Alferez 
(Lieut.)  Rocha.  Alvarado  and  Castro  pushing 
rapidly  down  the  coast  reached  Santa  Barbara, 
where  they  were  kindly  received  and  their  force 
recruited  to  120  men  with  two  pieces  of  artil- 
lery. Jose  Sepulveda  at  San  Fernando  sent  to 
Los  Angeles  for  the  cannon  at  the  town  house 
and  $200  of  the  mission  money  to  pay  his  men. 

On  the  1 6th  of  January,  1837,  Alvarado  from 
San  Buenaventura  dispatched  a  communication 
to  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles  and  the 
citizens,  telling  them  wdiat  military  resources  he 
had,  which  he  would  use  against  them  if  it  be- 
came necessary,  but  he  was  willing  to  confer 
upon  a  plan  of  settletnent.  Sepulveda  and  A. 
AI.  Osio  were  appointed  commissioners  and  sent 
to  confer  with  the  governor,  armed  with  several 
propositions,  the  substance  of  wdiich  was  that 
California  shall  not  be  free  and  the  Catholic 
rehgion  must  prevail  with  the  privilege  to  pros- 
ecute any  other  religion  "according  to  law  as 
heretofore."  The  commissioners  inet  Alvarado 
on  "neutral  ground,"  between  San  Fernando 
and  San  Buenaventura.  A  long  discussion  fol- 
lowed without  either  coining  to  the  point.  Al- 
varado, by  a  coup  d'etat,  brought  it  to  an  end. 
In  the  language  of  the  commissioners'  report  to 
the  ayuntamiento :  "While  we  were  a  certain 
distance  from  our  own  forces  with  only  four 
unarmed  men  and  were  on  the  point  of  coming 
to  an  agreement  with  Juan  B.  Alvarado  we  saw 
the  Monterey  division  advancing  upon  us  and  we 
were  forced  to  deliver  up  the  instructions  of 
this  Illustrious  Body  through  fear  of  being  at- 
tacked." They  delivered  up  not  only  the  in- 
structions but  the  Alission  San  Fernando.  The 
southern  army  was  compelled  to  surrender  it 
and  fall  back  on  the  j)ueblo,  Rocha  swearing- 
worse  than  "our  army  in  Flanders"  because  he 
was  not  allowed  to  tight.  The  southern  .soldiers 
had  a  wholesome  dread  of  Graham's  riflemen. 
These  fellows,  armed  with  long  Kentucky  rifles, 
shot  to  kill,  and  a  battle  once  begun  somebody 
would  have  died  for  his  country  and  it  would  not 
have  been  Alvarado's  riflemen. 

The  day  after  the  surrender  of  the  mission, 
January  21,  1837,  the  ayuntamiento  held  a  ses- 
sion and  the  members  were  as  obdurate  and 
belligerent  as  ever.  They  resolved  that  it  was 
onlv  in  the  interests  of  humanity  that  the  mis- 
sion had  b.ecn  surrendered  and  their  army  forced 
to  retire.  "This  ayuntamiento,  considering  the 
commissioners  were  forced  to  comply,  annuls 
all  action  of  the  commissioners  and  does  not  rec- 
ognize this  territory  as  a  free  and  sovereign  state 
11c ir  Juan  B.  .Mvarado  as  its  governor,  and  de- 
cl.ires   itself  in   favor  of  the   Supreme   Govern- 


iiicnt  oi  Mexico."  A  few  days  later  Alvarado 
entered  the  city  without  opposition,  the  Angele- 
nian  soldiers  retiring  to  San  Gabriel  and  from 
there  scattering  to  their  homes. 

On  the  26th  of  January,  an  extraordinary  ses- 
sion of  the  most  illustrious  ayuntamiento  was 
held.  Alvarado  was  present  and  made  a  lengthy 
speech,  in  which  he  said,  "the  native  sons  were 
subjected  to  ridicule  by  the  Mexican  mandarins 
sent  here,  and,  knowing  our  rights,  we  ought  to 
shake  ofT  the  ominous  yoke  of  bondage."  Then 
he  produced  and  read  the  six  articles  of  the 
Monterey  plan  ;  the  Council  also  produced  a  plan 
and  a  treaty  of  amity  was  effected.  Alvarado 
was  recognized  as  governor  pro  tem.  and  peace 
reigned.  The  belligerent  surefios  vied  with  each 
other  in  expressing  their  admiration  for  the  new 
order  of  things.  Pio  Pico  wished  to  express  the 
pleasure  it  gave  him  to  see  a  "hijo  del  pais"  in 
ofifice,  and  Antonio  Osio,  the  most  belligerent 
of  the  sureiios.  declared  "that  sooner  than  again 
submit  to  a  Mexican  dictator  as  governor,  he 
would  flee  to  the  forest  and  be  devoured  by  wild 
beasts."  The  ayuntamiento  was  asked  to  pro- 
vide a  building  for  the  government,  "this  being 
the  capital  of  the  State."  The  hatchet  api)arent- 
ly  was  buried.  Peace  reigned  in  El  Estado 

At  the  meeting  of  the  town  council  on  the 
30th  of  January,  Alvarado  made  another  speech, 
init  it  was  neither  conciliatory  nor  complimen- 
tary. He  arraigned  the  "traitors  wdio  were  work- 
ing against  the  peace  of  the  country"  and  urged 
the  members  to  take  measures  "to  liberate  the 
city  from  the  hidden  hands  that  will  tangle  them 
in  their  own  ruin."  The  pay  of  his  troo]is  who 
were  ordered  here  for  the  welfare  of  California 
is  due  "and  it  is  an  honorable  and  preferred  debt, 
therefore  the  ayuntamiento  will  deliver  to  the 
government  the  San  Fernando  money,"  said  he. 
With  a  wry  face,  very  nuich  such  as  a  bt)y  wears 
when  he  is  told  that  he  has  been  spanked  for  his 
own  good,  the  alcalde  turned  over  the  balance  of 
the  mission  money  to  Juan  Bautista,  and  the 
governor  took  his  departure  for  Monterey, 
leaving,  however.  Col.  Jose  Castro  with  part  of 
his  army  stationed  at  Mission  San  Gabriel,  os- 
tensibly "to  support  the  city's  authority,"  but  in 
reality  to  keep  a  close  watch  on  the  citv  authori- 

Los  Angeles  was  subjugated,  peace  reigned 
and  El  Estado  Libre  de  Alta  California  took  her 
place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  But 
peace's  reign  was  brief.  At  the  meeting  of  the 
ayuntamiento  May  27,  1838,  Juan  Bandini  and 
Santiago  E.  Argiiello  of  San  Diego,  appeared 
with  a  ])rommcianiicnlo  and  a  plan — San  Diego's 
l)!an  of  government.  Montorev,  Santa  I'.arhrira 
and  Los  Angeles  had  each  fnnnnl.ited  a  plan  of 

government  for  the  territory  and  now  it  was  San 
Diego's  turn.  Augustin  V.  Zamorano,  who  was 
exiled  with  Governor  Gutierrez,  had  crossed 
the  frontier  and  was  made  comandante-general 
and  territorial  political  chief  ad  interim  by  the 
San  Diego  revolutionists.  The  plan  restored 
California  to  obedience  to  the  supreme  govern- 
ment;  all  acts  of  the  diputacion  and  the  Monte- 
rey plan  were  annulled  and  the  northern  rebels 
were  to  be  arraigned  and  tried  for  their  part  in 
the  revolution ;  and  so  on  through  twenty  ar- 

On  the  plea  of  an  Indian  outbreak  near  San 
Diego,  in  which  the  red  men,  it  was  said,  "were 
to  make  an  end  of  the  white  race,"  the  big  can- 
non and  a  number  of  men  were  secured  at  Los 
Angeles  to  assist  in  suppressing  the  Indians,  but 
in  reality  to  reinforce  the  army  of  the  San  Diego 
revolutionists.  With  a  force  of  125  men  under 
Zamorano  and  Portilla,  "the  army  of  the  Su- 
preme Government"  moved  against  Castro  at 
Los  Angeles.  Castro  retreated  to  Santa  Barbara 
and  Portilla's  army  took  position  at  San  Fer- 

The  civil  and  military  officials  of  Los  Angeles 
took  the  oath  to  support  the  Me.xican  constitu- 
tion of  1836  and,  in  their  opinion,  this  absolved 
them  from  all  allegiance  to  Juan  1  >autista  and  his 
Monterey  plan.  Alvarado  hurried  reinforce- 
ments to  Castro  at  Santa  Barbara,  and  Portilla 
called  loudly  for  "men,  arms  and  horses,"  to 
march  against  the  northern  rebels.  But  neither 
military  chieftain  advanced,  and  the  summer 
wore  away  without  a  battle.  There  were  rumors 
that  Mexico  was  preparing  to  send  an  army  of 
1,000  men  to  subjugate  the  rebellious  Califor- 
nians.  In  October  came  the  news  that  Jose  An- 
tonio Carrillo,  the  ^lachiavelli  of  California  poli- 
tics, had  persuaded  President  Bustamente  to  ap- 
l)oint  Carlos  Carrillo,  ]ose's  brother,  governor 
of  .\lta  California. 

Then  consternation  seized  the  arribanas  (ui)- 
pers)  of  the  north,  and  the  abajanos  (lowers)  of 
the  south  went  wild  with  joy.  It  was  not  that 
they  loved  Carlos  Carrillo,  for  he  was  a  Santa 
Barbara  man  and  had  opposed  them  in  the  late 
unpleasantness,  but  they  saw  in  his  appointment 
an  opportunity  to  get  revenge  on  Juan  Bautista 
for  the  way  he  had  humiliated  them.  They  sent 
congratulatory  messages  to  Carrillo  and  invited 
him  to  make  Los  Angeles  the  seat  of  his  govern- 
ment. Carrillo  was  flattered  by  their  attentions 
and  consented.  The  6th  of  December,  1837,  was 
set  for  his  inauguration,  and  great  preparations 
were  made  for  the  event.  The  big  cannon  was 
brought  over  from  San  Gabriel  to  fire  salutes 
and  the  citv  was  ordered  illuminated  on  the 
nights  of  tile  6th,  7th  and  8th  of  December. 
Cards  of  invitation   were  issued  and  the  people 



from  the  city  and  country  were  invited  to  at- 
tend the  inauguration  ceremonies,  "dressed  as 
decent  as  possible,"  so  read  the  invitations. 

The  widow  Josefa  Alvarado's  house,  the  finest 
in  the  city,  was  secured  for  the  governor's  pal- 
acio  (palace).  The  largest  hall  in  the  city  was 
secured  for  the  services  and  decorated  as  well  as 
it  was  possible.  The  city  treasury,  being  in  its 
usual  state  of  collapse,  a  subscription  for  defray- 
ing the  expenses  was  opened  and  horses,  hides 
and  tallow,  the  current  coin  of  the  pueblo,  were 
lil)crally  contributed. 

(■•n  the  appointed  da\-,  "The  Most  Illustrious 
.Vyuntaniiento  and  the  citizens  of  the  neighbor- 
hood (so  the  old  archives  read)  met  his  Excel- 
lency, the  Governor,  Don  Carlos  Carrillo,  who 
made  his  appearance  with  a  magnificent  accom- 
paniment." The  secretary,  Narciso  Botello, 
"read  in  a  loud,  clear  and  intelligib'.e  voice,  the 
oath,  and  the  governor  repeated  it  after  him." 
At  the  moment  the  oath  was  completed,  the 
artillery  thundered  forth  a  salute  and  the  bells 
rang  out  a  merry  peal.  The  governor  made  a 
speech,  when  all  adjourned  to  the  church,  where 
a  mass  was  said  and  a  solemn  Te  Deum  sung ; 
after  which  all  repaired  to  the  house  of  His  Ex- 
cellency, where  the  southern  patriots  drank  his 
health  in  bumpers  of  wine  and  shouted  them- 
selves hoarse  in  vivas  to  the  new  government. 
An  inauguration  ball  was  held — the  "beauty  and 
the  chivalry  of  the  south  were  gathered  there." 
The  lamps  shone  o'er  fair  women  and  brave 
men.    And  it  was  : 

"On  with  the  dance!    Let  joy  be  unconfined; 
Xo   sleep  till   morn,  when   youth  and  pleasure 

To  chase  the  glowing  hours  with  flying  feet." 

Outside  the  lallow  dips  flared  and  flickered  from 
the  porticos  of  the  houses,  bonfires  blazed  in  the 
streets  and  cannon  boomed  salvos  from  the  old 
plaza.  Los  Angeles  was  the  capital  at  last  and 
iiad  a  governor  all  to  herself,  for  Santa  T.arbara 
refused  to  recognize  Carrillo,  although  he  be- 
longed within  its  jurisdiction. 

The  Angelcnos  determine<l  to  subjugate  the 
r.arbarenos.  .\n  army  of  200  men,  under  Cas- 
tenada,  was  sent  to  capture  the  city.  After  a  few 
futile  demonstrations,  Casteiiada's  forces  fell 
back  to  San  Buenaventura. 

Then  Alvarado  determined  to  subjugate  the 
.\ngelefios.  He  and  Castro,  gathering  together 
an  army  of  200  men,  by  forced  marches  they 
reached  San  Buenaventura,  and  by  a  strategic 
movement  captured  all  of  Castenada's  horses 
and  drove  his  army  into  the  Mission  Church. 
For  two  days  the  battle  raged  and.  "cainmn  Ic 
the  right  of  thcni,"  and  "canmni  in  front  nf  ihrni 

volleyed  an<l  thundered."  (  'ne  man  was  killed 
on  tile  northern  side  and  the  blood  of  several 
nuistangs  watered  the  soil  of  their  native  land — 
died  for  their  country.  The  southerners  slipped 
out  of  the  church  at  night  and  fled  up  the  valley 
on  foot.  Castro's  caballeros  captured  about  70 
prisoners.  Pio  Pico,  with  reinforcements  from 
San  Diego,  met  the  demoralized  remnants  of 
Casteiiada's  army  at  the  Santa  Clara  river,  and 
together  all  fell  back  to  Los  Angeles.  Then 
there  was  wailing  in  the  old  pueblo,  where  sc 
lately  there  had  been  rejoicing.  Gov.  Carlos  Car- 
rillo gathered  together  what  men  he  could  get 
to  go  with  him  and  retreated  to  San  Diego.  Al- 
varado's army  took  possession  of  tlie  southern 
capital  and  some  of  the  leading  conspirators 
were  sent  as  prisoners  to  Vallejo's  bastile  at  Son- 

Carrillo,  at  San  Diego,  received  a  small  rein- 
forcement from  Mexico,  under  a  Captain  Tobar. 
Tobar  was  made  general  and  given  command  of 
the  southern  army.  Carrillo,  having  recovered 
from  his  fright,  sent  an  order  to  the  northern 
rebels  to  surrender  within  fifteen  days  under  pen- 
alty of  being  shot  as  traitors  if  they  refused.  In 
the  meantime  Los  Angeles  was  held  by  the 
enemy.  The  second  alcalde  (the  first,  Louis 
Aranas,  was  a  prisoner)  called  a  meeting  to  de- 
vise some  means  "to  have  his  excellency,  Don 
Carlos  Carrillo,  return  to  this  capital,  as  his  pres- 
ence is  very  much  desired  by  the  citizens  to  pro- 
tect their  lives  and  property."  A  committee  was 
appointed  to  find  Don  Carlos. 

Instead  of  surrendering,  Castro  and  .\lvara- 
do,  with  a  force  of  200  men,  advanced  against 
Carrillo.  The  two  armies  met  at  Campo  de  Las 
Flores.  General  Tobar  had  fortified  a  cattle 
corral  with  raw-hides,  carretas  and  Cottonwood 
poles.  A  few  shots  from  Alvarado's  artillery 
scattered  Tobar's  rawhide  fortifications.  Carrillo 
surrendered.  Tobar  and  a  few  of  the  leaders 
escaped  to  Mexico.  Alvarado  ordered  the  mis- 
guided Angclefiian  soldiers  to  go  home  and 
behave  themselves.  He  brought  the  captive  gov- 
ernor back  with  him  and  left  him  with  his  (Car- 
rillo's)  wife  at  Santa  Barbara,  who  became  surety 
for  the  deposed  ruler.  Not  content  with  his  un- 
fortunate attempts  to  rule,  he  again  claimed  the 
governorship  on  the  plea  that  he  had  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  supreme  government.  But  the 
Angelenos  had  had  enough  of  him.  Disgusted 
witli  his  incompetency,  Juan  Gallardo,  at  the 
session  of  ]\[ay  14,  1838.  presented  a  petition 
praying  that  this  ayuntamiento  do  not  recognize 
Carlos  Carrillo  as  governor,  and  setting  forth 
the  reasons  why  we,  the  petitioners,  "should  de- 
clare ourselves  subject  to  the  northern  govcr-"  and  why  they  opposed  Carrillo. 

■'I'irst.      In    having   compromised    the   i>enplo 



from  San  Buenavciilura  south  into  a  declaration 
of  war,  the  incalculable  calamities  of  which  will 
never  be  forgotten,  not  even  by  the  most  ignor- 

"Second.  Not  satisfied  with  the  unfortunate 
event  at  San  Buenaventura,  he  repeated  the 
same  at  Canipo  de  Las  Flores,  which,  only 
through  a  divine  dispensation,  California  is  not 
to-day  in  mourning."  Seventy  citizens  signed 
the  petition,  but  the  city  attorney,  who  had  done 
time  in  Yallejo"s  bastile.  decided  the  petition  ille- 
gal because  it  was  written  on  common  paper 
when  paper  with  the  proper  seal  could  be  ob- 

Next  day  Gallardo  returned  with  his  petition 
on  legal  paper.  The  ayuntamiento  decided  to 
sound  the  "public  alarm"  and  call  the  people  to- 
gether to  give  them  "public  speech."  The  pub- 
lic alarm  was  sounded.  The  people  assembled 
at  the  city  hall ;  speeches  were  made  on  both 
sides;  and  when  the  vote  was  taken  22  were  in 
favor  of  the  northern  governor,  5  in  favor  of 
whatever  the  ayuntamiento  decides,  and  Serbulo 
A'areles  alone  voted  for  Don  Carlos  Carrillo.  So 
the  council  decided  to  recognize  Don  Juan  Bau- 
tista  Alvarado  as  governor  and  leave  the  su- 
preme government  to  settle  the  contest  be- 
tween him  and  Carrillo. 

Notwithstanding  this  apparent  buiying  of  the 
hatchet,  there  were  rumors  of  plots  and  intrigues 
in  Los  Angeles  and  San  Diego  against  Alvara- 
do. At  length,  aggravated  beyond  endurance, 
the  governor  sent  word  to  the  surefios  that  if 
they  did  not  behave  themselves  he  would  shoot 
ten  of  the  leading  men  of  the  south.  As  he  had 
about  that  number  locked  up  in  the  Castillo  at 
Sonoma,  his  was  no  idle  threat. 

One  by  one  Alvarado's  prisoners  of  state  were 
released  from  \'allejo's  bastile  at  Sonoma  and 
returned  to  Los  Angeles,  sadder  if  not  wiser 
men.  At  the  session  of  the  ayuntamiento  Octo- 
ber 20,  1838,  the  president  announced  that  Sen- 
ior Regidor  Jose  Palomares  had  returned  from 
Sonoma,  where  he  had  been  compelled  to  go  by 
reason  of  "political  differences."  and  that  he 
should  be  allowed  his  seat  in  the  council.  The 
request  was  granted  unanimously 

.•\t  the  next  meeting  Narciso  Botello,  its  for- 
mer secretary,  after  five  and  a  half  months'  im- 
prisomncnt  at  Sonoma,  put  in  an  appearance  and 

claimed  his  office  and  his  pay.  Although  others 
had  filled  the  office  in  the  interim  the  illustrious 
ayuntamiento,  "ignoring  for  what  offense  he  was 
incarcerated,  could  not  suspend  his  salary."  But 
his  salary  was  suspended.  The  treasury  was 
empty.  The  last  horse  and  the  last  hide  had 
been  paid  out  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  in- 
auguration festivities  of  Carlos,  the  Pretender. 
and  the  civil  war  that  followed.  Indeed,  there 
was  a  treasury  deficit  of  whole  caballadas  of 
horses  and  bales  of  hides.  Narciso's  back  pay 
was  a  preferred  claim  that  outlasted  El  Estado 

The  surenos  of  Los  Angeles  and  San  Diego, 
finding  that  in  Alvarado  they  had  a  man  of  cour- 
age and  determination  to  deal  with,  ceased  from 
troubling  him  and  submitted  to  the  inevitable. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  ayuntamiento,  October 
5,  1839,  a  notification  was  received  stating  that 
the  supreme  government  of  Mexico  had  ap- 
pointed Juan  Bautista  Alvarado  "Governor  of 
the  Department."  There  was  no  grumbling  or 
dissent.  On  the  contrary  the  records  say,  "This 
Illustrious  Body  acknowledges  receipt  of  the 
communication  and  congratulates  His  Excel- 
lency. It  will  announce  the  same  to  the  citizens 
to-morrow  (Sunday),  will  raise  the  national  col- 
ors, salute  the  same  with  the  required  number 
of  volleys,  and  will  invite  the  people  to  illumi- 
nate their  houses  for  a  better  display  in  rejoicing 
at  such  a  happy  appointment."  ^^lth  his  ap- 
pointment by  the  supreme  government  the 
"Free  and  sovereign  state  of  ."Mta  California"  be- 
came a  dream  of  the  past — a  dead  nation.  In- 
deed, months  before  Alvarado  had  abandoned 
his  idea  of  foundingan  independentstateand  had 
taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  constitution 
of  1836.  The  loyal  surenos  received  no  thanks 
from  the  supreme  government  for  all  their  pro- 
fessions of  loyalty,  whilst  the  rebellious  arribanas 
of  the  north  obtained  all  the  rewards — the  gov- 
ernor, the  capital  and  the  offices.  The  sui)reme 
government  gave  the  deposed  governor.  Carlos 
Carrillo,  a  grant  of  the  island  of  Santa  Rosa,  in 
the  Santa  Barbara  Channel,  but  whether  it  was 
given  him  as  a  salve  to  his  wounded  dignity  or 
as  an  Elba  or  St.  Helena,  where,  in  the  event  of 
his  stirring  up  another  revolution,  he  might  be 
banished  a  la  Napoleon,  the  records  do  not  in- 
form us. 




THE  decade  of  revolutions  closed  with 
Alvarado  firmly  established  as  Governor 
of  the  Department  of  the  Californias. 
(By  the  constitution  of  1836  Upper  and  Lower 
California  had  been  united  into  a  department.) 
The  hijos  del  pais  had  triumphed.  A  native  son 
was  governor  of  the  department ;  another  native 
son  was  comandante  of  its  military  forces.  The 
membership  of  the  departmental  junta,  which 
had  taken  the  place  of  the  diputacion,  was 
largely  made  up  of  sons  of  the  soil,  and  natives 
filled  the  minor  offices.  In  their  zeal  to  rid 
themselves  of  Mexican  office-holders  they  had 
invoked  the  assistance  of  another  element  that 
was  ultimately  to  be  their  undoing. 

During  the  revolutionary  era  just  passed  the 
foreign  population  had  largely  increased.  Not 
only  had  the  foreigners  come  by  sea,  but  they 
had  come  by  land.  Capt.  Jedediah  S.  Smith,  a 
New  England-born  trapper  and  hunter,  was  the 
first  man  to  enter  California  by  the  overland 
route.  He  came  in  1826  by  the  way  of  Great 
Salt  Lake  and  the  Rio  Virgin,  then  across  the 
desert  through  the  Cajon  Pass  to  San  Gabriel 
and  Los  Angeles.  On  his  return  he  crossed  the 
Sierra  Nevadas,  and,  following  up  the  Hum- 
l)oldt  river,  returned  to  Great  Salt  Lake.  He 
was  the  first  white  man  to  cross  the  Sierra  Ne- 
vadas. A  number  of  trappers  and  hunters  came 
in  the  early  '30s  from  New  Mexico  by  way  of 
the  old  Mexican  trail.  This  immigration  was 
largely  American,  and  was  made  up  of  a  bold, 
adventurous  class  of  men,  some  of  them  not 
the  most  desirable  immigrants.  Of  this  latter 
class  were  some  of  Graham's  followers. 

By  invoking  Graham's  aid  to  place  him  in 
power,  Alvarado  had  fastened  upon  his  shoul- 
ders an  Old  Man  of  the  Sea.  It  was  easy  enough 
to  enlist  the  services  of  Graham's  riflemen,  but 
altogether  another  matter  to  get  rid  of  them. 
Now  that  he  was  firmly  established  in  power, 
.Mvarado  would,  no  doubt,  have  Ijeen  glad  to  be 
rid  entirely  of  his  recent  allies,  but  Graham  and 
his  adherents  were  not  backward  in  giving  him 
to  understand  that  he  owed  his  position  to  them, 
and  they  were  inclined  to  put  themselves  on  an 
equality  with  him.  This  did  not  comport  with 
his  ideas  of  the  dignity  of  his  office.  To  be 
hailed    by    some    rough    Inickskin-clad    trapper 

with  "Ho  1  Bautista ;  come  here,  I  want  to  speak 
with  you,"  was  an  afifront  to  his  pride  that  the 
governor  of  the  two  Californias  could  not  quiet- 
ly pass  over,  and  besides,  like  all  of  his  country- 
men, he  disliked  foreigners. 

There  were  rumors  of  another  revolution,  and 
it  was  not  difficult  to  persuade  Alvarado  that  the 
foreigners  were  plotting  to  revolutionize  Cali- 
fornia. Mexico  had  recently  lost  Texas,  and 
the  same  class  of  "malditos  extranjeros"  (wicked 
strangers)  were  invading  California,  and  would 
ultimately  possess  themselves  of  the  country. 
-Accordingly,  secret  orders  were  sent  through- 
out the  department  to  arrest  and  imprison  all 
foreigners.  Over  one  hundred  men  of  dififer- 
ent  nationalities  were  arrested,  principally 
American  and  English.  Of  these  forty-seven 
were  shipped  to  San  Bias,  and  from  there 
marched  overland  to  Tepic,  where  they  were 
imprisoned  for  several  months.  Through  the 
efforts  of  the  British  consul,  Barron,  they  were 
released.  Castro,  who  had  accompanied  the 
prisoners  to  Mexico  to  prefer  charges  against 
them,  was  placed  under  arrest  and  afterwards 
tried  by  court-martial,  but  was  acquitted.  He 
had  been  acting  under  orders  from  his  superiors. 
After  an  absence  of  over  a  year  twenty  of  the 
exiles  landed  at  Monterey  on  their  return  from 
Mexico.  Robinson,  who  saw  them  land,  says: 
"They  returned  neatly  dressed,  armed  with  rifles 
and  swords,  and  looking  in  nnich  better  condi- 
tion than  when  they  were  sent  away,  or  prob- 
ably than  they  had  ever  looked  in  their  lives 
before."  The  Mexican  government  had  been 
compelled  to  pay  them  damages  for  their  arrest 
and  imprisonment  and  to  return  them  to  Cali- 
fornia. Graham,  the  reputed  leader  of  the  for- 
eigners, was  the  owner  of  a  distillery  near  Santa 
Cruz,  and  had  gathered  a  number  of  hard  char- 
acters around  him.  It  would  have  been  no  loss 
had  he  never  returned. 

The  only  other  event  of  importance  during 
.Mvarado's  term  as  governor  was  the  capture  of 
Monterey  by  Conunodore  Ap  Catesby  Jones, 
of  the  United  States  navy.  This  event  happened 
after  .Mvarado's  successor,  Micheltorena,  had 
landed  in  California,  but  before  the  government 
had  been  formally  turned  over  to  him. 

Tin-    following    extract    from    the    diary    of   a 


pioneer  and  former  resident  of  Los  Angeles 
who  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  affair,  gives  a 
good  description  of  the  capture : 

"Monterey,  Oct.  19,  1842. — At  2  p.  ni.  the 
United  States  man-of-war  'United  States,'  Com- 
modore Ap  Catesby  Jones,  came  to  anchor  close 
alongside  and  inshore  of  all  the  ships  in  port. 
About  3  p.  m.  Captain  Armstrong  came  ashore, 
accompanied  by  an  interpreter,  and  went  direct 
to  the  governor's  house,  where  he  had  a  private 
conversation  with  him,  which  proved  to  be  a 
demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  entire  coast  of 
California,  Upper  and  Lower,  to  the  United 
States  government.  \Mien  he  was  about  to  go 
on  board  he  gave  three  or  four  copies  of  a  proc- 
lamation to  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  Califor- 
nias,  assuring  them  of  the  protection  of  their 
lives,  persons  and  property.  In  his  notice  to  the 
governor  (Alvarado)  he  gave  him  only  until  the 
following  morning  at  9  a.  m.  to  decide.  If  he 
received  no  answer,  then  he  would  fire  upon  the 

"I  remained  on  shore  that  night  and  went 
down  to  the  governor's,  with  Mr.  Larkin  and 
Mr.  Eagle.  The  governor  had  had  some  idea  of 
nmning  away  and  leaving  Monterey  to  its  fate, 
but  was  told  by  Mr.  Spence  that  he  should  not 
go,  and  finally  he  resolved  to  await  the  result. 
At  12  at  night  some  persons  were  sent  on  board 
the  "United  States"  who  had  been  appointed 
by  the  governor  to  meet  the  commodore  and 
arrange  the  terms  of  the  surrender.  Next  morn- 
ing at  half-past  ten  o'clock  about  100  sailors  and 
50  marines  disembarked.  The  sailors  marched 
up  from  the  shore  and  took  possession  of  the 
fort.  The  American  colors  were  hoisted.  The 
"United  States"  fired  a  salute  of  thirteen  guns ;  it 
was  returned  by  the  fort,  which  fired  twenty- 
six  guns.  The  marines  in  the  mean  time  had 
marched  up  to  the  government  house.  The  of- 
ficers and  soldiers  of  the  California  government 
were  discharged  and  their  guns  and  other  arms 
taken  possession  of  and  carried  to  the  fort.  The 
stars  and  stripes  now  wave  over  us.  Long  may 
they  wave  here  in  California  I" 

"Oct.  2 1  St,  4  p.  m. — Flags  were  again 
changed,  the  vessels  were  released,  and  all  was 
quiet  again.  The  commodore  had  received  later 
news  by  some  Mexican  newspapers." 

Commodore  Jones  had  been  stationed  at  Cal- 
lao  with  a  squadron  of  four  vessels.  An  English 
fleet  was  also  there,  and  a  French  fleet  was 
cruising  in  the  Pacific.  Both  these  were  sup- 
posed to  have  designs  on  California.  Jones 
learned  that  the  English  admiral  had  received 
orders  to  sail  next  day.  Surmising  that  his  des- 
tination might  be  California,  he  slipped  out  of 
the  harbor  the  night  before  and  crowded  all  sail 
to  reach  C;i]ifnniin  before  the  English  admiral. 

The  loss  of  Texas,  and  the  constant  influx  of 
immigrants  and  adventurers  from  the  United 
States  into  California,  had  embittered  the  Mex- 
ican government  more  and  more  against  for- 
eigners. Manuel  Micheltorena,  who  had  served 
under  Santa  Anna  in  the  Texan  war,  was  ap- 
pointed, January  19,  1842,  comandante-general 
inspector  and  gobernador  propietario  of  the 

Santa  Anna  was  president  of  the  Mexican 
Republic.  His  experience  with  Americans  in 
Texas  during  the  Texan  war  of  independence, 
in  1836-37,  had  determined  him  to  use  every  ef- 
fort to  prevent  California  from  sharing  the  falc 
of  Texas. 

Micheltorena,  the  newly-appointed  governor, 
vvas  instructed  to  take  with  him  sufficient  force 
to  check  the  ingress  of  Americans.  He  recruit- 
ed a  force  of  350  men,  principally  convicts  en- 
listed from  the  prisons  of  Mexico.  His  army  of 
thieves  and  ragamuffins  landed  at  San  Diego  in 
August,  1842. 

Robinson,  who  was  at  San  Diego  when  one 
of  the  vessels  conveying  Micheltorena's  cholos 
(convicts)  landed,  thus  describes  them:  "Five 
days  afterward  the  brig  Chato  arrived  with 
ninety  soldiers  and  their  families.  I  saw  them 
land,  and  to  me  they  presented  a  state  of 
wretchedness  and  misery  unequaled.  Not  one 
individual  among  them  possessed  a  jacket  or 
pantaloons,  but,  naked,  and  like  the  savage  In- 
dians, they  concealed  their  nudity  with  dirty, 
miserable  blankets.  The  females  were  not  much 
better  ofif,  for  the  scantiness  of  their  mean  ap- 
parel was  too  apparent  for  modest  observers. 
They  appeared  like  convicts,  and,  indeed,  the 
greater  portion  of  them  had  been  charged  with 
crime,  either  of  murder  or  theft." 

Micheltorena  drilled  his  Falstaffiian  army  at 
San  Diego  for  several  weeks  and  then  began  hi.s 
march  northward.  Los  Angeles  made  great 
preparations  to  receive  the  new  governor.  Seven 
years  had  passed  since  she  had  been  decreed  the 
capital  of  the  territory,  and  in  all  these  years 
she  had  been  denied  her  rights  by  Monterey.  A 
favorable  impression  on  the  new  governor 
might  induce  him  to  make  the  ciudad  his  capital. 
The  national  fiesta  of  September  16  was  post- 
poned until  the  arrival  of  the  governor.  The 
best  house  in  the  town  was  secured  for  him  and 
his  stafT.  A  grand  ball  was  projected  and  the 
city  illuminated  the  night  of  his  arrival.  A 
camp  was  established  down  by  the  river  and  the 
cholos,  who  in  the  mean  time  had  been  given 
white  linen  uniforms,  were  put  through  the  drill 
and  the  manual  of  arms.  They  were  incorrigible 
thieves,  and  stole  for  the  very  pleasure  of  steal- 
ing. They  robbed  the  hen  roosts,  the  orchards, 
the  vincvards  and  the  vcRvtable  g.nrdons  of  the 



citizens.  To  the  Angeleiios  the  glory  of  their 
city  as  the  capital  of  the  territory  faded  in  the 
presence  of  their  empty  chicken  coops  and 
plundered  orchards.  They  longed  to  speed  the 
departure  of  their  now  unwelcome  guests.  After 
a  stay  of  a  month  in  the  city,  Micheltorena  and 
his  army  took  up  their  line  of  march  north- 
ward. He  had  reached  a  point  about  twenty 
miles  north  of  San  Fernando,  when,  on  the 
night  of  the  24th  of  October,  a  messenger 
aroused  him  from  his  slumbers  with  the  news 
that  the  capital  had  been  captured  by  the  Ameri- 
cans. Alicheltorena  seized  the  occasion  to  make 
])olitical  capital  for  himself  with  the  home  gov- 
ernment. He  spent  the  remainder  of  the  night 
in  fulminating  proclamations  against  the  in- 
vaders fiercer  than  the  thunderbolts  of  Jove, 
copies  of  which  were  dispatched  post  haste  to 
Mexico.  He  even  wished  himself  a  thunderbolt 
"that  he  might  fly  over  intervening  space  and 
annihilate  tlie  invaders."  Then,  with  his  own 
courage  and  doubtless  that  of  his  brave  cholos 
aroused  to  the  highest  pitch,  instead  of  rushing 
on  the  invaders  he  and  his  army  fled  back  to 
San  Fernando,  where,  afraid  to  advance  or  re- 
treat, he  halted  until  news  reached  him  tiiat 
Commodore  Jones  had  restored  Monterey  to  the 
Californians.  Then  his  valor  reached  the  boil- 
ing point.  He  boldly  marched  to  Los  Angeles, 
established  his  headquarters  in  the  city  and 
awaited  the  coming  of  Commodore  Jones  and 
his  ofihcers  from  Monterey. 

On  the  19th  of  January,  1843,  Commodore 
Jones  and  his  stafif  came  to  Los  Angeles  to  meet 
the  governor.  At  the  famous  conference  in  the 
Falacio  de  Don  Abel,  ]\Iicheltorena  presented 
his  Articles  of  Convention.  Among  other  ridic- 
ulous demands  were  the  following:  ".\rticle 
\  I.  Mr.  Thomas  Ap  C.  Jones  will  deliver  1,500 
complete  infantry  uniforms  to  replace  those  of 
nearly  one-half  of  the  Mexican  force,  which  have 
been  ruined  in  the  violent  march  and  the  con- 
tinued rains  while  they  were  on  their  way  to 
recover  the  port  thus  invaded."  "Article  VII. 
Jones  to  pay  $15,000  into  the  national  treasury 
for  expenses  incurred  from  the  general  alarm; 
also  a  complete  set  of  musical  instruments  in 
lilace  of  those  ruined  on  this  occasion."*  Judg- 
ing from  Robinson's  description  of  the  dress  of 
Alichcltorena's  cholos  it  is  doubtful  whether 
there  was  an  entire  uniform  among  them. 

"The  commodore's  first  impulse,"  writes  a 
member  of  his  staff,  "was  to  return  the  papers 
without  connnent  and  to  refuse  further  commu- 
nication with  a  man  who  could  have  the  efifront- 
ory  to  trump  up  such  charges  as  those  for  which 
indenmification  was  claimed."    The  commodore 

if  r.-ilifomia  Vnl.  IV. 

on  reflection  put  aside  his  personal  feelings,  and 
met  the  governor  at  the  grand  ball  in  Sanchez 
Hall  held  in  honor  of  the  occasion.  The  ball  was 
a  brilliant  afifair,  "the  dancing  ceased  only  with 
the  rising  of  the  sun  next  morning."  The  com- 
modore returned  the  articles  without  his  signa- 
ture. The  governor  did  not  again  refer  to  his 
demands.  Next  morning,  January  21,  1843, 
Jones  and  his  officers  took  their  departure  from 
the  city  "amidst  the  beating  of  drums,  the  firing 
of  cannon  and  the  ringing  of  bells,  saluted  by 
the  general  and  his  wife  from  the  door  of  their 
quarters."  On  the  31st  of  December  Michel- 
torena  had  taken  the  oath  of  office  in  Sanchez 
Hall,  which  stood  on  the  east  side  of  the  plaza. 
Salutes  were  fired,  the  bells  were  rung  and  the 
city  was  illuminated  for  three  evenings.  For  the 
second  time  a  governor  had  been  inaugurated 
in  Los  Angeles. 

Micheltorena  and  his  cholo  army  remained  in 
Los  Angeles  about  eight  months.  The  Angel- 
eiios  had  all  the  capital  they  cared  for.  They 
were  perfectly  willing  to  have  the  governor  and 
his  army  take  up  their  residence  in  Monterey. 
The  cholos  had  devoured  the  country  like  an 
army  of  chapules  (locusts)  and  were  willing  to 
move  on.  Monterey  would  no  doubt '  have 
gladly  transferred  what  right  she  had  to  the 
capital  if  at  the  same  time  she  could  have  trans- 
ferred to  her  old  rival,  Los  Angeles,  Michel- 
torena's  cholos.  Their  pilfering  was  largely  en- 
forced by  their  necessities.  They  received  little 
or  no  pay,  and  they  often  had  to  steal  or  starve. 
The  leading  native  Californians  still  entertained 
their  old  dislike  to  "^Mexican  dictators"  and  the 
retinue  of  300  chicken  thieves  tha:  accompanied 
the  last  dictator  intensified  their  hatred. 

Micheltorena,  while  not  a  model  governor, 
had  many  good  qualities  and  was  generally  liked 
by  the  better  class  of  foreign  residents.  He 
made  an  earnest  effort  to  establish  a  system  of 
public  education  in  the  territory.  Schools  were 
established  in  all  the  principal  towns,  and  terri- 
torial aid  from  the  public  funds  to  the  amount  of 
$500  each  was  given  them.  The  school  at  Los 
Angeles  had  over  one  hundred  pupils  in  attend- 
ance. His  worst  fault  was  a  disposition  to  med- 
dle in  local  affairs.  He  was  unreliable  and  not 
careful  to  keep  his  agreements.  He  might  have 
succeeded  in  giving  California  a  stable  govern- 
ment had  it  not  been  for  the  antipathy  to  his 
cholo  soldiers  and  the  old  feud  between  the 
"hijos  del  pais"  and  the  Mexican  dictators. 

These  two  proved  his  undoing.  The  native 
sons  under  .\lvarado  and  Castro  rose  in  rebel- 
lion. In  November,  1844.  a  revolution  was  in- 
augurated at  Santa  Clara.  The  governor 
marched  with  an  army  of  150  men  against  the 
rebel   forces  numbering  about   200.     They   met 


at  a  place  called  the  Laguna  de  Alvires.  A 
treaty  was  signed  in  which  Micheltorena  agreed 
to  ship  his  cholos  back  to  Mexico. 

This  treaty  the  governor  deliberately  broke. 
He  then  intrigued  with  Capt.  John  A.  Sutter  of 
New  Helvetia  and  Isaac  Graham  to  obtain  as- 
sistance to  crush  the  rebels.  January  9,  1845, 
Micheltorena  and  Sutter  formed  a  junction  of 
their  forces  at  Salinas — their  united  commands 
numbering  about  500  men.  They  marched 
against  the  rebels  to  crush  them.  But  the  rebels 
did  not  wait  to  be  crushed.  Alvarado  and  Castro, 
with  about  90  men,  started  for  Los  Angeles, 
and  those  left  behind  scattered  to  their  homes. 
Alvarado  and  his  men  reached  Los  Angeles  on 
the  night  of  January  20,  1845.  The  garrison 
stationed  at  the  curate's  house  was  surprised 
and  captured.  One  man  was  killed  and  several 
wounded.  Lieut.  Medina,  of  Micheltorena's 
army,  was  the  commander  of  the  pueblo  troops. 
Alvarado's  army  encamped  on  the  plaza  and  he 
and  Castro  set  to  work  to  revolutionize  the  old 
pueblo.  The  leading  Angeleiios  had  no  great 
love  for  Juan  Bautista,  and  did  not  readily  fall 
into  his  schemes.  They  had  not  forgotten  their 
enforced  detention  in  A'allejo's  Bastile  during 
the  Civil  war.  An  extraordinary  session  of  the 
ayuntamiento  was  called  January  21.  Alvarado 
and  Castro  were  present  and  made  eloquent  ap- 
peals. The  records  say :  "The  Ayuntamiento 
listened,  and  after  a  short  interval  of  silence  and 
meditation  decided  to  notify  the  senior  member 
of  the  Departmental  Assembly  of  Don  Alvarado 
and  Castro's  wishes." 

They  were  more  successful  with  the  Pico 
Brothers.  Pio  Pico  was  senior  vocal,  and  in 
case  Micheltorena  was  deposed,  he,  by  virtue 
of  his  office,  would  become  governor.  Through 
the  influence  of  the  Picos  the  revolution  gained 
ground.  The  most  potent  influence  in  spread- 
ing the  revolt  was  the  fear  of  Micheltorena's 
cholos.  Should  the  town  be  captured  by  them 
jt  certainly  would  be  looted.  The  departmental 
assembly  was  called  together.  A  peace  com- 
mission was  sent  to  meet  Micheltorena,  who  was 
leisurely  marching  southward,  and  intercede 
with  him  to  give  up  his  proposed  invasion  of 
the  south.  He  refused.  Then  the  assembly  pro- 
nounced him  a  traitor,  deposed  him  by  vote  and 
appointed  Pio  Pico  governor.  Recruiting  went 
on  rapidly.  Hundreds  of  saddle  horses  were 
contributed,  "old  rusty  guns  were  repaired, 
hacked  swords  sharpened,  rude  lances  manu- 
factured" and  cartridges  made  for  the  old  iron 
cannon,  that  now  stand  guard  at  the  courthouse. 
Some  fifty  foreigners  of  the  south  joined  Alva- 
rado's army ;  not  that  they  had  much  interest  in 
the  revolution,  but  to  protect  their  property 
against  the  lapacicms  invaders — the  cholos,  and 

Sutter's  Indians,*  who  were  as  much  dreaded  as 
the  cholos.  On  the  19th  of  February,  Michel- 
torena reached  the  Encinos,  and  the  Angelenian 
army  marched  out  through  Cahuenga  Pass  to 
meet  him.  On  the  20th  the  two  armies  met  on 
the  southern  edge  of  the  San  Fernando  valley, 
about  15  miles  from  Los  Angeles.  Each  army 
numbered  about  400  men.  Micheltorena  had 
tliree  pieces  of  artillery,  and  Castro  two.  They 
opened  on  each  other  at  long  range  and  seem 
to  have  fought  the  battle  throughout  at  very 
long  range.  A  mustang  or  a  mule — authorities 
differ — was  killed. 

Wilson,  Workman  and  AIcKinlcy,  of  Castro's 
army,  decided  to  induce  the  Americans  on  the 
other  side,  many  of  whom  were  their  personal 
friends,  to  abandon  Micheltorena.  Passing  up 
a  ravine  they  succeeded  in  attracting  the  atten- 
tion of  some  of  them  by  means  of  a  white  flag. 
Gantt,  Hensley  and  Bidwell  joined  them  in  the 
ravine.  The  situation  was  discussed  and  the 
Americans  of  Micheltorena's  army  agreed  to  de- 
sert him  if  Pico  would  protect  them  in  their 
land  grants.  Wilson,  in  his  account  of  the  bat- 
tle,! says :  "I  knew,  and  so  did  Pico,  that  these 
land  questions  were  the  point  with  those  young 
.\mericans.  Before  I  started  on  my  journey  or 
embassy,  Pico  was  sent  for;  on  his  arrival 
among  us  I,  in  a  few  words,  explained  to  him 
what  the  party  had  advanced."  "Gentlemen," 
said  he,  "are  any  of  you  citizens  of  Mexico?" 
They  answered  "No."  "Then  your  title  deeds 
given  you  by  Micheltorena  are  not  worth  the 
paper  they  are  written  on,  and  he  knew  it  well 
when  he  gave  them  to  you  ;  but  if  you  will  aban- 
don his  cause  I  will  give  you  my  word  of  honor 
as  a  gentleman  and  Don  Benito  Wilson  and  Don 
Juan  \\'orkman  to  carry  out  what  I  promise — 
that  I  will  protect  each  one  of  you  in  the  land 
that  you  now  hold,  and  when  you  become  citi- 
zens of  Mexico  I  will  issue  you  the  proper 
titles."  They  said  that  was  all  they  asked,  and 
promised  not  to  fire  a  gun  against  us.  They 
also  asked  not  to  be  required  to  fight  on  our 
side,  which  was  agreed  to. 

"Micheltorena  discovered  (how  I  do  not 
know)  that  his  Americans  had  ai)aiuloned  him. 
About  an  hour  afterwards  he  raised  his  camp 
and  flanked  us  by  going  further  into  the  valley 
towards  San  Fernando,  then  marching  as 
though  he  intended  to  come  around  the  bend  of 
the  river  to  the  city.  The  Californians  and  we 
foreigners  at  once  broke  up  our  camp  and  came 

*Sutter  had  under  his  command  a  company  of  In- 
dians. He  had  drilled  these  in  the  use  of  firearms. 
The  employing  of  these  savages  by  Micheltorena  was 
hitterlv  resented  by  the  Californians'. 

tl'iil).  Historical  .Society  of  Southern  California. 
\'m1.  X 


hack  through  the  Cahuenga  Pass,  marched 
through  the  gap  into  the  Feliz  ranch,  on  the  Los 
Angeles  river,  till  we  came  into  close  proximity 
to  Micheltorena's  camp.  It  was  now  night,  as 
it  was  dark  when  we  broke  up  our  camp.  Here 
we  waited  for  daylight,  and  some  of  our  men 
commenced  maneuvering  for  a  fight  with  the 
enemy.  A  few  cannon  shots  were  fired,  when  a 
white  flag  was  discovered  flying  from  Michel- 
torena's front.  The  whole  matter  then  went  into 
the  hands  of  negotiators  appointed  by  both  par- 
ties and  the  terms  of  surrender  were  agreed 
upon,  one  of  which  was  that  Micheltorena  and 
his  obnoxious  officers  and  men  were  to  march 
hack  up  the  river  to  the  Cahuenga  Pass,  then 
down  to  the  plain  to  the  west  of  Los  Angeles, 
the  most  direct  line  to  San  Pedro,  and  embark 
at  that  point  on  a  vessel  then  anchored  there  to 
carry  them  back  to  Mexico."  Sutter  was  taken 
])risoner,  and  his  Indians,  after  being  corralled 
loT  a  time,  were  sent  back  to  the  Sacramento. 

The  roar  of  the  battle  of  Cahuenga  or  "The 
Alamo,"  as  it  is  sometimes  called,  could  be  dis- 
tinctly heard  in  Los  Angeles,  and  the  people 
remaining  in  the  city-  were  greatly  alarmed. 
William  Heath  Davis,  in  his  "Sixty  Years  in 
California,"  thus  describes  the  alarm  in  the 
town:  "Directly  to  the  north  of  the  town  was  a 
high  hill"  (now  known  as  Mt.  Lookout).  "As 
soon  as  firing  was  heard  all  the  people  remain- 
ing in  the  town — men,  women  and  children — 
ran  to  the  top  of  this  hill.  As  the  wind  was 
blowing  from  the  north  the  firing  was  distinctly 
heard,  five  leagues  away,  on  the  battlefield, 
throughout  the  day.  All  business  places  in  town 
were  closed.  The  scene  on  the  hill  was  a  re- 
markable one — women  and  children,  with 
crosses  in  their  hands,  kneeling  and  praying  to 
the  saints  for  the  safety  of  their  fathers,  brothers, 
sons,  husbands,  lovers,  cousins — that  they  might 
not  be  killed  in  the  battle ;  indifferent  to  their 
persona!  appearance,  tears  streammg  from  their 
eyes,  and  their  hair  blown  about  by  the  wind, 
which  had  increased  to  quite  a  breeze.  Don 
Abel  Stearns,  myself  and  others  tried  to  calm 
and  pacify  them,  assuring  them  that  there  was 
probably  no  danger ;  somewhat  against  our  con- 
victions, it  is  true,  judging  from  what  we  heard 
of  the  firing  and  from  our  knowledge  of  Michel- 
torena's disciplined  force,  his  battery,  and  the 
riflemen  he  had  with  him.  During  the  day  the 
scene  on  the  hill  continued.  The  night  that  fol- 
lowed was  a  gloomy  one,  caused  by  the  lamenta- 
tions of  the  women  and  children." 

Davis,  who  was  supercargo  on  the  "Don 
Quixote,"  the  vessel  on  which  Micheltorena  and 
his  soldiers  were  shipped  to  Mexico,  claims  that 
the  general  "had  ordered  his  command  not  to 
injure  the  Californians  in  the  force  opposed  to 

him,  but  to  fire  over  their  heads,  as  he  had  no 
desire  to  kill  them." 

Another  Mexican-born  governor  had  been  de- 
posed and  deported — gone  to  join  his  fellows — 
\'ictoria,  Chico  and  Gutierrez.  In  accordance 
with  the  treaty  of  Cahuenga  and  by  virtue  of  his 
rank  as  senior  member  of  the  Departmental 
Assembly,  Pio  Pico  became  governor.  The  hijos 
del  pais  were  once  more  in  the  ascendency.  Jose 
Castro  was  made  comandante-general.  Alva- 
rado  was  given  charge  of  the  custom  house  at 
Monterey,  and  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo  was  ap- 
pointed commander  of  the  military  district  of  the 
south.  Los  Angeles  was  made  the  capital, 
although  the  archives  and  the  treasury  remained 
in  Monterey.  The  revolution  apparently  had 
been  a  success.  In  the  proceedings  of  the  Los 
Angeles  ayuntamiento,  March  i,  1845,  appears 
this  record :  "The  agreements  entered  into  at 
Cahuenga  between  General  Emanuel  Michel- 
torena and  Lieut. -Col.  Jose  Castro  were  then 
read  and  as  they  contain  a  happy  termination 
of  affairs  in  favor  of  the  government  this  Illus- 
trious Body  listened  with  satisfaction  and  so 
answered  the  communication." 

The  people  joined  with  the  ayuntamiento  in 
expressing  their  "satisfaction"  that  a  "happy 
termination"  had  been  reached  of  the  political 
disturbances  that  had  distracted  the  country. 
But  the  end  was  not  yet.  Pico  did  his  best  to 
conciliate  the  conflicting  elements,  but  the  old 
sectional  jealousies  that  had  divided  the  people 
of  the  territory  would  crop  out.  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo,  the  Machiaveli  of  the  south,  hated 
Castro  and  Alvarado,  and  was  jealous  of  Pico's 
good  fortune.  He  was  the  superior  of  any  of 
them  in  ability,  but  made  himself  unpopular  by 
his  intrigues  and  his  sarcastic  speech.  When 
Castro  and  Alvarado  came  south  to  raise  the 
standard  of  revolt  they  tried  to  win  him  over. 
He  did  assist  them.  He  was  willing  enough  to 
plot  against  Micheltorena,  but  after  the  over- 
throw of  the  Mexican  he  was  equally  ready  to 
plot  against  Pico  and  Castro.  In  the  summer 
of  1845  he  was  implicated  in  a  plot  to  depose 
Pico,  who,  by  the  way,  was  his  brother-in-law. 
Pico  placed  him  and  two  of  his  fellow  conspir- 
ators, Serbulo  and  Hilario  \'arela,  under  arrest. 
Carrillo  and  Hilario  \"arela  were  shipped  to 
Mazatlarrto  be  tried  for  their  misdeeds.  Serbulo 
Varela  made  his  escape  from  prison.  The  two 
exiles  returned  early  in  1846  unpunished  and 
ready  for  new  plots.. 

Pico  was  appointed  "Gobernador  Propie- 
tario,"  or  Constitutional  Governor  of  California, 
September  3,  1845,  ^Y  President  Herrera.  The 
Supreme  Government  of  Mexico  never  seemed 
to  take  offense  or  harbor  resentment  against  the 
Californians  for  deposing  and  sending  home  a 


governor.  As  the  officials  of  the  Supreme 
Government  usually  obtained  office  by  revolu- 
tion, they  no  doubt  had  a  fellow  feeling  for  the 
revolting  Californians.  When  Micheltorena  re- 
turned to  Mexico  he  was  coldly  received  and  a 
commissioner  was  sent  to  Pico  with  dispatches 
virtually  approving  all  that  had  been  done. 

Castro,  too,  gave  Pico  a  great  deal  of  uneasi- 
ness. He  ignored  the  governor  and  managed 
the  military  affairs  of  the  territory  to  suit  him- 
self. His  headquarters  were  at  Monterey  and 
doubtless  he  had  the  sympathy  if  not  the  en- 
couragement of  the  people  of  the  north  in  his 
course.  But  the  cause  of  the  greatest  uneasi- 
ness was  the  increasing  immigration  from  the 
United  States.  A  stream  of  immigrants  from 
the  western  states,  increasing  each  year,  poured 
down  the  Sierra  Nevadas  and  spread  over  the 
rich  valleys  of  California.  The  Californians  rec- 
ognized that  through  the  advent  of  these  "for- 
eign adventurers,"  as  they  were  called,  the 
"manifest  destiny"  of  California  was  to  be  ab- 
sorbed by  the  United  States.    Alvarado  had  ap- 

pealed to  Alexico  for  men  and  arms  and  had 
been  answered  by  the  arrival  of  Micheltorena 
and  his  cholos.  Pico  appealed  and  for  a  time 
the  Californians  were  cheered  by  the  prospect 
r)f  aid.  In  the  summer  of  1845  ^  force  of  600 
veteran  soldiers,  under  conmiand  of  Colonel 
Iniestra,  reached  Acapulco,  where  ships  were  ly- 
ing to  take  them  to  California,  hut  a  revolution 
broke  out  in  Mexico  and  the  troops  destined  for 
the  defense  of  California  were  used  to  overthrow 
President  Herrera  and  to  seat  Paredes.  Cali- 
fornia was  left  to  work  out  her  own  destiny  un- 
aided or  drift  with  the  tide — and  she  drifted. 

In  the  early  months  of  1846  there  was  a  rapid 
succession  of  important  events  in  her  history, 
each  in  passing  bearing  her  near  and  nearer  to 
a  manifest  destiny — the  downfall  of  Mexican 
domination  in  California.  These  will  be  pre- 
sented fully  in  the  chapter  on  the  Acquisition  of 
California  by  the  United  States.  But  before 
taking  up  these  w-e  will  turn  aside  to  review  life 
in  California  in  the  olden  time  under  Spanish 
and  Mexican  rule. 



HOW  were  the  municipalities  or  town  cor- 
porations in  California  governed  under 
Spanish  and  Mexican  rule?  Very  few, 
1  presume,  of  its  present  inhabitants  have  ex- 
amined into  the  local  governmental  systems 
prevailing  before  it  became  a  possession  of  the 
United  States ;  and  yet  this  is  an  important  ques- 
tion. The  original  titles  to  many  a  broad  acre 
of  our  fertile  valleys  and  to  many  a  league  of 
the  pueblo  lands  of  some  of  our  cities  date  away 
back  to  the  time  when  Spanish  kmgs  or  ]\Iexi- 
can  presidents  swayed  the  destinies  of  Cali- 

There  is  a  vague  impression  in  the  minds  of 
many,  derived,  perhaps,  from  Dana's  "Two 
Years  Before  the  Mast"  and  kindred  works  or 
from  tales  and  reminiscences  of  pioneers  who 
came  here  after  the  discovery  of  gold,  that  Cali- 
fornia had  very  little  government  in  the  olden 
days;  that  it  was  largely  given  over  to  anarchy 
and  revolution  ;  that  life  was  unsafe  in  it  and 
murder  a  common  occurrence.  Such  impres- 
sions arc  as  false  as  they  are  unjust.  There 
were  but  comparatively  few  capital  crimes  com- 
mitted in  California  under  Spanish  domination 
or  under  Mexican  rule. 

The  era  of  crime  in  California  began  with  the 
discovery  of  gold.    There  were  no  Joaquin  Mur- 

retas  or  Tiburcio  Vasquezes  before  the  "days  of 
gold,"  the  days  of  "49."  It  is  true,  there  were 
a  number  of  revolutions  during  the  Alexican 
regime,  and  California  had  a  surplus  of  gover- 
nors at  times,  but  these  revolutions  were  for  the 
most  part  bloodless  afifairs.  In  the  half  a  dozen 
or  more  political  uprisings  occurring  in  the  fif- 
teen years  preceding  the  American  conquest  and 
resulting  in  four  so-called  battles,  there  were  in 
all  but  three  men  killed  and  five  or  six  wounded. 

While  there  were  political  disturbances  in  the 
territory  and  several  governors  were  deposed  by 
force  and  shipped  back  to  Mexico  whence  they 
came,  the  numicipal  governments  were  well  ad- 
ministered. I  doubt  whether  the  municipalities 
of  Los  Angeles,  San  Diego  and  Santa  Barbara 
have  ever  been  governed  better  or  more  eco- 
nomically under  American  rule  than  they  were 
during  tiie  years  that  their  Most  Illustrious 
Ayuntamientos  controlled  the  civil  afTairs  of 
these  towns. 

There  were  three  ayuntamientos  or  municipal 
councils  in  Southern  California  at  the  time  of  the 
.\merican  conquest- — those  of  Los  Angeles,  San 
Diego  and  Santa  Barbara.  The  latter  two  were 
of  recent  origin.  The  records  of  the  Los  An- 
geles ayuntamiento  from  1828  down  to  the 
American   occupation  of  California  have  been 


preserved.  They  furnish  us  the  best  illustration 
that  we  have  of  the  workings  of  a  municipal 
government  under  Mexican  rule.  Therefore  in 
giving  a  sketch  of  local  government  in  Cali- 
fornia under  Spain  and  Mexico  I  shall  draw  my 
information  largely  from  them. 

Los  Angeles  had  an  ayuntamiento,  under 
Spanish  rule,  organized  in  the  first  years  of  her 
existence,  but  it  had  very  little  power.  The 
ayuntamiento  at  first  consisted  of  an  alcalde 
(mayor)  and  two  regidores  (councilmen).  Over 
them  was  a  quasi-military  officer,  called  a  com- 
isionado,  a  sort  of  petty  dictator  or  military  des- 
pot, who,  when  occasion  required,  or  his  inclina- 
tion moved  him,  embodied  within  himself  all 
three  departments  of  the  government — judiciary, 
legislative  and  executive.  After  Mexico  became 
a  republic  the  office  of  comisionado  was 
abolished.  The  membership  of  the  Most 
Illustrious  Ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles 
was  gradually  increased,  until,  at  the  height 
of  its  power  in  the  '30s,  it  consisted 
of  a  first  alcalde,  a  second  alcalde,  six 
regidores  (councilmen),  a  secretary  and  a  sin- 
dico,  or  syndic,  as  the  pueblo  archives  have  it. 
The  sindico  seems  to  have  been  a  general  utility 
man.  He  acted  as  city  attorney,  tax  and  license 
collector  and  treasurer.  The  alcalde  was  presi- 
dent of  the  council,  and  acted  as  judge  of  the 
first  instance  and  as  mayor.  The  second  alcalde 
took  the  place  of  the  first  when  that  offi- 
cer was  ill  or  absent ;  or,  as  sometimes  happened, 
when  he  was  a  political  prisoner  in  durance  vile. 
The  regidores  were  numbered  from  one  to  six 
and  took  rank  according  to  number.  The  secre- 
tary was  an  important  officer;  he  kept  the  rec- 
ords and  was  the  only  paid  member  except  the 
sindico,  who  received  a  commission  on  his  col- 

.\t  the  beginning  of  the  year  1840  the  ayunta- 
mientos  in  California  were  abolished  by  a  decree 
of  the  Mexican  congress,  none  of  the  towns  hav- 
ing the  population  required  by  the  decree.  In 
January,  1844,  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles 
was  re-established.  During  the  abolition  of  the 
municipal  councils  the  towns  were  governed  by 
prefects  and  justices  of  the  peace,  and  the  special 
laws,  or  ordinances,  were  enacted  by  the  depart- 
mental assembly.  Much  valuable  local  history 
was  lost  by  the  discontinuance  of  the  ayunta- 
mientos  from  1840  to  1844.  The  records  of  the 
ayuntamientos  are  rich  in  historical  material. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los 
Angeles,  after  the  secularization  of  the  missions, 
extended  from  the  southern  limits  of  San  Juan 
Capistrano  to  and  including  San  Fernando  on 
the  north  and  eastward  to  the  San  Bernardino 
mountains,  extending  over  an  area  now  com- 
prised in' four  counties  and  covering  a  territory 

as  large  as  the  state  of  Massachusetts.  Its  au- 
thority was  as  extensive  as  its  jurisdicliun.  It 
granted  town  lots  and  reconmiended  to  the  gov- 
ernor grants  of  lands  from  the  public  domain. 
In  addition  to  passing  ordinances  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  pueblo,  its  members  sometimes 
acted  as  executive  officers  to  enforce  them.  It 
contained  within  itself  the  powers  of  a  board  of 
health,  a  board  of  education,  a  police  commis- 
sion and  a  street  department.  During  the  Civil 
war  between  Northern  and  Southern  California 
in  1837-38,  it  raised  and  equipped  an  army  and 
assumed  the  right  to  govern  the  southern  half  of 
the  territory.  The  members  served  without  pay, 
but  if  a  member  was  absent  from  a  meeting 
without  a  good  excuse  he  was  fined  $3.  The 
sessions  were  conducted  with  great  dignity  and 
decorum.  The  members  were  required  to  attend 
their  public  functions  "attired  in  black  apparel 
so  as  to  add  solemnity  to  the  meetings." 

The  ayuntamiento  was  spoken  of  as  "Most 
Illustrious,"  in  the  same  sense  that  we  speak  of 
the  Honorable  City  Council,  but  it  was  a  much 
more  dignified  body  than  a  city  council.  Tak- 
ing the  oath  of  office  was  a  solemn  and  impres- 
sive affair.  The  junior  regidor  and  the  secretary 
introduced  the  member  to  be  sworn.  "When," 
the  rules  say,  "he  shall  kneel  before  a  crucifix 
placed  on  a  table  or  dais,  with  his  right  hand  on 
the  Holy  Bible,  then  all  the  members  of  the 
ayuntamiento  shall  rise  and  remain  standing 
with  bowed  heads  while  the  secretary  reads  the 
form  of  oath  prescribed  by  law,  and  on  the  mem- 
ber saying,  T  swear  to  do,'  etc.,  the  president 
will  answer,  'If  thou  so  doest  God  will  reward 
thee ;  if  thou  dost  not,  may  He  call  thee  to  ac- 
count.' " 

As  there  was  no  pay  in  the  office,  and  its 
duties  were  numerous  and  onerous,  tliere  was 
not  a  large  crop  of  aspirants  for  councilmen  in 
those  days,  and  the  office  usually  sought  the 
man.  It  might  be  added,  that  when  it  caught 
the  right  man  it  was  loath  to  let  go  of  him. 

The  tribulations  that  befell  Francisco  Pantoja 
well  illustrate  the  difficulty  of  resigning  in  the 
days  when  office  sought  the  man ;  not  the  man 
the  office.  Pantoja  was  elected  fourth  regidor 
of  the  ayuntamiento  of  1837.  In  those  days  wild 
horses  were  very  numerous;  when  the  pasture 
in  the  foothills  was  exhausted  they  came  down 
into  the  valleys  and  ate  up  the  feed  needed  for 
the  cattle.  On  this  account,  and  because  most 
of  these  wild  horses  were  worthless,  the  ranch- 
eros  slaughtered  them.  A  large  and  strong  cor- 
ral was  built,  with  wings  extending  out  on  the 
right  and  left  from  the  main  entrance.  When 
the  corral  was  completed  a  day  was  set  for  a 
wild  horse  drive.  The  bands  were  rounded  up 
and  driven  into  the  corral.    The  pick  of  the  ca- 


balladas  were  lassoed  and  taken  out  to  be  broken 
to  the  saddle  and  the  refuse  of  the  bands  killed. 
The  \'ejars  had  obtained  permission  from  the 
ayuntamiento  to  build  a  corral  between  the  Cer- 
ritos  and  the  Salinas  for  the  purpose  of  corral- 
ing  wild  horses  for  slaughter;  and  Tomas  Tala- 
mantes  made  a  similar  request  to  build  a  corral 
on  the  Sierra  San  Pedro.  Permission  was  grant- 
ed, the  corrals  were  built,  and  a  time  was  ap- 
pointed for  a  wild  horse  rodeo. 

Pantoja,  being  something  of  a  sport,  peti- 
tioned his  fellow  regidores  for  a  twenty  days' 
leave  of  absence  to  join  in  the  wild  horse  chase. 
After  considerable  debate  leave  was  granted  him. 
A  wild  horse  chase  was  wild  sport  and  danger- 
ous, too.  Somebody  was  sure  to  get  hurt,  and 
Pantoja.  in  this  one,  was  one  of  the  unfortunates. 
When  his  twenty  days'  leave  of  absence  was  up 
Pantoja  did  not  return  to  his  duties  of  regidor, 
but,  instead,  sent  his  resignation  on  the  plea  of 
illness.  The  president  of  the  ayuntamiento  re- 
fused to  accept  his  resignation  and  appointed  a 
committee  to  hold  an  investigation  on  his  phys- 
ical condition.  There  were  no  physicians  in  Los 
Angeles  then,  so  the  committee  took  along  San- 
tiago McKinley,  a  canny  Scotch  merchant,  who 
was  reputed  to  have  some  knowledge  of  surgery. 
The  committee  and  the  improvised  surgeon  held 
an  ante-mortem  inquest  on  what  remained  of 
Pantoja.  The  committee  reported  to  the  council 
that  he  was  a  physical  wreck ;  that  he  could  not 
mount  a  horse,  nor  ride  one  when  mounted.  A 
native  Californian  who  had  reached  such  a  state 
of  physical  dilapidation  that  he  could  not  mount 
a  horse  might  well  be  excused  from  official 
duties.  But  there  was  danger  of  establishing  a 
precedent.  The  ayuntamiento  heard  the  report, 
pondered  over  it,  and  then  sent  it  and  the  resig- 
nation to  the  governor.  He  took  them  under 
advisement,  and,  after  a  long  delay,  accepted 
the  resignation.  In  the  meantime  Pantoja's  term 
had  expired  by  limitation  and  he  had  recovered 
from  his  fall. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  dignity  and  for- 
mality of  the  old-time  regidores,  they  were  not 
like  some  of  our  modern  councilmen — above 
seeking  advice  of  their  constituents ;  nor  did 
they  assume  superior  airs  as  some  of  our  par- 
venu statesmen  do.  There  was,  in  their  legisla- 
tive system,  an  upper  house,  or  court  of  last  ap- 
peal, and  that  was  the  people  themselves.  When 
there  was  a  deadlock  in  their  council,  or  when 
some  question  of  great  importance  to  the  com- 
munity came  before  them  and  they  were  divided 
as  to  what  was  best  to  do,  or  when  some  crafty 
politician  was  attempting  to  sway  their  decision 
so  as  to  obtain  personal  gain  at  the  expense  of 
the  community,  then  the  alarma  publico,  or  the 
''pu!)lic  alarm,"  was  sounded  by  the  beating  of 

the  long  roll  on  the  drum,  and  the  citizens  were 
summoned  to  the  hall  of  sessions,  and  anyone 
hearing  the  alarm  and  not  heeding  it  was  fined 
$3.  When  the  citizens  were  convened  the  presi- 
dent of  the  ayuntamiento,  speaking  in  a  loud 
voice,  stated  the  question  and  the  people  were 
given  "public  speech."  Everyone  had  an  op- 
portunity to  make  a  speech.  Rivers  of  eloquence 
flowed,  and,  when  all  who  wished  to  speak  had 
had  their  say,  the  question  was  decided  by  a 
show  of  hands.  The  majority  ruled,  and  all  went 
home  happy  to  think  the  country  was  safe  and 
they  had  helped  save  it. 

Some  of  the  ordinances  for  the  government  of 
Los  Angeles,  passed  by  the  old  regidores,  were 
quaint  and  amusing,  and  illustrate  the  primitive 
modes  of  life  and  thought  sixty  and  seventy 
years  ago. 

The  regidores  were  particularly  severe  on  the 
idle  and  improvident.  The  "Wearv  Willies"  of 
that  day  were  compelled  to  tramp  very  much  as 
they  are  to-day.  Ordinance  No.  4,  adopted  Jan- 
uary 28,  1838,  reads  :  "Every  person  not  having 
any  apparent  occupation  in  this  city,  or  its  juris- 
diction, is  hereby  ordered  to  look  for  work 
within  three  days,  counting  from  the  day  this 
ordinance  is  published ;  if  not  complied  with  he 
will  be  fined  $2  for  the  first  offense,  $4  for  the 
second  offense,  and  will  be  given  compulsory 
work  for  the  third." 

If  the  tramp  only  kept  looking  for  work,  but 
was  careful  not  to  find  it,  it  seems,  from  the 
reading  of  the  ordinance,  there  could  be  no  of- 
fense, and  consequently  no  fines  nor  compulsory 
work  for  the  "Weary  ^X'illie." 

The  ayuntamiento  of  1844  passed  this  ordi- 
nance :  "Article  2.  All  persons  without  occu- 
pation or  known  manner  of  living,  shall  be 
deemed  to  come  luider  the  law  of  vagabonds, 
and  shall  be  punished  as  the  law  dictates." 

The  ayuntamiento  ordered  a  census  of  the 
vagabonds.  The  census  report  showed  22  vaga- 
bonds-— eight  genuine  vags  and  fourteen  ordi- 
nary ones.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  regidores 
did  not  define  the  difference  between  a  genuine 
and  an  ordinary  vagabond. 

The  regidores  regulated  the  social  conditions 
of  the  people,  ■'.\rticle  19.  A  license  of  $2  shall 
be  paid  for  all  dances  except  marriage  dances, 
for  which  permission  shall  be  obtained  from  the 
judges  of  the  city." 

Here  is  a  trades  union  regulation  more  than  a 
half  century  old : 

"Article  7.  .\11  grocery,  clothing  and  liquor 
houses  are  prohibited  from  employing  any  class 
of  servants  foreign  to  the  business  without  pre- 
vious verbal  or  written  stipulations  from  their 
former  employers.     .Xnyone  acting  contrary  to 


the  above  shall  forfeit  all  right  to  claim  I'c-im- 

Occasionally  the  regidores  had  lists  of  impe- 
cunious debtors  and  dead  beats  made  out  and 
published,  and  the  merchants  were  warned  not 
to  give  these  fellows  credit. 

Sometimes  the  ayimtamicnto  promulgated  le- 
gal restrictions  against  the  pastime  and  pleasures 
of  the  people  that  seem  to  be  almost  as  austere 
as  were  the  old  blue  laws  of  Connecticut. 

Ordinance  5  (passed  January  20,  1838):  "All 
individuals  serenading  promiscuously  around 
the  streets  of  the  city  at  night  without  first  hav- 
ing obtained  permission  from  the  alcalde,  will  be 
fined  $1.50  for  the  first  ofTense,  $3  for  the  sec- 
ond, and  for  the  third  punished  according  to 

Ordinance  6  (same  date)  :  "Every  individual 
giving  a  dance  at  his  house,  or  at  any  other  house, 
without  first  having  obtained  permission  from 
the  alcalde,  will  be  fined  $5  for  the  first  ofifense, 
and  for  the  second  and  third  punished  according 
to  law." 

What  the  penalty  of  "punished  according  to 
law"  was  the  ordinances  do  not  define.  It  is  safe 
to  say  that  any  serenader  who  had  suffered  for  a 
first  and  second  offense  without  law,  was  not 
anxious  to  experience  a  punishment  "according 
to  law"  for  the  third. 

The  old  pueblo  had  its  periodical  smallpox 
scares.  Then  the  regidores  had  to  act  as  a  board 
of  health  and  enforce  their  hygienic  regulations  ; 
there  were  no  physicians  in  the  town  then.  In 
1844  the  disease  became  epidemic  and  the  ayun- 
tamiento  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people  and 
formulated  a  long  list  of  hygienic  rules  to  be 
observed.  The  object  of  the  proclamation 
seemed  to  be  to  paint  the  horrors  of  the  plague 
in  such  vivid  colors  that  the  people  would  be 
frightened  into  observing  the  council's  rules. 
The  proclamation  and  the  rules  were  ordered 
read  by  guards  at  the  door  of  each  house  and 
before  the  Indian  huts.  I  give  a  portion  of  the 
proclamation  and  a  few  of  the  rules : 

"That  destructive  power  of  the  Almighty, 
which  occasionally  punishes  man  for  his  numer- 
ous faults,  destroys  not  only  kingdoms,  cities 
and  towns,  leaving  many  persons  in  orphanage 
and  devoid  of  protection,  but  goes  forth  with  an 
exterminating  hand  and  preys  upon  science,  art 
and  agriculture — this  terrible  plague  threatens 
this  unfortunate  department  of  the  grand  Mexi- 
can nation,  and  seems  more  fearful  by  reason  of 
the  small  population,  which  cannot  fill  one-twen- 
tieth part  of  its  territory.  What  would  become 
of  her  if  this  eminently  philanthropic  ayunta- 
miento  had  not  provided  a  remedy  partly  to 
cotmteract  these  ills?  It  would  bereave  the  town 

of  the  amis  dedicated  to  agriculture  [the  only 
industry  of  the  country),  which  would  cease  to 
be  useful,  and,  in  consequence,  misery  would 
prevail  among  the  rest.  The  present  ayunla- 
miento  is  deserving  of  praise,  as  it  is  the  first  to 
take  steps  beneficial  to  the  community  and  the 

Among  the  hygienic  rules  were  orders  to  the 
people  to  refrain  from  "eating  peppers  and 
spices  which  stimulate  the  blood ;"  "to  wash  all 
salted  meats  before  using;"  "all  residents  in  good 
health  to  bathe  and  cleanse  themselves  once  in 
eight  days ;"  "to  burn  sulphur  on  a  hot  iron  in 
their  houses  for  fumigation."  "Saloon-keepers 
shall  not  allow  gatherings  of  inebriates  in  their 
saloons,  and  all  travelers  on  inland  roads  must 
halt  at  the  distance  of  four  leagues  from  the 
towns  and  wash  their  clothes." 

The  alcaldes'  powers  were  as  unlimited  as 
those  of  the  ayuntamiento.  They  judged  all 
kinds  of  cases  and  settled  all  manner  of  disputes. 
There  were  no  lawyers  to  worry  the  judges  and 
no  juries  to  subvert  justice  and  common  sense 
by  anomalous  verdicts.  Sometimes  the  alcalde 
was  judge,  jury  and  executioner,  all  in  one.  In 
the  proceedings  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  An- 
geles, March  6,  1837,  Jose  Sepulveda,  second  al- 
calde, informed  the  members  "That  the  prison- 
ers, Juliano  and  Timoteo,  had  confessed  to  the 
murder  of  Ygnacio  Ortega,  which  was  deliber- 
ated and  premeditated."  "He  had  decided  to 
sentence  them  to  capital  punishment  and  also  to 
execute  them- to-morrow,  it  being  a  holiday  when 
the  neighborhood  assembles  in  town.  He  asked 
the  members  of  the  Illustrious  Ayuntamiento 
to  express  their  opinion  in  the  matter,  which 
they  did,  and  all  were  of  the  same  opinion.  Senor 
Sepulveda  said  he  had  already  solicited  the  ser- 
vices of  the  Rev.  Father  at  San  Gabriel,  so  that 
he  may  come  to-day  and  administer  spiritual 
consolation  to  the  prisoners." 

At  the  meeting  of  the  ayuntamiento  two  weeks 
later,  March  20,"i837,  the  record  reads :  "Second 
alcalde,  Jose  Sepulveda,  thanked  the  members 
for  acquiescing  in  his  decision  to  shoot  the  pris- 
oners, Juliano  and  Timoteo,  but  after  sending 
his  decision  to  the  governor,  he  was  ordered  to 
send  the  prisoners  to  the  general  government 
to  ])e  tried  according  to  law  by  a  council  of  war, 
and  he  had  complied  with  the  order."  The  bluff 
old  alcalde  could  see  no  necessity  for  trying  pris- 
oners who  had  confessed  to  a  deliberate  murder: 
therefore  he  proposed  to  execute  them  without 
a  trial. 

The  prisoners,  I  infer,  were  Indians.  While 
the  Indians  of  the  pueblo  were  virtually  slaves  to 
the  ranchcros  and  vineyardists.  they  were  al- 
lowed certain  rights  and  privileges  by  the  ayun- 
tamiento, and  white  men  were  compelled  to  re- 


spect  thciii.  The  Indians  had  been  granted  a 
portion  of  the  pueblo  lands  near  the  river  for  a 
rancheria.  They  presented  a  petition  at  one  time 
to  the  ayuntamiento,  stating  that  the  foreigner, 
Juan  Domingo  (John  Sunday),  had  fenced  in 
part  of  their  land.  The  members  of  the  council 
examined  into  the  case.  They  found  that  John 
Sunday  was  guilty  as  charged,  so  they  fined 
Juan  $12  and  compelled  him  to  set  back  his 
fence  to  the  line.  The  Indians  were  a  source  of 
trouble  to  the  regidores,  and  there  was  always 
a  number  of  them  under  sentence  for  petty  mis- 
demeanors. They  formed  the  chain  gang  of  the 
pueblo.  Each  regidor  had  to  take  his  weekly 
turn  as  captain  of  the  chain  gang  and  superin- 
tend the  work  of  the  prisoners. 

The  Indian  village,  down  by  the  river  be- 
tween what  are  now  First  street  and  Aliso,  was 
the  plague  spot  of  the  body  politic.  Petition 
after  petition  came  to  the  council  for  the  removal 
of  the  Indians.  Finally,  in  1846,  the  ayunta- 
miento ordered  their  removal  across  the  river  to 
the  Aguage  de  Los  Avilas  (the  Spring  of  the 
Avilas)  and  the  site  of  their  former  village  was 
sold  to  their  old-time  enemy  and  persecutor, 
John  Sunday,  the  foreigner,  for  $200,  which  was 
to  be  expended  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians. 
Gov.  Pio  Pico  borrowed  the  $200  from  the  coun- 
cil to  pay  the  expenses  of  raising  troops  to  sup- 
press Castro,  who,  from  his  headquarters  at 
Monterey,  was  supposed  to  be  fomenting  an- 
other revolution,  with  the  design  of  making  him- 
self governor.  If  Castro  had  such  designs  the 
Americans  frustrated  them  by  promptly  taking 
possession  of  the  country.  Pico  and  his  army 
returned  to  Los  Angeles,  but  the  Indians'  money 
never  came  back  any  more. 

The  last  recorded  meeting  of  the  ayuntamiento 
of  Los  Angeles  under  Mexican  rule  was  held 
July  4,  1846,  and  the  last  recorded  act  was  to 
give  Juan  Domingo  a  title  to  the  pueblito — the 
lands  on  which  the  Indian  village  stood.  Could 
the  irony  of  fate  have  a  sharper  sting?  The 
Mexican,  on  the  birthday  of  American  liberty, 
robbed  the  Indian  of  the  last  acre  of  his  ancestral 
lands,  and  the  American  robbed  the  Mexican 
that  robbed  the  Indian. 

The  ayuntamiento  was  revived  in  1847,  after 
the  conquest,  but  it  was  not  the  "Most  Illustri- 
ous" of  former  days.  The  heel  of  the  conqueror 
was  on  the  neck  of  the  native,  and  it  is  not 
strange  that  the  old-time  motto,  Dios  y  Libertad 
(God  and  liberty),  was  sometimes  abbreviated 
in  the  later  records  to  "God  and  etc."  The  sec- 
retary was  sure  of  Dios,  but  uncertain  about 

The  revenues  of  Los  Angeles  were  small  dur- 
ing the  Mexican  era.  There  was  no  tax  on  land, 
nnfl  the  municipal  funds  were  derived  principally 

from  ta.xes  on  wine  and  brandy,  from  fines  anil 
from  licenses  of  saloons  and  business  houses. 
The  pueblo  lands  were  sold  at  the  rate  of  25  cents 
per  front  vara,  or  about  eight  cents  per  front 
foot,  for  house  lots.  The  city  treasury  was  usu- 
ally in  a  state  of  financial  collapse.  Various  ex- 
pedients for  inflating  were  agitated,  but  the  peo- 
ple were  opposed  to  taxation  and  the  plans  never 

In  1837,  the  financial  stringency  was  so  press- 
ing that  the  alcalde  reported  to  the  ayuntamiento 
that  he  was  compelled  to  take  country  produce 
for  fines.  He  had  already  received  eight  colts, 
si.x  fanegas  (about  nine  bushels)  of  com  and 
35  hides.  The  syndic  immediately  laid  claim 
to  the  colts  on  his  back  salary.  The  alcalde  put 
in  a  preferred  claim  of  his  own  for  money  ad- 
vanced to  pay  the  salary  of  the  secretary,  and 
besides,  he  said,  he  had  "boarded  the  colts." 
After  considerable  discussion  the  alcalde  was 
ordered  to  turn  over  the  colts  to  the  city  treas- 
urer to  be  appraised  and  paid  out  on  claims 
against  the  city.  In  the  meantime  it  was  found 
that  two  of  the  colts  had  run  away  and  the  re- 
maining six  had  demonetized  the  corn  by  eating- 
it  up — a  contraction  of  the  currency  that  ex- 
ceeded in  heinousness  the  "crime  of  '/S" 

The  municipal  revenue  between  1835  and  1845 
never  exceeded  $1,000  in  any  one  year,  and  some 
years  it  fell  as  low  as  $500  a  year.  There  were 
but  few  salaried  oflices,  and  the  pay  of  the  officials 
was  small.  The  secretary  of  the  ayuntamiento 
received  from  $30  to  $40  a  month:  the  school- 
master was  paid  $15  a  month  while  school  kept, 
but  as  the  vacations  greatly  exceeded  in  length 
the  school  terms,  his  compensation  was  not 
munificent.  The  alcaldes,  regidores  and  jueces 
del  campos  (judges  of  the  plains)  took  their  pay 
in  honors,  and  honors,  it  might  be  said,  were  not 
always  easy.  The  church  expenses  were  paid 
out  of  the  municipal  funds,  and  these  usually  ex- 
ceeded the  amount  paid  out  for  schools.  The 
people  were  more  spiritually  inclined  than  intel- 

The  form  of  electing  city  officers  was  similar 
to  our  plan  of  electing  a  president  and  vice- 
president.  A  primary  election  was  held  to  choose 
electors ;  these  electors  met  and  elected  the  city 
officials.  No  elector  could  vote  for  himself.  As 
but  few  of  the  voters  could  read  or  write,  the 
voting  at  the  primary  election  was  by  viva  voce, 
and  at  the  secondary  election  by  ballot.  The 
district  was  divided  into  blocks  or  precincts,  and 
a  conmiissioner  or  judge  of  election  appointed 
for  each  block.  The  polls  were  usually  held 
under  the  portico  or  porch  of  some  centrally 
located  house.  Judge  of  the  election  was  not  a 
coveted  office,  and  those  eligible  to  the  office 
(persons  who  could  read  and  write)  often  tried 



ti_i  be  excused  from  serving;  but,  as  in  Pantoja's 
case,  the  office  usually  refused  to  let  go  of  the 

Don  Manuel  Requena  was  appointed  judge  of 
a  certain  district.  He  sent  in  his  resignation  on 
the  plea  of  sickness.  The  aj'untamiento  was 
about  to  accept  it  when  some  one  reported  that 
Don  Manuel  was  engaged  in  pruning  his  vine- 
yard, whereupon  a  committee  of  investigation 
was  appointed,  with  Juan  Temple,  merchant,  as 
medical  expert.  The  committee  and  the  inpro- 
vised  doctor  examined  Don  Manuel,  and  re- 
ported that  his  indisposition  did  not  prevent  him 
from  pruning,  but  would  incapacitate  him  from 
serving  as  judge  of  the  election.  The  mental 
strain  of  a  primary  was  more  debilitating  than 
the  physical  strain  of  pruning.  The  right  of  elec- 
tive franchise  was  not  very  highly  prized  by  the 
common  people.  In  December,  1844,  the  pri- 
mary election  went  by  default  because  no  one 

The  office  of  jueces  del  campos,  or  judges  of 
the  plains,  outlived  the  Mexican  era  and  was 

continued  for  a  dozen  years  at  least  after  llie 
American  conquest,  and  was  abolished,  or  rather 
fell  into  decadence,  when  cattle-raising  ceased 
to  be  the  prevailing  industry.  The  duties  of  the 
judges  were  to  hold  rodeos  (cattle  gatherings) 
and  recojedas  (horse  gatherings)  throughout 
the  district ;  to  settle  all  disputes  and  see  that 
justice  was  done  between  owners  of  stock. 

From  1839  to  1846  the  office  of  prefect  exist- 
ed. There  were  two  in  the  territory,  one  for 
northern  California  and  one  for  the  southern 
district.  The  prefect  was  a  sort  of  sub  or  assist- 
ant governor.  He  was  appointed  by  the  gov- 
ernor with  the  approbation  of  the  departmental 
assembly.  All  petitions  for  land  and  all  appeals 
from  the  decisions  of  the  alcaldes  were  passed 
upon  by  him  before  they  were  submitted  to  the 
governor  for  final  decisions.  He  had  no  author- 
ity to  make  a  final  decision,  but  his  opinions  had 
weight  with  the  governor  in  determining  the 
disposal  of  a  question.  The  residence  of  the  pre- 
fect for  the  southern  district  was  Los  Angeles. 



CITIES  in  their  growth  and  development 
pass  through  distinctive  ages  in  the  kind 
of  material  of  which  they  are  built.  Most 
of  the  cities  of  the  United  States  began  their 
existence  in  the  wooden  age,  and  have  pro- 
gressed successively  through  the  brick  and  stone 
age,  the  iron  age  and  are  now  entering  upon 
the  steel  age.  The  cities  of  the  extreme  south- 
west— those  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  Utah  and 
Southern  California — like  ancient  Babylon  and 
imperial  Rome — began  their  existence  in  the 
clay  or  adobe  age.  It  took  California  three- 
quarters  of  a  century  to  emerge  from  the  adobe 
age.  At  the  time  of  its  final  conquest  by  the 
United  States  troops  (January  10,  1847)  there 
was  not  within  its  limits  (if  I  am  rightly  in- 
formed) a  building  built  of  any  other  material 
than  adobe,  or  sun  dried  brick. 

In  the  adobe  age  every  man  was  his  own  arch- 
itect and  master  builder.  He  had  no  choice  of 
material,  or,  rather,  with  his  ease-loving  disposi- 
tion, he  chose  that  which  was  most  easily  ob- 
tained, and  that  was  the  tough  black  clay  out  of 
which  the  sun  dried  bricks  called  "adobes"  were 

The  Indian  was  the  brick-maker  and  he  toiled 
for  his  task-masters  like  the  Hebrew  of  old  for 
the   Egyptian,   making   bricks   without   straw — 

and  without  pay.  There  were  no  labor  strikes  in 
the  building  trades  then.  The  Indian  was  the 
builder  as  well  as  the  brick-maker  and  he  did 
not  know  how  to  strike  for  higher  wages,  for  the 
very  good  reason  that  he  received  no  wages. 
He  took  his  pittance  in  food  and  aguardiente, 
the  latter  of  which  often  brought  him  to  enforced 
service  in  the  chain  gang.  The  adobe  bricks 
were  molded  into  form  and  set  up  to  dry. 
Through  the  long  summer  days  they  baked  in 
the  hot  sun,  first  on  one  side,  then  on  the  other ; 
and  when  dried  through  they  were  laid  in  the 
wall  with  mud  mortar.  Then  the  walls  had  to 
dry,  and  dry  perhaps  through  another  summer 
before  the  house  was  habitable. 

^^'hen  a  new  house  was  needed — and  a  house 
was  not  built  in  the  adobe  age  until  there  was 
urgent  need  for  it — the  builder  selected  a  site 
and  applied  to  the  ayuntamiento,  if  a  resident 
of  a  town,  for  a  grant  of  a  piece  of  the  pueblo 
lands.  If  no  one  had  a  prior  claim  to  the  lot  he 
asked  for,  he  was  granted  it.  If  he  did  not  build 
a  house  on  it  within  a  given  time — usually  a 
year  from  the  time  the  grant  was  made — any 
citizen  could  denounce  or  file  on  the  property 
and  with  permission  of  the  ayuntamiento  take 
possession  of  it ;  but  the  council  was  lenient  and 
almost  anv  excuse  secured  an  extension. 



In  the  ailobc  age  every  man  owned  his  own 
house.  No  houses  were  built  for  rent  nor  for 
sale  on  speculation.  The  real  estate  agent  was 
unknown.  There  were  no  hotels  nor  lodging 
houses.  When  travelers  or  strangers  paid  a  visit 
to  one  of  the  old  pueblos  they  were  entertained 
at  private  houses,  or  if  no  one  opened  his  doors 
to  them  they  camped  out  or  moved  on  to  the 
nearest  mission,  where  they  were  sure  of  a 
night's  lodging. 

The  architecture  of  the  adobe  age  had  no 
freaks  or  fads  in  it.  Like  the  laws  of  the 
Medes  and  Persians  it  altered  not.  There  was, 
with  but  very  few  exceptions,  but  one  style  of 
house — the  square  walled,  flat  roofed,  one  story 
structure — looking,  as  a  writer  of  early  time's 
says :  "Like  so  many  brick  kilns  ready  for  the 
burning."  Although  there  were  picturesque 
homes  in  California  under  the  Mexican  regime, 
and  the  quaint  mission  buildings  of  the  Spanish 
era  were  massive  and  imposing,  yet  the  average 
town  house  of  the  native  Californian,  with  its 
clay-colored  adobe  walls,  its  flat  asphaltum-cov- 
ered  roof,  its  ground  floor,  its  rawhide  door  and 
its  wooden  or  iron  barred  windows,  was  as  de- 
void of  beauty  without  as  it  was  of  comfort  and 
convenience  within. 

The  adobe  age  was  not  an  aesthetic  age.  The 
old  pueblos  were  homely  almost  to  ugliness. 
The  clay-colored  houses  that  marked  the  lines 
of  the  crooked  and  irregular  streets  were,  with- 
out, gloomy  and  uninviting.  There  was  no  glass 
in  the  windows.  There  were  no  lawns  in  front, 
no  sidewalks,  and  no  shade  trees.  The  streets 
were  ungraded  and  unsprinkled  and  when  the 
dashing  caballeros  used  them  for  race  courses, 
dense  clouds  of  yellow  dust  enveloped  the 

There  were  no  slaughter  houses,  and  each 
family  had  its  own  matanza  in  close  proximity 
to  the  kitchen,  and  in  time  the  ghastly  skulls  of 
the  slaughtered  bovines  formed  veritable  gol- 
gothas  in  back  yards.  The  crows  acted  as  scav- 
engers and,  w-hen  not  employed  in  the  street 
(lejiartment  removing  garbage,  sat  on  the  roofs 
of  the  houses  and  cawed  dismally.  They  in- 
creased and  multiplied  until  the  "Plague  of  the 
Crows"  compelled  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  .An- 
geles to  ofifer  a  bounty  for  their  destruction. 

Rut  even  amid  these  homely  surroundings 
there  were  aesthetic  souls  that  dreamed  dreams 
of  beauty  and  saw  visions  of  better  and  brighter 
things  for  at  least  one  of  the  old  pueblos. 
The  famous  speech  of  Regidor  Leonardo  Cota, 
delivered  before  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  An- 
geles nearly  sixty  years  ago,  has  been  preserved 
to  us  in  the  old  pueblo  archives.  It  stamps  the 
author  as  a  man  in  advance  of  the  age  in  which 
he  lived.      It  has  in  it  the  hopefulness  of  boom 

literature,  although  somewhat  saddened  by  the 
gloom  of  uncongenial  surroundings.  "The 
time  has  arrived,"  said  he,  "when  the  city  of 
Los  Angeles  begins  to  figure  in  the  political 
world,  as  it  now  finds  itself  the  capital  of  the  de- 
partment. Now,  to  complete  the  necessary  work 
that,  although  it  is  but  a  small  town,  it  should 
proceed  to  show  its  beauty,  its  splendor  and  its 
magnificence  in  such  a  manner  that  when  the 
traveler  visits  us  he  may  say,  T  have  seen  the 
City  of  the  Angels ;  I  have  seen  the  work  of  its 
street  commission,  and  all  these  demonstrate 
that  it  is  a  Mexican  paradise.'  It  is  not  so  under 
the  present  conditions,  for  the  majority  of  its 
buildings  present  a  gloomy,  a  melancholy  aspect, 
a  dark  and  forbidding  aspect  that  resembles  the 
catacombs  of  Ancient  Rome  more  than  the  habi- 
tations of  a  free  people.  I  present  these  propo- 
sitions : 

"First,  that  the  government  be  requested  to 
enact  measures  so  that  within  four  months  all 
house  fronts  shall  be  plastered  and  whitewashed. 

"Second,  that  all  owners  be  requested  to  re- 
pair the  same  or  open  the  door  for  the  denun- 
ciator. If  you  adopt  and  enforce  these  meas- 
ures, I  shall  feel  that  I  have  done  something  for 
my  city  and  my  country." 

Don  Leonardo's  eloquent  appeal  moved  the 
departmental  assembly  to  enact  a  law  requiring 
the  plastering  and  whitew-ashing  of  the  house 
fronts  under  a  penalty  of  fines,  ranging  from  $5 
to  $25,  if  the  work  was  not  done  within  a  given 
time.  For  awhile  there  was  a  plastering  of 
cracked  walls,  a  whitening  of  house  fronts  and  a 
brightening  of  interiors.  The  sindico's  account 
book,  in  the  old  archives,  contains  a  charge  of 
twelve  reals  for  a  fanega  (one  and  one-half  bush- 
els) of  lime,  "to  whitewash  the  court."* 

Don  Leonardo's  dream  of  transforming  the 
"City  of  the  Angels"  into  a  Mexican  paradise 
was  never  realized.  The  fines  were  never  col- 
lected. The  cracks  in  the  walls  widened  and 
were  not  filled.  The  whitewash  faded  from  the 
house  fronts  and  was  not  renewed.  The  old 
pueblo  again  took  on  the  gloom  of  the  cata- 

The  manners  and  customs  of  the  people  in  the 
adobe  age  were  in  keeping  with  its  architecture. 
There  were  no  freaks  and  fads  in  their  social  life. 
The  fashions  in  dress  and  living  did  not  change 
suddenly.  The  few  wealthy  people  in  the  town 
and  country  dressed  well,  even  extravagantly, 
while  the  many  poor  ]ieople  dressed  sparingly — 
if  indeed  some  were  dressed  at  all.  Robinson  de- 
scribes the  dress  of  Tomas  Yorba,  a  wealthy 
ranchero  of  the  upper  Santa  Ana,  as  he  saw  him 
in  1829:    "I'pon  his  head  he  wore  a  black  silk 

*Tlio  o 


handkerchief,  tlie  four  corners  of  which  liung 
ilown  his  neck  behind.  An  embroidered  shirt; 
a  cravat  of  white  jaconet  tastefully  tied ;  a  blue 
damask  vest ;  short  clothes  of  crimson  velvet ; 
a  bright  green  cloth  jacket,  with  large  silver 
buttons,  and  shoes  of  embroidered  deerskin 
composed  his  dress.  I  was  afterwards  informed 
by  Don  Alanuel  (Dominguez)  that  on  some  oc- 
casions, such  as  some  particular  feast  day  or  fes- 
tival, his  entire  display  often  exceeded  in  value 
a  thousand  dollars." 

The  same  authority  (Robinson)  says  of  the 
women's  dress  at  that  time  (1829) :  "The  dress 
worn  by  the  middle  class  of  females  is  a  chemise, 
with  short  embroidered  sleeves,  richly  trimmed 
with  lace  ;  a  muslin  petticoat,  flounced  with  scar- 
let and  secured  at  the  waist  by  a  silk  band  of  the 
same  color ;  shoes  of  velvet  or  blue  satin ;  a  cot- 
ton reboso  or  scarf;  pearl  necklace  and  earrings, 
with  hair  falling  in  broad  plaits  down  the  back." 

Of  the  dress  of  the  men  in  1829,  Robinson 
says :  'A^ery  few  of  the  men  have  adopted  our 
mode  of  dress,  the  greater  part  adhering  to  the 
ancient  costume  of  the  past  century.  Short 
clotlies  and  a  jacket  trimmed  with  scarlet ;  a  silk 
sash  about  the  waist ;  botas  of  ornamented  deer- 
skin and  embroidered  shoes ;  the  hair  long, 
braided  and  fastened  behind  with  ribbons ;  a 
black  silk  handkerchief  around  the  head,  sur- 
mounted by  an  oval  and  broad  brimmed  hat  is 
the  dress  usually  worn  by  the  men  of  Califor- 

After  the  coming  of  the  Hijar  colony,  in  1834, 
there  was  a  change  in  the  fashions.  The  colo- 
nists brought  with  them  the  latest  fashions  from 
the  city  of  Mexico.  The  men  generally  adopt- 
ed calzoneras  instead  of  the  knee  breeches  or 
short  clothes  of  the  last  century.  "The  calzo- 
neras were  pantaloons  with  the  exterior  seam 
open  throughout  its  length.  On  the  upper  edge 
was  a  striji  of  cloth,  red,  blue  or  black,  in  which 
w  ere  the  button-holes.  On  the  other  edge  were 
eyelet  holes  for  the  buttons.  In  some  cases  the 
calzonera  was  sewn  from  the  hip  to  the  middle 
of  the  thigh  :  in  others,  buttoned.  From  the  mid- 
dle of  the  thigh  downward  the  log  was  covered 
liy  the  bota  or  leggings,  used  by  every  one, 
whatever  his  dress."  The  short  jacket,  with  sil- 
ver or  bronze  buttons,  and  the  silken  sash  that 
served  as  a  connecting  link  between  the  calzo- 
neras and  the  jacket,  and  also  supplied  the  place 
of  what  the  Californians  did  not  wear — suspen- 
ders, this  constituted  a  picturesque  costume, 
that  continued  in  vogue  until  the  conquest,  and 
with  many  of  the  natives  for  several  years  after  it. 
After  1834  the  fashionable  women  of  California 
"exchanged  their  narrow  skirts  for  more 
(lowing  garments  and  abandoned  the  braided 
hair  for  the  coil,  and  the  large  combs  till  then 

in  use,  for  smaller  combs.''*  For  outer  wraps 
the  serapa  for  men  and  the  rcboza  for  women 
were  universally  worn.  The  texture  of  these 
marked  the  social  standing  of  the  wearer.  It 
ranged  from  cheap  cotton  and  coarse  serge  to 
the  costliest  silk  and  the  finest  of  French  broad- 

The  legendary  of  the  hearthstone  and  the  fire- 
side, which  fills  so  large  a  place  in  tiie  home  life 
of  the  Anglo  Saxon,  had  no  part  in  the  domestic 
system  of  the  Californian,  he  had  no  hearthstone 
and  no  fireside  ;  nor  could  that  pleasing  fiction  of 
Santa  Claus'  descent  through  the  chinmey  on 
Christmas  eve,  that  so  delights  the  young  chil- 
dren of  to-day,  have  had  any  meaning  to  the 
youthful  Californian  of  the  old  pueblo  days. 
There  were  no  chimneys  in  the  old  pueblos.  The 
only  means  of  warming  the  houses  by  artificial 
heat  was  a  pan  of  coals  set  on  the  floor.  The 
people  lived  out  of  doors  in  the  open  air  and 
invigorating  sunshine.  The  houses  were  places 
to  sleep  in  or  shelters  from  the  rain.  The  kitch- 
ens were  detached  from  the  living  rooms.  The 
better  class  of  dwellings  usually  had  out  of  doors 
or  in  an  open  shed,  a  beehive  shaped  earthen 
oven,  in  wdiich  the  family  baking  was  done.  The 
poorer  class  of  the  pueblanos  cooked  over  a 
campfire,  with  a  flat  stone  (on  which  the  tortillas 
were  baked)  and  a  few  pieces  of  pottery.  The 
culinary  outfit  was  not  extensive,  even  in  the  best 
appointed  kitchens. 

Before  the  mission  mill  was  built  near  San 
Gabriel,  the  first  mill  constructed  in  Southern 
California,  the  hand  mill  and  the  metete,  or 
grinding  stone,  were  the  only  means  of  grinding 
wdieat  or  corn.  To  obtain  a  supply  of  flour  or 
meal  for  a  family  by  such  a  process  was  slow 
and  laborious,  so  the  family  very  often  dispensed 
with  bread  in  the  bill  of  fare.  Bread  was  not 
the  stafif  of  life  in  the  old  pueblo  days.  F.ccf 
was  the  staple  article  of  diet. 

As  lumber  was  scarce  and  hard  to  |)r(icure 
most  of  the  houses  had  earthen  floors.  The  fur- 
nitm-c  was  meager,  a  few  benches,  a  rawhide 
bottomed  chair  to  sit  on,  a  rough  table,  a  chest 
or  two  to  keep  the  family  finery  in,  a  few  cheaj) 
prints  of  saints  on  the  walls  formed  the  decora- 
tions and  furnishings  of  the  living  rooms  of  the 
connnon  people.  The  bed  w-as  the  pride  and 
ambition  of  the  housewife  and,  even  in  humble 
dwellings,  sometimes  a  snowy  counterpane  and 
lace  trimmed  pillows  decorated  a  couch,  whose 
base  w-as  a  bullock's  hide  stretched  on  a  rough 
frame  of  wood.  A  shrine  dedicated  to  the  patron 
saint  of  the  household  was  a  very  essential  part 
of  a  well-ordered  home. 

I'"ilial  obedience  and  respect  fur  ]inrental  an- 



tlmrity  wxrc  early  impresseil  upon  the  minds  of 
the  children.  A  child  was  never  too  old  or  too 
large  to  he  exempt  from  punishment.  Stephen 
C.  Foster  used  to  relate  an  amusing  case  of  par- 
ental disciplining  he  once  saw :  An  old  lady  of 
60,  a  grandmother,  was  belaboring  with  a  barrel 
stave,  her  son,  a  man  of  30  years  of  age.  The 
boy  had  done  something  that  his  mother  did  not 
approve  of.  She  sent  for  him  to  come  over  to 
the  maternal  home,  to  receive  his  punishment. 
He  came.  She  took  him  out  to  the  metaphorical 
wood  shed,  which  in  this  case  was  the  portico  of 
her  house,  where  she  stood  him  up  and  pro- 
ceeded to  administer  corporal  punishment.  With 
the  resounding  thwacks  of  the  barrel-stave  she 
would  exclaim,  'Til  teach  you  to  behave  your- 
self! I'll  mend  your  manners,  sir!  Now,  you 
will  be  good,  won't  you  ?"  The  big  man  took  his 
punishment  without  a  thought  of  resenting  or 
rebelling;  in  fact,  he  rather  seemed  to  enjoy  it. 
It  was,  no  doubt,  a  feeling  and  forcible  reminder 
of  his  boyhood  days. 

In  the  earlier  days  of  California,  before  revo- 
lutionary ideas  had  perverted  the  usages  of  the 
people,  great  respect  was  shown  to  those  in  au- 
thority and  the  authorities  were  strict  in  requir- 
ing deference  from  their  constituents.  In  the 
Los  Angeles  archives  of  1828  are  the  records  of 
an  impeachment  trial  of  Don  Antonio  M.  Lugo, 
held  to  depose  him  from  the  office  of  Judge  of 
the  Plains.  The  principal  duty  of  such  a  judge 
was  to  decide  cases  of  disputed  ownership  of 
stray  cattle  and  horses.  Lugo  seems  to  have 
had  a  very  exalted  idea  of  the  dignity  of  his 
office.  Among  the  complaints  was  one  from 
young  Pedro  Sanchez,  who  testified  that  Lugo 
had  tried  to  ride  his  horse  over  him  in  the  street, 
because  he,  Sanchez,  would  not  take  off  his  hat 
to  the  judge  and,  remain  standin;;  uncovered 
while  Lugo  rode  past. 

Lender  Mexican  domination  there  was  no 
tax  levied  on  land  and  improvements.  The 
numici])al  funds  of  the  pueblos  were  obtained 
from  the  revenue  on  wine  antl  brandy ;  from 
the  licenses  of  saloons  and  other  business 
houses,  from  the  tariff  on  imports,  from  per- 
mits to  give  balls  or  dances,  from  the  fines 
of  transgressors  and  from  the  tax  on  bull 
rings  an<l  cock  pits.  Then  men's  pleasures  and 
vices  paid  the  cost  of  governing.  Although  in 
the  early  '40s  the  city  of  Los  Angeles  had  a  pop- 
ulation of  2,000  the  revenues  did  not  exceed 
$r,ooo  a  year;  yet  with  this  small  amount  the 
municipal  authorities  ran  a  city  government  and 
kept  out  of  debt.  It  did  not  cost  nnich  then  to 
run  a  city  government.  There  was  no  army 
of  high  salaried  officials  then,  with  a  horde  of 
political  heelers,  quartered  on  the  nnmicipality 
and  fed  from  tlic  public  crib  at  the  expense  of 

the  taxpayer.  Politicians  may  have  been  no 
more  honest  then  than  now,  but  where  there 
was  nothing  to  steal  there  was  no  stealing.  The 
old  alcaldes  and  regidores  were  wise  enough  not 
to  put  temptation  in  the  way  of  the  politicians, 
and  thus  they  kept  them  reasonably  honest,  or 
at  least  tliey  kept  them  from  plundering  the  tax- 
payers, by  the  simple  expedient  of  having  no 
taxpayers.  The  only  salaried  officers  in  the  days 
when  the  Most  Illustrious  Ayuntamiento  was 
the  ruling  power  in  the  city,  were  the  secretary 
of  that  body,  the  sindico  or  revenue  collector  and 
the  schoolmaster  (that  is  when  there  was  one). 
The  highest  monthly  salary  paid  the  secretary, 
who  was  also  ex-officio  clerk  of  the  alcalde's 
court,  was  $40;  the  sindico  received  a  commis- 
sion on  collections  and  the  schoolmaster  was 
paid  $15  per  month.  If  like  Oliver  Twist  he 
cried  for  more  he  was  dismissed  for  evident  un- 
fitness for  his  duties;  his  unfitness  appearing  in 
his  inability  to  live  on  his  meager  salary. 

The  functions  of  the  various  departments  of 
the  city  government  were  most  economically 
performed.  Street  cleaning  and  the  lighting  of 
the  city  were  provided  for  on  a  sort  of  automatic 
principle.  There  was  an  ordinance  that  required 
each  owner  of  a  house,  every  Saturday,  to  sweep 
and  clean  in  front  of  his  premises  to  the  middle 
of  the  street.  His  neighbor  on  the  opposite 
side  met  him  half  way  and  the  street  was  swept 
without  expense  to  the  city.  There  was  another 
ordinance  that  required  each  owner  of  a  house 
of  more  than  two  rooms  on  a  principal  street  to 
hang  a  lighted  lantern  in  front  of  his  door  from 
twilight  to  eight  o'clock  in  winter  and  to  nine 
in  summer.  So  the  city  was  at  no  expense  for 
lighting.  There  were  fines  for  neglect  of  these 
duties.  The  crows  had  a  contract  for  removing 
the  garbage.  No  garbage  wagon  with  its  aroma 
of  decay  scented  the  atmosphere  of  the  brown 
adobe  fronts  in  the  days  of  long  ago.  There 
were  no  fines  imposed  upon  the  crows  for  m- 
glect  of  duty.  Evidently  they  were  efficient  cil\ 
officials.  Similar  ordinances  for  lighting  and 
street  sweeping  were  in  force  at  Santa  Barbara 
and  San  Diego.  At  Santa  Barbara  they  were 
continued  for  at  least  a  decade  after  the  Amer- 
ican occupation. 

It  is  said  "that  every  dog  has  his  day."  There 
was  one  day  each  week  that  the  dogs  of  Los 
Angeles  did  not  have  on  which  to  roam  about ; 
and  that  was  Monday.  Every  Monday  was  dog 
catcher's  day,  and  was  set  apart  by  ordinance 
for  tlrt  killing  of  tramp  dogs.  Woe  betide  the 
unfortunate  canine  which  on  that  day  escaped 
from  his  kennel,  or  broke  loose  from  his  tether. 
A  swift  flying  lasso  encircled  his  neck  and  the 
breath  wa>  quickly  choked  out  of  his  body. 
Mondav  was  n   '"dies  irae,"  an  evil  dav  lo   the 


youthful  Angeleno  with  a  dog,  and  the  dog 
catcher  was  abhorred  and  despised  then  as  now 
by  every  boy  wlio  possessed  a  canine  pet. 

There  was  no  fire  department  in  tlie  old  pueb- 
los. The  adobe  houses  with  their  clay  walls, 
earthen  floors  and  rawhide  doors  were  as  nearly 
fireproof  as  any  human  habitation  could  be 
made.  I  doubt  whether  any  muchacho  of  the 
old  regime  ever  saw  a  house  on  fire.  The  boys 
of  that  day  never  experienced  the  thrilling  pleas- 
ure of  running  to  a  fire.  What  boys  sometimes 
miss  by  being  born  too  soon !  There  were  no 
paid  police  departments.  Every  able-bodied 
young  man  was  subject  to  military  duty.  A  vol- 
unteer guard  or  patrol  was  kept  on  duty  at  the 
cuartel,  or  guard  house.     These  guards  policed 

the  pueblos,  but  they  were  not  paid.  jLach  young 
man  had  to  take  his  turn  at  guard  duty. 

Niewed  from  our  standpoint  of  higli  civiliza- 
tion, life  in  the  old  pueblo  days  was  a  monoton- 
ous round  of  wearying  sameness — uneventful 
and  uninteresting.  The  people  of  that  day,  how- 
ever, managed  to  extract  a  great  deal  of  pleasure 
from  it.  Undoubtedly  they  missed — by  living  so 
long  ago — many  things  that  we  in  this  highly 
enlightened  age  have  come  to  regard  as  necessi- 
ties of  our  existence;  but  they  also  missed  the 
harrowing  cares,  the  vexations  and  the  excessive 
taxation,  both  mental  and  numlcipal,  that  pre- 
maturely furrow  our  brows  and  whiten  our 



THE  acquisition  of  California  by  the  United 
States  was  the  result  of  one  of  those 
spasms  of  territorial  expansion  that  seem 
at  certain  periods  to  -  take  hold  of  the  body 
politic.  It  had  been  for  several  years  a  fore- 
gone conclusion  in  the  minds  of  the  leading  poli- 
ticians of  the  then  dominant  party  that  the 
inanifest  destiny  of  California  was  to  become 
United  States  territory.  The  United  States  must 
have  a  l^acific  boundary,  and  those  restless  no- 
mads, the  pioneers  of  the  west,  must  have  new 
country  to  colonize.  England  or  France  might 
at  any  time  seize  the  country ;  and,  as  Mexico 
must  eventually  lose  California,  it  were  better 
that  the  United  States  should  possess  it  than 
some  European  power.  All  that  was  wanting 
for  the  United  States  to  seize  and  appropriate 
it  was  a  sufficient  provocation  by  the  Mexican 
government.  The  ])rovocation  came,  but  not 
from  Mexico. 

Capt.  John  C.  h'remont,  an  engineer  and  ex- 
plorer in  the  services  of  tlie  United  States,  ap- 
l)eared  at  Monterey  in  January,  1846,  and  applied 
to  Gen.  Castro,  the  military  comandante,  for 
permission  to  buy  supjilies  for  his  party  of  sixty- 
two  men  who  were  encamped  in  the  San  Joaquin 
Valley,  in  what  is  now  Kern  County.  Permis- 
sion was  given  him.  There  seems  to  have  been 
a  tacit  agreement  between  Castro  and  Fremont 
that  the  exploring  party  should  not  enter  the 
settlements,  but  early  in  March  the  whole  force 
was  encamped  in  the  Salinas  valley.  Castro  re- 
garded the  marching  of  a  body  of  armed  men 
through  the  country  as  an  act  of  hostility,  and 
ordered   them   out  of  the   couutrv.     Instead   of 

leaving,  Fremont  intrenched  himself  on  an  emi- 
nence known  as  Gabilian  Peak  (about  thirty 
miles  from  Monterey),  raised  the  stars  and 
stripes  over  his  barricade  and  defied  Castro. 
Castro  maneuvered  his  troops  on  the  plain  be- 
low, but  did  not  attack  Fremont.  After  two 
days"  waiting  Fremont  abandoned  his  position 
and  began  his  march  northward.  On  May  9, 
when  near  the  Oregon  line,  he  was  overtaken  by 
Lieut.  Gillespie,  of  the  United  States  navy,  with 
a  dispatch  from  the  president.  Gillespie  had  left 
the  United  States  in  November,  1845,  a"d,  dis- 
guised, had  crossed  IMexico  from  \'era  Cruz  to 
Mazatlan,  and  from  there  had  reached  Monterey. 
The  exact  nature  of  the  dispatches  to  Fremont 
is  not  known,  but  presumably  they  related  to 
the  impending  war  between  Mexico  and  the 
United  States,  and  the  necessity  for  a  prompt 
seizure  of  the  country  to  prevent  it  from  falling 
into  the  hands  of  Juigland.  Fremont  returned 
to  the  Sacramento,  where  he  encamped. 

On  the  14th  of  June,  1846,  a  body  of  American 
settlers  from  tlie  Napa  and  Sacramento  valleys, 
thirty-three  in  number,  of  which  Ide,  Semple, 
Grigsby  and  Merritt  seem  to  have  been  the  lead- 
ers, after  a  night's  march,  took  possession  of  the 
old  Castillo  or  fort  at  Sonoma,  with  its  rusty 
muskets  and  unused  cannon,  and  made  Gen.  M. 
G.  \'allejo,  Lieut.-Col.  Prudon,  Capt.  Salvador 
Vallejo  and  Jacob  P.  Leese,  a  brother-in-law  of 
the  \'allejos,  prisoners.  There  seems  to  have 
been  no  privates  at  the  castillo — all  officers. 
Exactly  what  was  the  object  of  the  American 
settlers  in  taking  Gen.  \'allejo  prisoner  is  not 
evident.     Gen.  \allejo  was  one  nf  the  few  emi- 



ncnt  Califoniians  wlio  favored  the  annexation 
of  California  to  the  L'nited  States.  He  is  said 
to  have  made  a  speech  favoring  such  a  move- 
ment in  the  junta  at  Monterey  a  few  months 
before.  Castro  regarded  him  with  suspicion. 
The  prisoners  were  sent  under  an  armed  escort 
to  Fremont's  camp,  ^\'illiam  B.  Ide  was  elected 
captain  of  the  revolutionists  who  remained  at 
Sonoma,  to  "hold  the  fort."  He  issued  a  pro- 
nunciamento  full  of  bombast,  bad  English  and 
worse  orthography.  He  declared  California  a 
free  and  independent  state,  under  the  name  of 
the  California  Republic.  A  nation  must  have  a 
flag  of  its  own,  so  one  was  improvised.  It  was 
made  of  a  piece  of  cotton  cloth,  or  manta,  a  yard 
wide  and  five  feet  long.  Strips  of  red  flannel  torn 
from  an  old  petticoat  that  had  crossed  the  plains 
were  stitched  on  the  manta  for  stripes.  \Vith  a 
blacking  brush,  or,  as  another  authority  says, 
the  end  of  a  chewed  stick  for  a  brush,  and  red- 
berry  juice  for  paint.  W'ilham  L.  Todd  painted 
the  figure  of  a  grizzly  bear  rampant  on  the  field 
of  the  flag.  The  natives  called  Todd's  bear  "co- 
chino" — a  pig;  it  resemb'.ed  that  animal  more 
than  a  bear.  A  five-pointed  star  in  the  left  upper 
corner,  painted  with  the  same  coloring  matter, 
and  the  words,  "California  Republic."  printed 
on  it  in  ink,  completed  the  famous  bear-flag. 

The  California  Republic  was  ushered  into  ex- 
istence June  14,  1846,  attained  the  acme  of  its 
power  July  4,  when  Ide  and  his  fellow-patriots 
burnt  a  quantity  of  powder  in  salutes,  and  fired 
off  oratorical  pyrotechnics  in  honor  of  the  new 
republic.  It  utterly  collapsed  on  the  9th  of  July, 
after  an  existence  of  twenty-five  days,  when 
news  reached  Sonoma  that  Commodore  Sloat 
had  raised  the  stars  and  stripes  at  Monterey  and 
taken  possession  of  California  in  the  name  of  the 
United  States. 

Commodore  Sloat,  who  had  anchored  in  Mon- 
terey Bay  July  2,  1846,  was  for  a  time  imdecided 
whether  to  take  possession  of  the  country.  He 
!iad  no  official  information  that  war  had  1)een  de- 
clared between  the  United  States  and  Mexico ; 
but,  acting  on  the  supposition  that  Capt.  Fre- 
mont had  received  definite  instructions,  on  the 
/th  of  July  he  raised  the  flag  and  took  possession 
of  the  custom-house  and  government  buildings 
at  Monterey.  Capt.  Montgomery,  on  the  9th, 
raised  it  at  San  Francisco,  and  on  the  same  day 
the  Bear  flag  gave  place  to  the  stars  and  stripes 
at  Sonoma. 

Gen.  Castro  was  holding  Santa  Clara  and  San 
Jose  when  he  received  Commodore  Sloat's  proc- 
lamation informing  him  that  the  conuuodore 
had  taken  possession  of  Monterey.  Castro,  after 
reading  the  proclamation,  which  was  written  in 
Spanish,  formed  his  men  in  line,  and.  addressing 
them,  said  :  "Monterey  is  taken  bv  the  .\meri- 

cans.  What  can  I  do  with  a  handful  of  men 
against  the  United  States?  I  am  going  to  Mex- 
ico. All  of  you  who  wish  to  follow  me,  'About 
face !'  All  that  wish  to  remain  can  go  to  their 
homes"*  A  very  small  part  of  hi.;  force  followed 

Commodore  Sloat  was  superseded  by  Commo- 
dore Stockton,  who  set  about  organizing  an  ex- 
pedition to  subjugate  the  southern  part  of  the 
territory  which  still  remained  loyal  to  ^lexico. 
Fremont's  exploring  party,  recruited  to  a  bat- 
talion of  160  men,  had  marched  to  ^Monterey,  and 
from  there  was  sent  by  vessel  to  San  Diego  to 
procure  horses  and  prepare  to  act  as  cavalrv. 
*  *  *  *        ' 

Let  us  now  return  to  Los  Angeles,  and  learn 
how  afYairs  had  progressed  at  the  capital. 

Pio  Pico  had  entered  upon  the  duties  of  the 
governorship  with  a  desire  to  bring  peace  and 
liarmony  to  the  distracted  country.  He  appointed 
Juan  r)andini,  one  of  the  ablest  statesmen  of  the 
south,  his  secretary,  .\fter  Bandini  resigned  he 
chose  J.  M.  Covarrubias,  and  later  Jose  M.  Mo- 
reno filled  the  office. 

The  principal  offices  of  the  territory  had  been 
divided  equally  between  the  politician.?  of  the 
north  and  the  south,  ^^'h!le  Los  Angeles  be- 
came the  capital,  and  the  departmental  assembly 
met  there,  the  military  headquarters,  the  ar- 
chives and  the  treasury  remained  at  Monterey. 
But  notwithstanding  this  division  of  the  spoils 
of  office,  the  old  feud  between  the  arribanos  and 
the  abajenos  would  uot  down,  and  soon  the  old- 
time  quarrel  was  on  with  all  its  bitterness.  Cas- 
tro, as  military  comandante,  ignored  the  gov- 
ernor, and  Alvarado  was  regarded  by  the  sureiios 
as  an  emissary  of  Castro's.  The  departmental 
assembly  met  at  Los  Angeles  in  IXIarch,  1846. 
I'ico  presided,  and  in  his  opening  message  set 
forth  the  unfortimate  condition  of  affairs  in  the 
department.  Education  was  neglected ;  justice 
was  not  administered  :  the  missions  were  so  bur- 
dened by  debt  that  but  few  of  them  could  be 
rented  ;  the  army  was  disorganized  and  the  treas- 
ury empty. 

Not  even  the  danger  of  war  with  the  .\nicri- 
cans  could  make  the  warring  factions  forget 
their  fratricidal  strife.  Castro's  proclamation 
against  Fremont  was  construed  by  the  surenos 
into  a  scheme  to  inveigle  the  governor  to  the 
north  so  that  the  comandante-general  could  de- 
pose him  and  seize  the  office  lor  himself.  Cas- 
tro's preparations  to  resist  by  force  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  .Americans  were  believed,  bv  Pico 
and  the  Angelenians.  to  be  the  fitting  out  of  an 
army  to  attack  Los  .Angeles  and  overthrow  the 

Trail's  irislory  of  Jose. 



On  the  ibth  of  June,  Pico  left  Los  .Angeles  for 
Monterey  with  a  mihtary  force  of  a  hundred 
men.  The  object  of  the  expedition  was  to  op- 
pose, and,  if  possible,  to  depose  Castro.  He  left 
the  capital  under  the  care  of  the  ayuntamiento. 
On  the  20th  of  June,  Alcalde  Gallardo  reported  to 
the  ayuntamiento  that  he  had  positive  informa- 
tion "that  Don  Castro  had  left  Monterey  and 
would  arrive  here  in  tijree  days  with  a  military 
force  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  the  city." 
(Castro  had  left  Monterey  with  a  force  of  70 
men,  but  he  had  gone  north  to  San  Jose.)  The 
sub-prefect,  Don  Abel  Stearns,  was  authorized 
to  enlist  troops  to  preserve  order.  On  the  23d 
of  June,  three  companies  were  organized — an  ar- 
tillery company  under  ]\Iiguel  Pryor,  a  company 
of  riflemen  under  Benito  Wilson,  and  a  cavalry 
company  under  Gorge  Palomares.  Pico  called 
for  re-inforcements,  but  just  as  he  was  preparing 
to  march  against  Monterey  the  news  reached 
him  of  the  capture  of  Sonoma  by  the  Americans, 
and  next  day,  June  24,  the  news  reached  Los  An- 
geles just  as  the  cou.ncil  had  decided  on  a  plan  of 
defense  against  Castro,  who  was  500  miles  away. 
Pico,  on  the  impulse  of  the  moment,  issued  a 
proclamation,  in  which  he  arraigned  the  United 
States  for  perfidy  and  treachery,  and  the  gang 
of  "North  American  adventurers,"  who  had  cap- 
tured Sonoma  "with  the  blackest  treason  the 
spirit  of  evil  can  invent."  His  arraignment  of  the 
"North  American  Nation"  was  so  severe  that 
some  of  his  American  friends  in  Los  Angeles 
took  umbrage  at  his  pronunciamento.  He  after- 
wards tried  to  recall  it,  but  it  was  too  late ;  it  had 
been  published. 

Castro,  finding  the  "foreign  adventurers"  too 
numerous  and  too  aggressive  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  territory,  determined,  with  what  men 
lie  could  induce  to  go  with  him,  to  retreat  to  the 
south  ;  but  before  so  doing  he  sent  a  mediator 
to  Pico  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace  and  amity 
between  the  factions.  On  the  12th  of  July  the  two 
armies  met  at  Santa  Margarita,  near  San  Luis 
Obispo.  Castro  brought  the  news  that  Commo- 
dore Sloat  had  hoisted  the  United  States  flag 
at  Monterey  and  taken  possession  of  the  country 
for  his  government.  The  meeting  of  the  gov- 
ernor and  the  comandante-general  was  not  very 
cordial,  but  in  the  presence  of  the  impending 
danger  to  the  territory  they  concealed  their  mu- 
tual dislike  and  decided  to  do  their  best  to  defend 
the  country  they  both  loved. 

Sorrowfully  they  began  their  retreat  to  the 
capital;  but  even  threatened  disaster  to  their 
common  country  could  not  wholly  unite  the 
north  and  the  south.  The  respective  armies — 
Castro's  numbering  about  150  men  and  Pico's 
^20 — kept  about  a  day's  march  apart.  Thev 
ronchod  T.ns  Angeles,  ;ind  prc]iarntions  were  be- 

gun to  resist  the  invasion  of  the  Americans. 
Pico  issued  ?.  proclamation  ordering  all  able- 
bodied  men  between  15  and  60  years  of  age,  na- 
tive and  naturalized,  to  take  up  arms  to  defend 
the  country ;  any  able-bodied  Mexican  refusing 
was  to  be  treated  as  a  traitor.  There  was  no 
enthusiasm  for  the  cause.  The  old  factional 
jealousy  and  distrust  was  as  potent  as  ever.  The 
militia  of  the  south  would  obey  none  but  their 
own  officers ;  Castro's  troops,  who  considered 
themselves  regulars,  ridiculed  the  raw  recruits  of 
the  surenos,  while  the  naturalized  foreigners  of 
American  extraction  secretly  sympathized  with 
their  own  people. 

Pico,  to  counteract  the  malign  influence  of  his 
Santa  Barbara  proclamation  and  enlist  the  sym- 
pathy and  more  ready  adhesion  of  the  foreign 
element  of  Los  Angeles,  issued  the  following 
circular:  (This  circular  or  proclamation  has 
never  before,  found  its  way  into  print.  I  find  no 
allusion  to  it  in  Bancroft's  or  Hittell's  Histories. 
A  copy,  probably  the  only  one  in  existence,  was 
donated  some  years  since  to  the  Historical  So- 
ciety of  Soutliorn  California.  I  am  indebted  to 
Prof.  Carlos  Bransby  for  a  most  excellent  trans- 

Gobierno  del  Dep. 
de  Californias. 

"Circular. — As  owing  to  the  unfortunate 
condition  of  things  that  now  prevail  in  this  de- 
partment in  consequence  of  the  war  into  which 
the  United  States  has  provoked  the  Mexican 
Nation,  some  ill  feeling  might  spring  up  between 
the  citizens  of  the  two  countries  out  of  which 
unfortunate  occurrences  might  gi'ow,  and  as  this 
government  desires  to  remove  every  cause  of 
friction,  it  has  seen  fit,  in  tlic  use  of  its  power,  to 
issue  the  present  circular. 

"The  Government  of  the  department  of  Cali- 
fornia declares  in  the  most  solenni  manner  that 
all  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  that  have 
come  lawfully  into  its  territory,  relying  upon  the 
honest  administration  of  the  laws  and  the  ob- 
servance of  the  prevailing  treaties,  shall  not  be 
molested  in  the  least,  and  their  lives  and  prop- 
erty shall  remain  in  perfect  safety  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Mexican  laws  and  authorities  le- 
gally constituted. 

"Therefore,  in  the  name  of  the  Supreme  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Nation,  and  by  virtue  of  the  au- 
thority vested  upon  me,  I  enjoin  upon  all  the 
inhabitants  of  California  to  observe  towards  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  that  have  lawfully 
conic  among  us,  the   kindest   and  most  cordial 


conduct,  and  to  abstain  from  all  acts  of  violence 
against  their  persons  or  property ;  provided  they 
remain  neutral,  as  heretofore,  and  take  no  part 
in  the  invasion  effected  by  the  armies  of  their 

"The  authorities  of  the  various  municipalities 
and  corporations  will  be  held  strictly  responsible 
for  the  faithful  fulfillment  of  this  order,  and  shall, 
as  soon  as  possible,  take  the  necessary  measures 
to  bring  it  to  the  knowledge  of  the  people.  God 
and  Libert  v.    Angeles,  July  27,  1846. 

"Pio  Pico. 
"Jose  Matias  Mareno, 

"Secrelary  pro  teiii." 

When  we  consider  the  conditions  existing  in 
California  at  the  time  this  circular  was  issued,  its 
sentiments  reflect  great  credit  on  Pico  for  his  hu- 
manity and  forbearance.  A  little  over  a  month 
before,  a  mob  of  Americans,  many  of  them  in  the 
country  contrary  to  its  laws,  had  without  cause 
or  provocation  seized  Gen.  \^allejo  and  several 
other  prominent  Californians  in  their  homes  and 
incarcerated  them  in  prison  at  Sutter's  Fort. 
Nor  was  this  outrage  mitigated  when  the  stars 
and  stripes  were  raised.  The  perpetrators  of  the 
outrage  were  not  punished.  These  native  Cali- 
fornians were  kept  in  prison  nearly  two  months 
without  any  charge  against  them.  Besides,  Gov- 
ernor Pico  and  the  leading  Californians  very  well 
knew  that  the  Americans  whose  lives  and  prop- 
erty tliis  proclamation  was  designed  to  protect 
would  not  remain  neutral  when  their  country- 
men invaded  the  territory.  Pio  Pico  deserved 
better  treatment  from  the  Americans  than  he  re- 
ceived. He  was  robbed  of  his  landed  posses- 
sions by  unscrupulous  land  sharks,  and  his  char- 
acter defamed  by  irresponsible  historical  scrib- 

Pico  made  strenuous  efiforts  to  raise  men  and 
means  to  resist  tlie  threatened  invasion.  He  had 
mortgaged  the  government  house  to  de  Cells  for 
$2,000,  the  mortgage  to  be  paid  "as  soon  as  or- 
der shall  be  established  in  the  department."  This 
loan  was  really  negotiated  to  fit  out  the  ex- 
pedition against  Castro,  but  a  part  of  it  was 
expended  after  his  return  to  Los  Angeles  in  pro- 
curing supplies  while  preparing  to  meet  the 
American  army.  The  government  had  but  little 
credit.  The  moneyed  men  of  the  pueblo  were 
averse  to  putting  money  into  what  was  almost 
sure  to  prove  a  lost  cause.  The  bickerings  and 
jealousies  between  the  factions  neutralized  to  a 
considerable  degree  the  efforts  of  Pico  and  Cas- 
tro to  mobilize  the  army. 

Castro  established  his  camp  on  the  mesa 
across  the  river,  near  where  Mrs.  Hollenbeck's 
residence  now  is.  Here  he  and  .\ndres  Pico  un- 
dertook to  drill  the  somewhat  incongruous  col- 

lection of  hombres  in  military  maneuvering. 
Their  entire  force  at  no  time  exceeded  300  men. 
These  were  poorly  armed  and  lacking  in  dis- 

*  *  *  * 

We  left  Stockton  at  Monterey  preparing  an 
expedition  against  Castro  at  Los  Angeles.  C^n 
taking  command  of  the  Pacific  squadron  July  29, 
he  issued  a  proclamatiorik  It  was  as  bombastic 
as  the  pronunciamento  of  a  Mexican  governor. 
Bancroft  says  :  "The  paper  was  made  up  of  false- 
hood, of  irrelevant  issues  and  bombastic  ranting 
in  about  equal  parts,  the  tone  being  offensive  and 
impolitic  even  in  those  inconsiderable  portions 
which  were  true  and  legitimate."  His  only  ob- 
ject in  taking  possession  of  the  country  was  "to 
save  from  destruction  the  lives  and  property  of 
the  foreign  residents  and  citizens  of  the  territory 
who  had  invoked  his  protection."  In  view  of 
Pico's  humane  circular  and  the  imiform  kind 
treatment  that  the  Californians  accorded  the 
American  residents,  there  was  very  little  need  of 
Stockton's  interference  on  that  score. 

Commodore  Sloat  did  not  approve  of  Stock- 
ton's proclamation  or  his  policy. 

On  the  6th  of  August  Stockton  reached  San 
Pedro  and  landed  360  sailors  and  marines.  These 
were  drilled  in  military  movements  on  land  and 
prepared  for  the  march  to  Los  Angeles. 

Castro  sent  two  commissioners — Pablo  de  La 
Guerra  and  Jose  M.  Flores — to  Stockton,  asking 
for  a  conference  and  a  cessation  of  hostilities 
while  negotiations  were  pending.  They  asked 
that  the  United  States  forces  remain  at  San 
Pedro  while  the  terms  of  the  treaty  were  under 
discussion.  These  requests  Commodore  Stock- 
ton peremptorily  refused  and  the  commissioners 
returned  to  Los  Angeles  without  stating  the 
terms  on  which  they  proposed  to  treat. 

In  several  so-called  histories,  I  find  a  very  dra- 
matic account  of  this  intervievv.  "On  the  arrival 
of  the  commissioners  they  were  marched  up  to 
the  mouth  of  an  immense  mortar  shrouded  in 
skins  save  its  huge  aperture.  Their  terror  and 
discomfiture  were  plainly  discernible.  Stockton 
received  them  with  a  stern  and  forbidding  coun- 
tenance, harshly  demanding  their  mission,  which 
they  disclosed  in  great  confusion.  They  bore  a 
letter  from  Castro  proposing  a  truce,  each  party 
to  hold  its  own  possessions  until  a  general  pacifi- 
cation could  be  had.  This  proposal  Stockton 
rejected  with  contempt,  and  dismissed  the  com- 
missioners with  the  assurance  that  only  an  imme- 
diate disbandment  of  his  forces  and  an  uncon- 
ditional surrender  would  shield  Castro  from  the 
vengeance  of  an  incensed  foe.  The  messengers 
remounted  their  horses  in  dismay  and  fled  back 
to  Castro."  The  mortar  story,  it  is  needless  to 
s.'iv.  is  a  nure  fabrication,  vet  it  nuis  through  a 



number  of  so-called  histories  of  California.  Cas- 
tro, on  the  gth  of  August,  held  a  council  of  war 
with  his  ofificers  at  the  Campo  en  La  Mesa.  He 
announced  his  intention  of  leaving  the  country 
for  the  purpose  of  reporting  to  the  supreme  gov- 
ernment, and  of  returning  at  some  future  day  to 
punish  the  usurpers.  He  wrote  to  Pico :  "I  can 
count  on  only  loo  men,  badly  armed,  worse  sup- 
plied and  discontented  by  reason  of  the  miseries 
they  suffer  ;  so  that  I  have  reason  to  fear  that  not 
even  these  few  men  will  fight  when  the  necessity 
arises."  And  this  is  the  force  that  some  imag- 
inative historians  estimate  at  800  to  1,000  men. 

Pico  and  Castro  left  Los  Angeles  on  the  night 
of  August  10  for  Mexico ;  Castro  going  by  the 
Colorado  river  route  to  Sonora,  and  Pico,  after 
being  concealed  for  a  time  by  his  brother-in-law, 
Juan  Froster,  at  the  Santa  Margarita  and  nar- 
rowly escaping  capture  by  Fremont's  men,  final- 
ly reached  Lower  California  and  later  on  crossed 
the  gulf  to  Sonora. 

Stockton  began  his  march  on  Los  Angeles, 
August  II.  He  took  with  him  a  battery  of  four 
guns.  The  guns  were  mounted  on  carretas,  and 
each  gun  drawn  by  four  oxen.  He  had  with  him 
a  good  brass  band. 

Major  Fremont,  who  had  been  sent  to  San 
Diego  with  his  battalion  of  160  men,  had,  after 
considerable  skirmishing  among  the  ranchos, 
secured  enough  horses  to  move,  and  on  the  8th 
of  August  had  begun  his  march  to  join  Stockton. 
He  took  with  him  120  men,  leaving  about  40  to 
garrison  San  Diego. 

Stockton  consumed  three  days  on  the  march. 
Fremont's  troops  joined  him  just  south  of  the 
city,  and  at  4  P.  M.  of  the  13th  the  combined 
force,  numbering  nearly  500  men,  entered  the 
town  without  opposition,  "our  entry,"  says  Ma- 
jor Fremont,  "having  more  the  effect  of  a  parade 
of  home  guards  than  of  an  enemy  taking  posses- 
sion of  a  conquered  town."  Stockton  reported 
finding  at  Castro's  abandoned  camp  ten  pieces 
of  artillery,  four  of  them  spiked.  Fremont  says 
he  (Castro)  "had  buried  part  of  his  guns."  Cas- 
tro's troops  that  he  had  brought  down  with  him 
took  their  departure  for  their  northern  homes 
soon  after  their  general  left,  breaking  up  into 
small  squads  as  they  advanced.  The  southern 
troops  that  Pico  had  recruited  dispersed  to  their 
homes  before  the  arrival  of  the  Americans. 
Squads  of  Fremont's  battalion  were  sent  out  to 
,  scour  the  country  and  bring  in  any  of  the  Cali- 
fornian  officers  or  leading  men  whom  they  could 

find.  These,  when  found,  were  paroled.  The 
.'American  troops  encamped  on  the  flat  near 
where  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  now 
crosses  the  river. 

Another  of  those  historical  myths  like  the 
mortar  story  named  above,  which  is  palmed  off 
on  credulous  readers  as  genuine  history,  runs  as 
follows :  "Stockton,  while  en  route  from  San 
Pedro  to  Los  Angeles,  was  informed  by  a  cou- 
rier from  Castro  'that  if  he  marched  upon  the 
town  he  would  find  it  the  grave  of  himself  and 
men.'  'Then,'  answered  the  commodore,  'tell 
the  general  to  have  the  bells  ready  to  toll  at 
eight  o'clock,  as  I  shall  be  there  by  that  time.'  " 
.As  Castro  left  Los  Angeles  the  day  before  Stock- 
ton began  his  march  from  San  Pedro,  and  when 
the  commodore  entered  the  city  the  Alexican 
general  was  probably  200  miles  away,  the  bell 
tolling  myth  goes  to  join  its  kindred  myths  in 
the  category  of  history,  as  it  should  not  be  writ- 

On  the  17th  of  August,  Stockton  issued  a  sec- 
ond proclamation,  in  which  he  signs  himself 
commander-in-chief  and  governor  of  the  terri- 
tory of  California.  It  was  milder  in  tone  and 
more  dignified  than  his  first.  He  informed  the 
people  that  their  country  now  belonged  to  the 
United  States.  For  the  present  it  would  be  gov- 
erned by  martial  law.  They  were  invited  to  elect 
their  local  officers  if  those  now  in  office  refused 
to  serve. 

Four  days  after  the  capture  of  Los  Angeles 
the  '■^^''arren,"  Capt.  Hull  commander,  anchored 
at  San  Pedro.  She  brought  official  notice  of  the 
declaration  of  war  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico.  Then  for  the  first  time  Stockton 
learned  that  there  had  been  an  official  declara- 
tion of  war  between  the  two  countries.  LTnited 
States  officers  had  waged  war  and  taken  posses- 
sion of  California  upon  the  strength  of  a  rumor 
that  hostilities  existed  between  the  countries. 

The  conquest,  if  conquest  it  can  be  called,  was 
accomplished  without  the  loss  of  a  life,  if  we  ex- 
cept the  two  Americans,  Fowler  and  Cowie,  of 
the  Bear  Flag  party,  who  were  brutally  mur- 
dered by  a  band  of  Californians  under  Padillo, 
and  the  equally  brutal  shooting  of  Reryessa  and 
the  two  de  Haro  boys  by  the  Americans  at  San 
Rafael.  These  three  men  were  shot  as  spies,  but 
there  was  no  proof  that  they  were  such,  and  they 
were  not  tried.  These  murders  occurred  before 
Commodore  Sloat  raised  the  stars  and  stripes  at 




WITH  California  in  his  possession  and  the 
official  information  that  war  had  been 
declared  by  the  United  States  against 
Mexico.  Stockton  set  about  organizing  a  govern- 
ment for  the  conquered  territory.  Fremont  was 
to  be  appointed  military  governor.  Detachments 
from  his  battalion  were  to  be  detailed  to  garri- 
son towns,  while  Stockton,  with  what  recruits  he 
could  gather  in  California  and  his  sailors  and  ma- 
rines, was  to  undertake  a  naval  expedition 
against  the  west  coast  of  Mexico,  land  his  forces 
at  Mazatlan  or  Acapulco  and  march  overland 
to  "shake  hands  with  General  Taylor  at  the  gates 
of  Mexico."  Regarding  the  conquest  of  Cali- 
fornia as  complete,  Commodore  Stockton  ap- 
pointed Capt.  Gillespie  military  commandant  of 
the  southern  department,  with  headquarters  at 
Los  Angeles,  and  assigned  him  a  garrison  of 
fifty  men.  He  left  Los  Angeles  for  the  north, 
September  2.  Fremont,  with  the  remainder  of 
his  battalion,  took  up  his  line  of  march  for  Mon- 
terey a  few  days  later.  Gillespie's  orders  were  to 
place  the  city  under  martial  law,  but  to  remove 
the  more  burdensome  restrictions  to  quiet  and 
well-disposed  citizens  at  his  discretion,  and  a 
conciliatory  policy  in  accordance  with  instruc- 
tions of  the  secretary  of  the  navy  was  to  be 
adopted  and  the  people  were  to  be  encouraged 
to  "neutrality,  self-government  and  friendship." 
Nearly  all  historians  who  have  written  upon 
this  subject  lay  the  blame  for  the  subsequent 
uprising  of  the  Califomians  and  their  revolt 
against  the  rule  of  the  military  commandant, 
Gillespie,  to  his  petty  tyrannies.  Col.  J.  J.  War- 
ner, in  his  Historical  Sketch  of  Los  Angeles 
County,  says  :  "Gillespie  attempted  by  a  coercive 
system  to  effect  a  moral  and  social  change  in  the 
habits,  diversions  and  pastimes  of  the  people  and 
to  reduce  them  to  his  standard  of  propriety." 
Warner  was  not  an  impartial  judge.  He  had  a 
grievance  against  Gillespie  which  embittered 
him  against  the  captain.  Gillespie  may  have 
been  lacking  in  tact,  and  his  schooling  in  the 
navy  under  the  tyrannical  regime  of  the  quarter- 
deck of  fifty  years  ago  was  not  the  best  train- 
ing to  fit  him  for  governing  a  people  unused  to 
strict  government,  but  it  is  hardly  probable  that 
in  two  weeks'  lime  he  could  enforce  any  "coerc- 
ive system"  looking  toward  an  entire  change  in 
the  moral  and  social  h.ubits  of  the  iicojjle.     Los 

Angeles,  as  we  have  learned  in  a  previous  chap- 
ter, was  a  hotbed  of  revolutions.  It  had  a 
turbulent  and  restless  element  among  its  inhabit- 
ants that  was  never  happier  than  when  foment- 
ing strife  and  conspiring  to  overthrow  those  in 
power.  Of  this  class  Colton,  writing  in  1846, 
says:  "They  drift  about  like  Arabs.  If  the  tide 
of  fortune  turns  against  them  they  disband  and 
scatter  to  the  four  winds.  They  never  become 
martyrs  to  any  cause.  They  are  too  numerous 
to  be  brought  to  punishment  by  any  of  their 
governors  and  thus  escape  justice."  There  was  a 
conservative  class  in  the  territory  made  up  prin- 
cipally of  the  large  landed  proprietors,  both  na- 
tive and  foreign-born,  but  these  exerted  small  in- 
fluence in  controlling  the  turbulent.  ^Vhile  Los 
Angeles  had  a  monopoly  of  this  turbulent  and 
revolutionary  element  other  settlements  in  the 
territory  furnished  their  full  quota  of  that  class 
of  political  knights  errant,  whose  chief  pastime 
was  revolution,  and  whose  capital  consisted  of  a 
gaily  caparisoned  steed,  a  riata,  a  lance,  a  dag- 
ger and  possibly  a  pair  of  horse  pistols.  These 
were  the  fellows  whose  "habits,  diversions  and 
pastimes"  Gillespie  undertook  to  reduce  "to  his 
standard  of  propriety." 

That  Commodore  Stockton  should  have  left 
Gillespie  so  small  a  garrison  to  hold  the  city  and 
surrounding  country  in  subjection  shows  that 
cither  he  was  ignorant  of  the  character  of  the 
people,  or  that  he  placed  too  great  reliance  in 
the  completeness  of  their  subjection.  With 
Castro's  men  in  the  city  or  dispersed  among  the 
neighboring  ranchos,  many  of  them  still  retain- 
ing their  arms  and  all  of  them  ready  t(i  rally  at  a 
moment's  notice  to  the  call  of  their  leaders;  with 
no  reinforcements  nearer  than  five  hundred  miles 
to  come  to  the  aid  of  Gillespie  in  case  of  an  up- 
rising, it  was  foolhardiness  in  Stockton  to  en- 
trust the  holding  of  the  most  important  ]ilaco 
in  California  to  a  mere  handful  of  men,  half  dis- 
ciplined and  poorly  equipped,  without  fortifica- 
tions for  defense  or  supplies  to  hold  out  in  case 
of  a  siege. 

Scarcely  had  Stockton  and  Fremont,  with  their 
men.  left  the  city  before  trouble  began.  The 
turbulent  element  of  the  city  fomented  strife  and 
seized  every  occasion  to  annoy  and  harass  the 
militar\-  cnmmandanl  and   his  men.     While  his 


abis  uulhing  more  than  the  enforcement  of  mar- 
tial law,  may  have  been  somewhat  provocative, 
the  real  cause  was  more  deep-seated.  The  Cali- 
fornians,  without  provocation  on  their  part  and 
without  really  knowing  the  cause  why,  found 
their  country  invaded,  their  property  taken  from 
them  and  their  government  in  the  hands  of  an 
alien  race,  foreign  to  them  in  customs  and  re- 
ligion. They  would  have  been  a  tame  and  spirit- 
less people,  indeed,  had  they  neglected  the  op- 
portunity that  Stockton's  blundering  gave  them 
to  regain  their  liberties.  They  did  not  waste 
much  time.  Within  two  weeks  from  the  time 
Stockton  sailed  from  San  Pedro  hostilities  had 
begun  and  the  city  was  in  a  state  of  siege. 

Gillespie,  writing  in  the  Sacramento  States- 
man in  1858,  thus  describes  the  first  attack :  "On 
the  22d  of  September,  at  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  a  party  of  sixty-five  Californians  and 
Sonorenos  made  an  attack  upon  my  small  com- 
mand cjuartered  in  the  government  house.  We 
were  not  wholly  surprised,  and  with  twenty-one 
rifles  we  beat  them  back  without  loss  to  our- 
selves,, killing  and  wounding  three  of  their  num- 
ber. When  daylight  came  Lieut.  Hensley,  with 
a  few  men,  took  several  prisoners  and  drove  the 
Californians  from  the  town.  This  party  was 
merely  the  nucleus  of  a  revolution  commenced 
and  known  to  Colonel  Fremont  before  he  left 
Los  Angeles.  In  twenty-four  hours  600  well- 
mounted  horsemen,  and  armed  with  escopetas 
(shotguns),  lances  and  one  fine  brass  piece 
of  light  artillery,  surrounded  Los  Angeles  and 
summoned  me  to  surrender.  There  were  three  old 
honeycombed  iron  guns  (spiked)  in  the  corral  of 
my  quarters,  which  we  at  once  cleared  and 
mounted  upon  the  axles  of  carts." 

Serbulo  Varela,  a  young  man  of  some  ability, 
but  of  a  turbulent  and  reckless  character,  had 
been  the  leader  at  first,  but  as  the  uprising  as- 
sumed the  character  of  a  revolution,  Castro's  old 
officers  came  to  the  front.  Capt.  Jose  iMaria 
Flores  was  chosen  as  comandante-general ;  Jose 
Antonio  Carrillo,  major-general ;  and  Andres 
Pico,  comandante  de  escuadron.  The  main  camp 
of  the  insurgents  was  located  on  the  mesa,  east 
of  the  river,  at  a  place  called  Paredon  Blanco 
(White  Bluf¥),  near  the  present  residence  of  Mrs. 

On  the  24th  of  September,  from  the  camp  at 
White  Blulif,  was  issued  the  famous  Pronuncia- 
miento  de  Barelas  y  otros  Californios  contra  Los 
Americanos  (The  Proclamation  of  Barelas  and 
other  Californians  against  the  Americans).  It 
was  signed  by  Serbulo  Varela  (spelled  Barelas), 
Leonardo  Cota  and  over  three  hundred  others. 
-Mthough  this  proclamation  is  generally  credited 
to  Flores,  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  he 
had  anything  to  do  with  framing  it.    He  promul- 

gated it  over  his  signature  October  i .  It  is  prob- 
able that  it  was  written  by  Varela  and  Cota.  It 
has  been  the  custom  of  American  writers  to 
sneer  at  this  production  as  florid  and  bombastic. 
In  fiery  invective  and  fierce  denunciation  it  is  the 
equal  of  Patrick  Henry's  famous  "Give  me  lib- 
erty or  give  me  death !"  Its  recital  of  wrongs  is 
brief,  but  to  the  point :  "And  shall  we  be  capable 
of  permitting  ourselves  to  be  subjugated  and  to 
accept  in  silence  the  heavy  chains  of  slavery? 
Shall  we  lose  the  soil  inherited  from  our  fathers, 
which  cost  them  so  much  blood?  Shall  we  leave 
our  families  victims  of  the  most  barbarous  servi- 
tude ?  Shall  we  wait  to  see  our  wives  outraged, 
our  innocent  children  beaten  by  American  whips, 
our  property  sacked,  our  temples  profaned — to 
drag  out  a  life  full  of  shame  and  disgrace?  No! 
a  thousand  times  no !  Compatriots,  death  rather 
than  that !  Who  of  you  does  not  feel  his  heart 
beat  and  his  blood  boil  on  contemplating  our  sit- 
uation ?  Who  will  be  the  Mexican  that  will  not 
be  indignant  and  rise  in  arms  to  destroy  our 
oppressors?  We  believe  there  will  be  not  one 
so  vile  and  cowardly !" 

Gillespie  had  left  the  government  house  (lo- 
cated on  what  is  now  the  site  of  the  St.  Charles 
Hotel)  and  taken  a  position  on  Fort  Hill,  where 
he  had  erected  a  temporary  barricade  of  sacks 
filled  with  earth  and  had  mounted  his  cannon 
there.  The  Americans  had  been  summoned  to 
surrender,  but  had  refused.  They  were  besieged 
by  the  Californians.  There  was  but  little  firing 
between  the  combatants — an  occasional  sortie 
and  a  volley  of  rifle  balls  by  the  Americans  when 
the  Californians  approached  too  near.  The  Cali- 
fornians were  well  mounted,  but  poorly  armed, 
their  weapons  being  principally  muskets,  shot- 
guns, pistols,  lances  and  riatas ;  while  the  Amer- 
icans were  armed  with  long  range  rifles,  of  which 
the  Californians  had  a  wholesome  dread.  The 
fear  of  these  arms  and  his  cannon  doubtless 
saved  Gillespie  and  his  men  from  capture. 

On  the  24th  Gillespie  dispatched  a  messenger 
to  find  Stockton  at  Monterey,  or  at  San  Fran- 
cisco if  he  had  left  Monterey,  and  apprise  him  of 
the  perilous  situation  of  the  Americans  at  Los 
Angeles.  Gillespie's  dispatch  bearer,  John 
Brown,  better  known  by  his  Californian  nick- 
name, Juan  Flaco  or  Lean  John,  made  one  of 
the  most  wonderful  rides  in  history.  Gillespie 
furnished  Juan  Flaco  with  a  package  of  cigar- 
ettes, tlie  paper  of  each  bearing  the  inscription, 
"Believe  the  bearer;"  these  were  stamped  with 
Gillespie's  seal.  Brown  started  from  Los  An- 
geles at  8  P.  M.,  September  24,  and  claimed  to 
iiave  reached  Yerba  Buena  at  8  P.  M.  of  the 
28th,  a  ride  of  630  miles  in  four  days.  This  is 
incorrect.  Colton,  who  was  alcalde  of  Monterey 
at  that  time,  notes  Brown's  arrival  at  that  place 



on  the  evening  of  the  29th.  Colton,  in  his 
"Three  Years  in  California,"  says  that  Brown 
rode  the  whole  distance  (Los  Angeles  to  Mon- 
terey) of  460  miles  in  fifty-two  hours,  during 
which  time  he  had  not  slept.  His  intelligence 
was  for  Commodore  Stockton,  and,  in  the  nature 
of  the  case,  was  not  committed  to  paper,  except  a 
few  words  rolled  in  a  cigar  fastened  in  his  hair. 
But  the  Commodore  had  sailed  for  San  Fran- 
cisco, and  it  was  necessary  he  should  go  140 
miles  further.  He  was  quite  exhausted  and  was 
allowed  to  sleep  three  hours.  Before  day  he  was 
up  and  away  on  his  journey.  Gillespie,  in  a  letter 
puhlished  in  the  Los  Angeles  Star,  May  28,  1858, 
describing  Juan  Flaco's  ride,  says :  "Before  sun- 
rise of  the  29th  he  was  lying  in  the  bushes  at 
San  Francisco,  in  front  of  the  Congress  frigate, 
waiting  for  the  early  market  boat  to  come  on 
shore,  and  he  delivered  my  dispatches  to  Com- 
modore Stockton  before  7  o'clock." 

In  trying  to  steal  through  the  picket  line  of  the 
Mexicans  at  Los  Angeles  he  was  discovered  and 
pursued  by  a  squad  of  them.  A  hot  race  ensued. 
Finding  the  enemy  gaining  on  him  he  forced  his 
horse  to  leap  a  wide  ravine.  A  shot  from  one  of 
his  pursuers  mortally  wounded  his  horse,  which 
after  running  a  short  distance  fell  dead.  Flaco, 
carrying  his  spurs  and  riata,  made  his  way  on 
foot  in  the  darkness  to  Los  Virgines,  a  distance 
of  twenty-seven  miles.  Here  he  secured  another 
mount  and  again  set  off  on  his  perilous  journey. 
The  trail  over  which  Flaco  held  his  way  was  not 
like  "the  road  from  Winchester  town,  a  good, 
broad  highway  leading  down,"  but  instead  a 
camino  de  heradura — a  bridle  path — now  wind- 
ing up  through  rocky  canons,  skirting  along  the 
edge  of  precipitous  cliffs,  then  zigzagging  down 
chaparral-covered  mountains ;  now  over  the 
sands  of  the  sea  beach  and  again  across  long 
stretches  of  brown  mesa,  winding  through  nar- 
row valleys  and  out  onto  the  rolling  hills — a 
trail  as  nature  made  it  unchanged  by  the  hand  of 
man.  Such  was  the  highway  over  which  Flaco's 
steeds  "stretched  away  with  utmost  speed."  Har- 
assed and  pursued  by  the  enemy,  facing  death 
night  and  day,  with  scarcely  a  stop  or  a  stay  to 
eat  or  sleep,  juan  Flaco  rode  600  miles. 

"Of  all  the  rides  since  the  birth  of  time, 
Told  in  story  or  sung  in  rhyme. 
The  fleetest  ride  that  ever  was  sped," 
was  Juan  Flaco's  ride  from  Los  Angeles  to  San 
Francisco.     Longfellow    has    immortalized    the 
"Ride  of  Paul  Revere,"  Robert  Browning  tells 
in  stirring  verse  of  the  riders  who  brought  the 
good  news  froiu  Ghent  to  Aix,  and  Buchanan 
Read  thrills  us  with  the  heroic  measures  of  Sher- 
idan's Ride.    No  poet  has  sung  of  Juan  Flaco's 
wonderful  ride,  fleeter,  longer  and  more  perilous 

than  any  of  these.  Flaco  rode  600  miles  through 
the  enemy's  country,  to  bring  aid  to  a  besieged 
garrison,  while  Revere  and  Jorris  and  Sheridan 
were  in  the  country  of  friends  or  protected  by  an 
army  from  enemies. 

Gillespie's  situation  was  growing  more  and 
more  desperate  each  day.  B.  D.  Wilson,  who 
with  a  company  of  riflemen  had  been  on  an  ex- 
pedition against  the  Indians,  had  been  ordered 
by  Gillespie  to  join  him.  They  reached  the  Chino 
ranch,  where  a  fight  took  place  between  them 
and  the  Californians.  Wilson's  men  being  out 
of  ammunition  were  compelled  to  surrender.  In 
the  charge  upon  the  adobe,  where  Wilson  and 
his  men  had  taken  refuge,  Carlos  Ballestaros  had 
been  killed  and  several  Californians  w'ounded. 
This  and  Gillespie's  stubborn  resistance  had  em- 
bittered the  Californians  against  him  and  his 
men.  The  Chino  prisoners  had  been  saved  from 
massacre  after  their  surrender  by  the  firmness 
and  bravery  of  Varela.  If  Gillespie  continued  to 
hold  the  town  his  obstinacy  might  bring  down 
the  vengeance  of  the  Californians  not  only  upon 
him  and  his  men,  but  upon  many  of  the  Amer- 
ican residents  of  the  south,  who  had  favored 
their  countrymen. 

Finally  Flores  issued  his  ultimatum  to  the 
xA.mericans — surrender  within  twenty-four  hours 
or  take  the  consequence  of  an  onslaught  by  the 
Californians,  which  might  result  in  the  massacre 
of  the  entire  garrison.  In  the  meantime  he  kept 
his  cavalry  deployed  on  the  hills,  completely  in- 
vesting the  Americans.  Despairing  of  assistance 
from  Stockton,  on  the  advice  of  Wilson,  who  had 
been  permitted  by  Flores  to  intercede  with  Gil- 
lespie, articles  of  capitulation  were  drawn  up  and 
signed  by  Gillespie  and  the  leaders  of  the  Cali- 
fornians. On  the  30th  of  September  the  Ameri- 
cans marched  out  of  the  city  with  all  the  honors 
of  war — drums  beating,  colors  flying  and  two 
pieces  of  artillery  mounted  on  carts  drawn  by 
oxen.  They  arrived  at  San  Pedro  without  mo- 
lestation, and  four  or  five  days  later  embarked  on 
the  merchant  ship  Yandalia,  which  remained  at 
anchor  in  the  bay.  Gillespie  in  his  march  was  ac- 
companied by  a  few  of  the  .A.merican  residents 
and  probably  a  dozen  of  the  Chino  prisoners, 
who  had  been  exchanged  for  the  same  number  of 
Californians,  whom  he  had  held  under  arrest 
most  likely  as  hostages. 

Gillespie  took  two  cannon  with  him  when  he 
evacuated  the  city  and  left  two  spiked  and 
broken  on  Fort  Hill.  There  seems  to  have  been 
a  proviso  in  the  articles  of  capitulation  requiring 
him  to  deliver  the  guns  to  Flores  on  reaching  the 
embarcadero.  If  there  was  such  a  stipulation 
Gillespie  violated  it.  He  spiked  the  guns,  broke 
off  the  trunnions  and  rolled  one  of  them  into  the 




OF  THE  notable  events  occurring  during 
the  conquest  of  California  there  are  few 
others  of  which  there  are  so  contradictory 
accounts  as  of  that  known  as  the  battle  of  Do- 
minguez  ranch.  Capt.  William  Mervine,  who 
commanded  the  American  forces  in  the  fight, 
made  no  official  report,  or  if  he  did  it  was  not 
published.  Historians,  in  their  accounts  of  the 
battle,  have  collected  their  data  from  hearsay  and 
not  from  written  reports  of  officers  engaged  in  it. 
In  regard  to  the  number  engaged  and  the  num- 
ber killed  and  wounded,  even  Bancroft,  usually 
the  most  reliable  of  California  historians,  has  no 
accurate  report.  The  number  engaged  on  the 
American  side  varies  with  different  authors  from 
250  to  400 ;  and  the  number  killed  from  four  to 
fifteen.  It  has  been  my  good  fortune,  through 
the  kindness  of  Dr.  J.  E.  Cowles  of  this  city,  to 
obtain  a  log  book  of  the  U.  S.  frigate  Savan- 
nah, kept  by  his  uncle,  Robert  C.  Duvall,  who 
was  an  officer  on  that  vessel.  Midshipman  and 
Acting  Lieut.  Duvall  had  command  of  a  company 
of  Colt's  Riflemen  in  the  battle.  After  his  return 
to  the  ship  he  wrote  a  full,  clear  and  accurate 
report  of  the  march,  battle  and  retreat.  I  tran- 
scribe the  greater  portion  of  his  account.  It  is 
imdoubtedly  the  best  report  of  that  affair  in  ex- 
istence. It  will  be  recollected,  as  stated  in  a  pre- 
vious chapter,  that  Lieut.  Gillespie  had  been  left 
l)y  Commodore  Stockton  with  a  force  of  fifty 
men  to  garrison  Los  Angeles.  An  insurrection, 
headed  by  Flores  and  Valera,  broke  out.  After 
a  siege  of  five  or  six  days  Gillespie  and  his  men 
evacuated  the  city  and  retreated  to  San  Pedro. 
Lieut.  Gillespie,  during  the  siege,  sent  a  messen- 
ger to  Stockton  at  San  Francisco  asking  for  rein- 
forcements. Juan  Flaco,  the  courier,  reached 
San  Francisco  after  a  ride  of  600  miles  iri  five 
days.  Commodore  Stockton  received  the  dis- 
patches, or  rather  the  message,  of  Gillespie's 
courier  on  the  30th  of  September.  Early  on  the 
morning  of  October  i  the  "Savannah,"  Capt. 
William  Mervine,  was  ordered  to  get  under  way 
for  San  Pedro  with  a  force  to  relieve  Capt.  Gil- 

"At  9:30  A.  M.,"  says  Lieut.  Duvall,  "we  com- 
menced working  out  of  the  harbor  of  San  Fran- 
cisco on  the  ebb  tide.  The  ship  anchored  at 
Saucelito,  where,  on  account  of  a  dense  fog,  it 
remained  until  the  4th,  when  it  put  to  sea.    On 

the  7th  the  ship  entered  the  harbor  of  San  Pe- 
dro. At  6:30  P.  M.,  as  we  were  standing  in  for 
anchorage,  we  made  out  the  American  merchant 
ship  Vandalia,  having  on  her  decks  a  body  of 
men.  On  passing  she  saluted  with  two  guns, 
which  was  repeated  with  three  cheers,  which  we 
returned.  *  *  *  Brevet  Capt.  Archibald 
Gillespie  came  on  board  and  reported  that  he 
had  evacuated  the  Pueblo  de  Los  Angeles  on  ac- 
count of  the  overpowering  force  of  the  enemy 
and  had  retired  with  his  men  on  board  the  "Van- 
dalia" after  having  spiked  his  guns,  one  of  which 
he  threw  into  the  water.  He  also  reported  that 
the  whole  of  California  below  the  pueblo  had 
risen  in  arms  against  our  authorities,  headed  by 
Flores,  a  Mexican  captain  on  furlough  in  this 
country,  who  had  but  a  few  days  ago  given  his 
parole  of  honor  not  to  take  up  arms  against  the 
United  States.  We  made  preparations  to  land  a 
force  to  march  to  the  pueblo  at  daylight. 

"October  8  (1846),  at  6  A.  M.,  all  the  boats  left 
the  ship  for  the  purpose  of  landing  the  forces, 
numbering  in  all  299  men,  including  the  volun- 
teers, under  command  of  Capt.  Gillespie.  At 
6  :30  all  were  landed  without  opposition,  the  ene- 
my in  small  detachments  retreating  toward  the 
pueblo.  From  their  movements  we  apprehended 
that  their  whole  force  was  near.  Capt.  Mervine 
sent  on  board  ship  for  a  reinforcement  of  eighty 
men,  under  command  of  Lieut.  R.  B.  Hitchcock. 
At  8  A.  M.  the  several  companies,  all  under  com- 
mand of  Capt.  William  Mervine,  took  up  the  line 
of  march  for  the  purpose  of  retaking  the  pueblo. 
The  enemy  retreated  as  our  forces  advanced. 
(On  landing,  William  A.  Smith,  first  cabin  boy, 
was  killed  by  the  accidental  discharge  of  a  Colt's 
pistol.)  The  reinforcements  under  the  command 
of  Lieut.  R.  B.  Hitchcock  returned  on  board 
ship.  For  the  first  four  miles  our  march  was 
through  hills  and  ravines,  which  the  enemy 
might  have  taken  advantage  of,  but  preferred  to 
occupy  as  spectators  only,  itntil  our  approach. 
A  few  shots  from  our  flankers  (who  were  the 
volunteer  riflemen)  would  start  them  off;  they 
returning  the  compliment  before  going.  The 
remainder  of  our  march  was  performed  over  a 
continuous  plain  overgrown  with  wild  mustard, 
rising  in  places  to  six  or  eight  feet  in  height. 
The  ground  was  excessively  dry,  the  clouds  of 
dust  were  suffocating  and  there  was  not  a  breath 


<if  wind  in  motion.  There  wa.s  no  water  on  our 
line  of  inarch  for  ten  or  twelve  miles  and  we 
suffered  greatly  from  thirst. 

"At  2 :30  P.  M.  we  reached  our  camping 
ground.  The  enemy  appeared  in  considerable 
numbers.  Their  numbers  continued  to  increase 
until  towards  sundown,  when  they  formed  on  a 
hill  near  us,  gradually  inclining  towards  our 
camp.  They  wxre  admirably  formed  for  a  cav- 
alry charge.  We  drew  up  our  forces'  to  meet 
them,  but  finding  they  were  disposed  to  remain 
stationary,  the  marines,  under  command  of 
Capt.  Marston,  the  Colt's  riflemen,  under  com- 
mand of  Lieut.  I.  B.  Carter  and  myself,  and  the 
volunteers,  under  command  of  Capt.  A.  Gillespie, 
were  ordered  to  charge  on  them,  which  we  did. 
They  stood  their  ground  until  our  shots  com- 
menced 'telling'  on  them,  when  they  took  to  flight 
in  every  direction.  They  continued  to  annoy  us 
by  firing  into  our  camp  through  the  night.  About 
2  A.  M.  they  brought  a  piece  of  artillery  and 
fired  into  our  camp,  the  shot  striking  the  ground 
near  us.)  The  marines,  riflemen  and  volunteers 
were  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  gun,  but  could  see  or 
hear  nothing  of  it. 

"We  left  our  camp  the  next  morning  at  6 
o'clock.  Our  plan  of  march  was  in  column  by 
platoon.  We  had  not  proceeded  far  before  the 
enemy  appeared  before  us  drawn  up  on  each  side 
of  the  road,  mounted  on  fine  horses,  each  man 
armed  with  a  lance  and  carbine.  They  also  had 
a  field  piece  (a  four-pounder),  to  which  were 
hitched  eight  or  ten  horses,  placed  on  the  road 
ahead  of  us. 

"Capt.  Mervine,  thinking  it  was  the  enemy's 
intention  to  throw  us  into  confusion  by  using 
their  gun  on  us  loaded  with  round  shot  and  cop- 
per grape  shot  and  then  charge  us  with  their 
cavalry,  ordered  us  to  form  a  square — which  was 
the  order  of  march  throughout  the  battle.  When 
within  about  four  hundred  yards  of  them  the 
enemy  opened  on  us  with  their  artillery.  We 
made  frequent  charges,  driving  them  before  us, 
and  at  one  time  causing  them  to  leave  some  of 
their  cannon  balls  and  cartridges ;  but  owing  to 
the  rapidity  with  which  they  could  carry  off  the 
gun,  using  their  lassos  on  every  part,  enabled 
them  to  choose  their  own  distance,  entirely  out 
of  all  range  of  our  muskets.  Their  horsemen 
kept  out  of  danger,  apparently  content  to  let  the 
gun  do  the  fighting.  They  kept  up  a  constant 
fire  with  their  carbines,  but  these  did  no  harm. 
The  enemy  numbered  between  175  and  200 

"Finding  it  impossible  to  capture  the  gun,  the 
retreat  was  sounded.  The  captain  consulted 
with  his  officers  on  the  best  steps  to  be  taken.  It 
was  decided  unanimously  to  return  on  board 
ship.     To  continue  the  march  would  sacrifice  a 

number  of  lives  to  no  purpose,  for,  admitting  we 
could  have  reached  the  pueblo,  all  communica- 
tions would  be  cut  off  with  the  ship,  and  we 
would  further  be  constantly  annoyed  by  their  ar- 
tillery without  the  least  chance  of  capturing  it. 
It  was  reported  that  the  enemy  were  between 
five  and  six  hundred  strong  at  the  city  and  it 
was  thought  he  had  more  artillery.  On  retreat- 
ing they  got  the  gun  planted  on  a  hill  ahead  of 

"The  captain  made  us  an  address,  saying  to 
the  troops  that  it  was  his  intention  to  march 
straight  ahead  in  the  same  orderly  manner  in 
which  we  had  advanced,  and  that  sooner  than  he 
would  surrender  to  such  an  enemy,  he  would  sac- 
rifice himself  and  every  other  man  m  his  com- 
mand. The  enemy  fired  into  us  four  times  on 
the  retreat,  the  fourth  shot  falling  short,  the 
report  of  the  gun  indicating  a  small  quantity  of 
powder,  after  which  they  remained  stationary 
and  manifested  no  further  disposition  to  molest 
us.  ^^'e  proceeded  quietly  on  our  march  to  the 
landing,  where  we  found  a  body  of  men  under 
command  of  Lieut.  Hitchcock  with  two  nine- 
pounder  cannon  got  from  the  Vandalia  to  render 
us  assistance  in  case  we  should  need  it. 

"We  presented  truly  a  pitiable  condition,  many 
being  barely  able  to  drag  one  foot  after  the 
other  from  excessive  fatigue,  having  gone 
through  the  exertions  and  excitement  m  battle 
and  afterwards  performing  a  march  of  eighteen 
or  twenty  miles  without  rest. 

"This  is  the  first  battle  I  have  ever  been  en- 
gaged in,  and,  having  taken  particular  notice  of 
those  around  me,  I  can  assert  that  no  men  could 
have  acted  more  bravely.  Even  when  their  ship- 
mates were  falling  by  their  sides,  I  saw  but  one 
impulse  and  that  was  10  push  forward,  and  when 
the  retreat  was  ordered  I  noticed  a  general  re- 
luctance to  turn  their  backs  to  the  enemy. 

"The  following  is  a  list  of  the  killed  and 
wounded : 

"Michael  Hoey  (ordinary  seaman),  killed; 
David  Johnson  (o.  s.),  kihed ;  Wm.  H.  Berry 
(o.  s.),  mortally  wounded ;  Charles  Sommers 
(musician),  mortally  wounded ;  John  Tyre  (sea- 
man), severely  wounded;  John  Anderson  (sea- 
man), severely  wounded ;  recovery  doubtful. 
The  following-named  w-ere  slightly  wounded : 
\\'illiani  Conland  (marine) ;  Hiram  Rockvill 
(mar.);  H.  Linland  (mar.);  James  Smith  (mar.). 

"On  the  following  morning  we  buried  the 
bodies  of  William  A.  Smith,  Charles  Sommers, 
David  Johnson  and  Michael  Hoey  on  an  island  in 
the  harbor. 

".'\t  II  A.  M.  the  captain  called  a  council  of 
conmiissioned  officers  regarding  the  proper 
course  to  adopt  in  the  present  crisis,  which  de- 
cided that  no  force  should  be  landed,  and  that 



tlic  ship  remain  here  until  further  orders  from 
Ihe  commodore,  who  is  daily  expected." 

Entry  in  the  log  for  Sunday,  nth:  "William 
H.  Berry  (ordinary  seaman)  departed  this  life 
from  the  effect  of  wounds  received  in  battle.  Sent 
his  body  for  interment  to  Dead  Man's  Island,  so 
named  by  us.  Mustered  the  command  at  quar- 
ters, after  which  performed  divine  service." 

From  this  account  it  will  be  seen  that  the  num- 
ber killed  and  died  of  wounds  received  in  battle 
was  four ;  number  wounded,  six ;  and  one  acci- 
dentally killed  before  the  battle.  On  October  22 
Henry  Lewis  died  and  was  buried  on  the  island. 
Lewis'  name  does  not  appear  in  the  list  of  the 
wounded.  It  is  presumable  that  he  died  of  dis- 
ease. Six  of  the  crew  of  the  Savannah  were 
buried  on  Dead  Man's  Island,  four  of  whom  were 
killed  in  battle.  Lieut.  Duvall  gives  the  follow- 
ing list  of  the  officers  in  the  "Expedition  on  the 
march  to  retake  Pueblo  de  Los  Angeles" : 

Capt.  William  Mervine,  commanding. 

Capt.  Ward  Marston,  commanding  marines. 

Brevet  Capt.  A.  H.  Gillespie,  commanding  volun- 

Lieut.   Henry  W.   Queen,  adjutant. 

Lieut.   B.   F.    Pinckney,  commanding  first  company. 

Lieut.  W.  RinckindofF,  commanding  second  com- 

Lieut.   I.   B.   Carter,  Colt's  riflemen. 

Midshipman  R.  D.  Minor,  acting  lieutenant  second 

Midshipman  S.  P.  Griflin,  acting  lieutenant  first 

Midshipman  P.  G.  Walmough,  acting  lieutenant  sec- 
ond company. 

Midshipman  R.  C.  Duvall,  acting  lieutenant  Colt's 

Capt.  Clark  and  Capt.  Goodsall,  commanding  pike- 
Lieut.  Hensley,  first  lieutenant  volunteers. 

Lieut.  Russeau,  second  lieutenant  volunteers. 

The  piece  of  artillery  that  did  such  deadly 
execution  on  the  Americans  was  the  famous  Old 
Woman's  gun.  It  was  a  bronze  four-pounder, 
or  pedrero  (swivel-gun)  that  for  a  number  of 
years  has  stood  on  the  plaza  in  front  of  the 
church,  and  was  used  for  firing  salutes  on  feast 
days  and  other  occasions. 

When  on  the  approach  of  Stockton's  and  Fre- 
mont's forces  Castro  abandoned  his  artillery  and 
fled,  an  old  lady,  Dofia  Clara  Cota  de  Reyes, 
declared  that  the  gringos  should  not  have  the 
church's  gun ;  so,  with  the  assistance  of  her 
daughters,  she  buried  it  in  a  cane  patch  near  her 
residence,  which  stood  on  the  east  side  of  Ala- 
meda street,  near  First. 

When  the  Californians  revolted  against  Gilles- 
pie's rule  the  gun  was  unearthed  and  used 
against  him.  The  Historical  Society  of  Southern 
California  has  in  its  possession  a  brass  grape- 
shot,  one  of  a  charge  that  was  fired  into  the  face 

lit  I'ort  Hill  at  Gillespie's  men  when  Ihcy  were 
posted  on  the  hill.  This  old  gun  was  in  the  e.K- 
hibit  of  trophies  at  the  New  Orleans  Exposition 
in  1885.  The  label  on  it  read:  "Trophy  53,  No. 
63,  Class  7.  Used  by  Mexico  against  the  United 
States  at  the  battle  of  Dominguez'  I^anch,  Oc- 
tober 9,  1846;  at  San  Gabriel  and  the  Mesa,  Jan- 
uary 8  and  9,  1847;  used  by  the  United  States 
forces  against  Mexico  at  Mazatlan,  November 
II,  1847;  Urios  (crew  all  killed  or  wounded), 
Palos  Prietos,  December  13,  1847,  ^nd  Lower 
California,  at  San  Jose,  February  15,  1848."  It 
should  be  obtained  from  the  government  and 
brought  back  to  Los  Angeles.  Before  the  battle 
the  old  gun  had  been  mounted  on  forward  axle 
of  a  Jersey  wagon,  which  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Hunt  had  brought  across  the  plains  the  year 
before.  It  was  lashed  to  the  axle  by  means 
of  rawhide  thongs,  and  was  drawn  by  riatas,  as 
described  by  Lieut.  Duvall.  The  range  was  ob- 
tained by  raising  or  lowering  the  pole  of  the 
wagon.  Ignacio  Aguilar  acted  as  gunner,  and 
having  neither  lanyard  or  pent-stock  to  fire  it,  he 
touched  off  the  gun  with  the  lighted  end  of  a 
cigarette.  Never  before  or  since,  perhaps,  was 
a  battle  won  with  such  crude  artillery.  Jose  An- 
tonio Carrillo  was  in  coinmand  of  the  Califor- 
nians. During  the  skirmishing  of  the  first  day 
he  had  between  80  and  90  men.  During  the  night 
of  the  8th  Flores  joined  him  with  a  force  of  60 
men.  Next  morning  Flores  returned  to  Los 
Angeles,  taking  with  him  20  men.  Carrillo's 
force  in  the  battle  numbered  about  120  men. 

Had  Mervine  known  that  the  Californians  had 
fired  their  last  shot — their  pow-der  being  ex- 
hausted— he  could  have  pushed  on  and  captured 
the  pueblo. 

The  expulsion  of  Gillespie's  garrison  from  Los 
Angeles  and  the  defeat  of  Mervine's  force  raised 
the  spirits  of  the  Californians,  and  there  was 
great  rejoicing  at  the  pueblo.  Detachments  of 
Flores'  army  were  kept  at  Sepulvedo's  Rancho, 
the  Palos  Verdes,  and  at  Temple's  Rancho  of 
the  Cerritos,  to  watch  the  Savannah  and  report 
^ny  attempt  at  landing.  The  leaders  of  the  re- 
volt were  not  so  sanguine  of  success  as  the  rank 
and  file.  They  were  without  means  to 
procure  arms  and  supplies.  There  was  a  scar- 
city of  ammunition,  too.  An  inferior  article  of 
gunpowder  was  manufactured  in  limited  quanti- 
ties at  San  Gabriel.  The  only  uniformity  in 
weapons  was  in  lances.  These  were  rough, 
home-made  affairs,  the  blade  beaten  out  of  a 
rasp  or  file,  and  the  shaft  a  willow  pole  about 
eight  feet  long.  These  weapons  were  formida- 
ble in  a  charge  against  infantry,  but  easily  par- 
ried by  a  swordsman  in  a  cavalry  charge. 

After  the  defeat  of  Mervine,  Flores  set  about 
reorganizing   the    territorial    government.      He 



callcil  togx-lluT  llic  departmental  assembly.  It 
r.Kt  ill  the  capital  (Los  Angeles)  October  26tli. 
The  members  present — Figueroa,  Botello,  Guer- 
ra  and  Olvera — were  all  from  the  south.  The 
assembly  decided  to  fill  the  place  of  governor, 
vacated  by  Pico,  and  that  of  coniandante-gen- 
eral,  left  vacant  by  the  flight  of  Castro. 

Jose  Maria  Flores,  who  was  now  recognized 
as  the  leader  of  the  revolt  against  American 
rule,  was  chosen  to  fill  both  ofifices,  and  the  two 
offices,  as  had  formerly  been  the  custom,  were 
united  in  one  person.  He  chose  Narciso 
Botello  for  his  secretary.  Flores,  who  was  Mexi- 
can born,  was  an  intelligent  and  patriotic  offi- 
cer. He  used  every  means  in  his  power  to 
prepare  his  forces  for  the  coming  conflict  with 
the  Americans,  but  with  little  success.  The  old 
jealousy  of  the  hijos  del  pais  against  the  Mex- 
ican would  crop  out,  and  it  neutralized  his  ef- 
forts. There  were  bickerings  and  complaints 
in  the  ranks  and  among  the  officers.  The  na- 
tives claimed  that  a  Californian  ought  to  be 
chief  in  command. 

The  feeling  of  jealousy  against  Flores  at 
length  culminated  in  open  revolt.  Flores  had 
decided  to  send  the  prisoners  taken  at  the  Chino 
fight  to  Mexico.  His  object  was  twofold — first, 
to  enhance  his  own  glory  with  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment, and,  secondly,  by  showing  what  the 
Californians  had  already  accomplished  to  ob- 
tain aid  in  the  coming  conflict.    As  most  of  these 

men  wore  married  to  California  wives,  and  by 
marriage  related  to  many  of  the  leading  Cali- 
fornia families  of  the  south,  there  was  at  once 
a  family  uproar  and  fierce  denunciations  of 
Flores.  But  as  the  Chino  prisoners  were  for- 
eigners, and  had  been  taken  while  fighting 
against  the  Mexican  government,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  disguise  the  hostility  to  Flores  under 
some  other  pretext.  He  was  charged  with  the 
design  of  running  away  to  Sonora  with  the  pub- 
lic funds.  On  the  night  of  December  3,  Fran- 
cisco Rico,  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  Californians, 
took  possession  of  the  cuartel,  or  guard-house, 
and  arrested  Flores.  A  special  session  of  the  as- 
sembly was  called  to  investigate  the  charges. 

Flores  expressed  his  willingness  to  give  up 
his  purpose  of  sending  the  Chino  prisoners  to 
Mexico,  and  the  assembly  found  no  foundation 
to  the  charge  of  his  design  of  running  away 
with  the  public  funds,  nor  did  they  find  any 
funds  to  run  away  with.  Flores  was  liberated, 
and  Rico  imprisoned  in  turn. 

Flores  was  really  the  last  Mexican  governor 
of  California.  Like  Pico,  he  was  elected  by  the 
territorial  legislature,  but  he  was  not  confirmed 
by  the  Mexican  congress.  Generals  Scott  and 
Taylor  were  keeping  President  Santa  Anna  and 
his  congress  on  the  move  so  rapidly  they  had 
no  time  to  spare  for  California  affairs. 

Flores  was  governor  from  October  26,  1846, 
to  January  8,  1847. 



STOCKTON  with  his  flag  ship,  the  Con- 
gress, arrived  at  San  Pedro  on  the  23d 
of  October,  1846.  The  Savannah  was  still 
lying  at  anchor  in  the  harbor.  The  commo- 
dore had  now  at  San  Pedro  a  force  of  about 
800  men  ;  but  notwithstanding  the  contemptuous 
opinion  he  held  of  the  Californian  soldiers,  he 
did  not  march  against  the  pueblo.  Stock- 
ton in  his  report  says :  "Elated  by  this 
transient  success  (Mervine's  defeat),  which 
the  enemy  with  his  usual  want  of  veracity  mag- 
nified into  a  great  victory,  they  collected  in  large 
bodies  on  all  the  adjacent  hills  and  would  not 
l^ermit  a  hoof  except  their  own  horses  to  be 
within  fifty  miles  of  San  Pedro."  But  ''in  the 
face  of  their  boasting  insolence"  Stockton  landed 
and  again  hoisted  "the  glorious  stars  in  the 
presence  of  their  horse-covered  hills."  "The 
enemy  had  driven  off  every  animal,  man  and 
beast,  from  that  section  of  the  country;  and 
it  was  not  possible  by  any  means  in  our  power 

to  carry  provisions  for  our  march  to  the  city." 
Tl.e  city  was  only  30  miles  away  and  American 
soldiers  have  been  known  to  carry  rations  in 
their  haversacks  for  a  march  of  100  miles.  The 
"transient  success"  of  the  insolent  enemy  had 
evidently  made  an  impression  on  Stockton.  He 
estimated  the  Californian  force  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  landing  at  800  men,  which  was  just  about 
700  too  high.  He  determined  to  approach  Los 
Angeles  by  way  of  San  Diego,  and  on  the  last 
day  of  October  he  sailed  for  that  port.  B.  D. 
Wilson,  Stephen  C.  Foster  and  others  attribute 
Stockton's  abandonment  of  an  attack  on  Los 
Angeles  from  San  Pedro  to  a  trick  played  on 
him  by  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo.  Carrillo'was  in 
connnand  of  a  detachment  stationed  at  the  Cer- 
ritos  and  the  Palos  X'erdes.  Carrillo  was  anx- 
ious to  obtain  an  interview  with  Stockton  and 
if  possible  secure  a  cessation  of  hostilities  until 
the  war  then  progressing  in  Mexico  should  be 
decided,    thus    settling    the    fate    of    California. 



B.  D.  Wilson,  one  of  the  Chino  prisoners,  was 
sent  with  a  Mexican  sergeant  to  raise  a  white 
flag  as  the  boats  of  the  Congress  approached  the 
landing  and  present  Carrillo's  proposition  for  a 
truce.  Carrillo,  with  the  intention  of  giving 
Stockton  an  exaggerated  idea  of  the  number  of 
his  troops  and  thus  obtaining  more  favorable 
terms  in  the  proposed  treaty,  collected  droves  of 
wild  horses  from  the  plains ;  these  his  caballeros 
kept  in  motion  passing  and  repassing  through 
a  gap  in  the  hills,  which  was  in  plain  view  from 
Stockton's  vessel.  Owing  to  the  dust  raised  by 
the  cavalcade  it  was  impossible  to  discover  that 
most  of  the  horses  were  riderless.  The  troops 
were  signaled  to  return  to  the  vessel,  and  the 
commodore  shortly  afterwards  sailed  to  San 
Diego.  Carrillo  always  regretted  that  he  made 
too  much  dcinonstration. 

As  an  illustration  of  the  literary  trash  that  has 
been  palmed  of¥  for  California  history,  I  give  an 
extract  from  Frost's  Pictorial  History  of  Cali- 
fornia, a  book  written  the  year  after  the  close 
of  the  Mexican  war,  by  Prof.  John  Frost,  a  noted 
compiler  of  histories,  who  writes  LL.  D  after 
his  name.  It  relates  to  Stockton's  exploits  at 
San  Pedro:  "At  the  Rancho  Sepulvida  (The 
Palos  A^erdes)  a  large  force  of  Californians  were 
posted.  Commodore  Stockton  sent  one  hundred 
men  forward  to  receive  the  fire  of  the  enemy 
and  then  fall  back  on  the  main  body  without  re- 
turning it.  The  main  body  of  Stockton's  army 
was  formed  in  a  triangle  with  the  guns  hid  by 
the  men.  By  the  retreat  of  the  advance  party 
the  enemy  were  decoyed  close  to  tlie  main  force, 
when  the  wings  (of  the  triangle)  were  extended 
and  a  deadly  fire  from  the  artillery  opened  upon 
the  astonished  Californians.  More  than  one 
hundred  were  killed,  the  same  number  W'Ounded 
and  one  hundred  prisoners  taken."  The  mathe- 
matical accuracy  of  Stockton's  artillerists  was 
truly  astonishing.  They  killed  a  man  for  every 
one  wounded  and  took  a  prisoner  for  every  man 
they  killed.  As  Flores'  army  never  amounted 
to  more  than  three  hundred,  if  we  are  to  believe 
Frost,  Stockton  had  all  the  enemy  "present  or 
accounted  for."  This  silly  fabrication  of  Frost's 
runs  through  a  number  of  so-called  histories  of 
California.  Stockton  was  a  brave  man  and  a 
very  energetic  commander,  but  he  would  boast 
of  his  achievements,  and  his  reports  were  unre- 

Fremont,  who  had  sailed  for  the  south  in  the 
Sterling  with  i6o  men  to  co-operate  with  Stock- 
ton against  Los  Angeles,  learned  from  the  Van- 
dalia  on  its  voyage  northward  of  Mervine's  de- 
feat and  also  that  no  horses  could  be  obtained  in 
the  south.  He  returned  to  Monterey  and  pro- 
ceeded to  recruit  a  force  to  move  against  Los 
Angeles  by  land  from  Monterey.     His  recruits 

were  principally  obtained  from  the  recently  ar- 
rived immigrants.  Each  man  was  furnished 
with  a  horse  and  was  to  receive  $25  a  month. 
A  force  of  about  450  was  obtained.  Fremont, 
now  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  lieutenant  colonel, 
left  Monterey,  November  17,  and  rendezvoused  at 
San  Juan  Bautista,  where  he  remained  to  the 
29th  of  the  month  organizing  his  battalion.  On 
the  29th  of  November  he  began  his  march  south- 
ward to  co-operate  with  Stockton  against  Flores. 

After  the  expulsion  of  Gillespie  and  his  men 
from  Los  Angeles,  detachments  from  Flores' 
army  were  sent  to  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Diego 
to  recapture  these  places.  At  Santa  Barbara 
Fremont  had  left  nine  men  of  his  battalion  under 
Lieut.  Theodore  Talbot  to  garrison  the  town. 
A  demand  was  made  on  the  garrison  to  surren- 
der by  Col.  Garfias  of  Flores'  army.  Two  hours 
were  given  the  Americans  to  decide.  Instead 
of  surrendering  they  fell  back  into  the  hills, 
where  they  remained  three  or  four  days,  hop- 
ing that  reinforcements  might  be  sent  them  from 
Monterey.  Their  only  subsistence  was  the  flesh 
of  an  old  gray  mare  of  Daniel  Hill's  that  they 
captured,  brought  into  camp  and  killed.  They 
secured  one  of  Micheltorena's  soldiers  who  had 
remained  in  the  country  and  was  living  in  a 
cafion  among  the  hills  for  a  guide.  He  fur- 
nished them  a  horse  to  carry  their  blankets  and 
conducted  them  through  the  mountains  to  the 
San  Joaquin  valley.  Here  the  guide  left  them 
with  the  Indians,  he  returning  to  Santa  Bar- 
bara. The  Indians  fed  them  on  chia  (wild  flax- 
seed), mush  and  acorn  bread.  They  traveled 
down  the  San  Joaquin  valley.  On  their  journey 
they  lived  on  the  flesh  of  wild  horses,  17  of 
which  they  killed.  After  many  hardships  they 
reached  Monterey  on  the  8th  of  November, 
where  they  joined  Fremont's  battalion.  Elijah 
Moulton  of  East  Los  Angeles  is  the  only  sur- 
vivor of  that  heroic  band.  He  has  been  a  resi- 
dent of  Los  Angeles  for  fifty-five  years.  I  am 
indebted  to  him  for  the  above  account. 

Captain  Merritt,  of  Fremont's  battalion,  had 
been  left  at  San  Diego  with  40  men  to  hold  the 
town  when  the  battalion  marched  north  to  co- 
operate with  Stockton  against  Los  Angeles. 
Immediately  after  Gille.^pie's  retreat,  Francisco 
Rico  was  sent  with  50  men  to  capture  the  place. 
He  was  joined  by  recruits  at  San  Diego.  Mer- 
ritt, being  in  no  condition  to  stand  a  siege,  took 
refuge  on  board  the  .American  whale  ship  Ston- 
ington,  which  was  lying  at  anchor.  After  re- 
maining on  board  the  Stonington  ten  days,  tak- 
ing advantage  of  the  laxity  of  discipline  among 
the  Californians,  he  stole  a  march  on  them,  re- 
capturing the  town  and  one  piece  of  their  artil- 
lery. He  sent  Don  Miguel  de  Pedrorena,  who 
was  one  of  his  allies,  in  a  whale  boat  with  four 



sailors  to  San  IV-dro  to  obtain  supplies  and  as- 
sistance. Pcdrorena  arrived  at  San  Pedro  on 
the  13th  of  October  with  Merritt's  dispatches. 
Captain  Mervine  chartered  the  whale  ship  Mag- 
nolia, which  was  lying  in  the  San  Pedro  harbor, 
and  dispatched  Lieut.  Minor  and  Alidshipnien 
Duvall  and  Morgan  with  35  sailors  and  15  of 
Gillespie's  volunteers  to  reinforce  Merritt.  They 
reached  San  Diego  on  the  i6th.  The  combined 
forces  of  Minor  and  Merritt,  numbering  about 
90  men,  put  in  the  greater  part  of  the  next  two 
weeks  in  dragging  cannon  from  the  old  fort  and 
mounting  them  at  their  barracks,  which  were  lo- 
cated on  the  hill  at  the  edge  of  the  plain  on  the 
west  side  of  the  town,  convenient  to  water.  They 
succeeded  in  mounting  six  brass  9-pounders  and 
building  two  bastions  of  adobes,  taken  from  an 
old  house.  There  was  constant  skirmishing  be- 
tween the  hostile  parties,  but  few  fatalities.  The 
Americans  claimed  to  have  killed  three  of  the 
enemy,  and  one  American  was  ambushed  and 

The  Californians  kept  well  out  of  range,  but 
prevented  the  Americans  from  obtaining  sup- 
plies. Their  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted, 
and  when  reduced  to  almost  the  last  extreme 
they  made  a  successful  foraging  expedition  and 
procured  a  supply  of  mutton.  Midshipman  Du- 
vall thus  describes  tlie  adventure :  "We  had 
with  us  an  Indian  (chief  of  a  numerous  tribe) 
who,  from  his  knowledge  of  the  country,  we 
thought  could  avoid  the  enemy :  and  getting 
news  of  a  number  of  sheep  about  thirty-five  miles 
to  the  south  on  the  coast,  we  determined  to  send 
him  with  his  companion  to  drive  them  onto  an 
island  which  at  low  tide  connected  with  the  main- 
land. In  a  few  days  a  signal  was  made  on  the 
island,  and  the  boats  of  the  whale  ship  Stoning- 
ton,  stationed  ofif  the  island,  were  sent  to  it. 
Our  good  old  Indian  had  managed,  through 
his  cunning  and  by  keeping  concealed  in  ra- 
vines, to  drive  onto  the  island  about  600  sheep, 
but  his  companion  had  been  caught  and  killed 
by  the  enemy.  I  shall  never  forget  his  fam- 
ished appearance,  but  pride  in  his  Indian 
triumph  could  be  seen  playing  in  his  dark  eyes. 

■'For  thirty  or  forty  days  we  were  constantly 
expecting,  from  the  movements  of  the  enemy, 
an  attack,  soldiers  and  oflficers  sleeping  on  their 
arms  and  ready  for  action.  About  the  ist  of 
November  Commodore  Stockton  arrived,  and, 
after  landing  Capt.  Gillespie  with  his  company 
and  about  43  marines,  he  suddenly  disappeared, 
leaving  Lieut.  Minor  governor  of  the  place  and 
Cai^t.  Gillespie  commandant."* 

h'oraging  cimtinucd,  the  whale  ship  Stoning- 
toii,  which  had  been  impressed  into  the  govcrn- 

^Log    Book    of    Acting   Lieutenant   Duvall. 

nieul  service,  being  used  tn  take  jiarlics  down 
the  coast,  who  made  raids  inland  and  brought 
back  with  them  cattle  and  horses. 

It  was  probably  on  one  of  these  excursions  that 
the  flag-making  episode  occurred,  of  which  there 
are  more  versions  than  Homer  had  birthplaces. 
The  correct  version  of  the  story  is  as  follows : 
A  party  had  been  sent  under  command  of  Lieut. 
Hensley  to  Juan  Bandini's  rancho  in  Lower 
California  to  bring  up  bands  of  cattle  and  horses. 
Bandini  was  an  adherent  of  the  American  cause. 
He  and  his  family  returned  with  the  cavalcade 
to  San  Diego.  At  their  last  camping  place  before 
reaching  the  town  Hensley,  in  a  conversation 
with  Bandini,  regretted  they  had  no  flag  with 
them  to  display  on  their  entry  into  the  town. 
Senora  Bandini  volunteered  to  make  one,  which 
she  did  from  red,  white  and  blue  dresses  of  her 
children.  This  flag,  fastened  to  a  staff,  was  car- 
ried at  the  head  of  the  cavalcade  when  it  made 
its  triumphal  entry  into  San  Diego.  The  Mex- 
ican government  confiscated  Bandini's  ranches 
in  Lower  California  on  account  of  his  friend- 
ship to  the  Americans  during  the  war. 

Skirmishing  continued  almost  daily.  Jose 
Antonio  Carrillo  was  now  in  command  of  the 
Californians,  their  force  numbering  about  100 
men.  Commodore  Stockton  returned  and  de- 
cided to  fortify.  Midshipman  Duvall,  in  the 
Log  Book  referred  to  in  the  previous  chapter, 
thus  describes  the  fort :  "The  commodore  now 
commenced  to  fortify  the  hill  which  overlooked 
the  town  by  building  a  fort  constructed  by  pla- 
cing 300  gallon  casks  full  of  sand  close  together. 
The  inclosure  was  twenty  by  thirty  yards.  A 
bank  of  earth  and  small  gravel  was  thrown 
up  in  front  as  high  as  the  top  of  the  casks 
and  a  ditch  dug  around  on  the  outside.  Inside 
a  ball-proof  vault  or  ketch  was  built  out  of  plank 
and  lined  on  the  inside  with  adobes,  on  top  of 
which  a  swivel  was  mounted.  The  entrance  was 
guarded  by  a  strong  gate,  with  a  drawbridge  in 
front  across  the  ditch  or  moat.  The  whole  forti- 
fication was  completed  and  the  guns  mounted  on 
it  in  about  three  weeks.  Our  men  working  on 
the  fort  were  on  short  allowance  of  beef  and 
wheat,  and  for  a  time  without  bread,  tea.  sugar 
or  cofTee,  many  of  them  being  destitute  of  shoes, 
but  there  were  few  complaints. 

"About  the  first  of  December,  information 
having  been  received  that  Gen.  Kearnv  was  at 
Warner's  Pass,  about  80  miles  distant,  with  100 
dragoons  on  his  march  to  San  Diego,  Commo- 
dore Stockton  immediately  sent  an  escort  of  50 
men  under  conmiand  of  Cajit.  Gilles])ie,  accom- 
panied by  Past  Midshipmen  Beale  and  Duncan, 
liaving  with  them  one  piece  of  artillery.  They 
reached  Gen.  Kearny  without  molestation.  On 
the  march  the  combined  force  was  surprised  by 



about  93  Californians  at  San  Pasqual,  under 
command  of  Andres  Pico,  who  had  been  sent  to 
that  part  of  the  country  to  drive  ofif  all  the  cattle 
and  horses  to  prevent  us  from  getting  them.  In 
the  battle  that  ensued  Gen.  Kearny  lost  in  killed 
Captains  Johnston  and  Moore  and  Lieutenant 
Hammond  and  15  dragoons.  Seventeen  dra- 
goons were  severely  wounded.  The  enemy  cap-  ■ 
tured  one  piece  of  artillery.  Gen.  Kearny  and 
Captains  Gillespie  and  Gibson  were  severely 
wounded;  also  one  of  the  engineer  officers. 
Some  of  the  dragoons  have  since  died." 

*  -'f  ":|:  :;:  ^  *  * 

"After  the  engagement,  Gen.  Kearny  took  po- 
sition on  a  hill  covcrotl  with  large  rocks.  It  was 
well  suited  for  defense.  Lieut.  Godey,  of  Gilles- 
pie's volunteers,  the  night  after  the  battle,  es- 
caped through  the  enemy's  line  of  sentries  and 
came  in  with  a  letter  from  Capt.  Turner  to  the 
commodore.  Whilst  among  the  rocks,  Past 
Midshipman  Beale  and  Kit  Carson  managed, 
under  cover  of  night,  to  pass  out  through  the 
enemy's  ranks,  and  after  three  days'  and  nights' 
hard  marching  through  the  mountains  without 
water,  succeeded  in  getting  safely  into  San 
Diego,  completely  famished.  Soon  after  arriv- 
ing, Lieut.  Beale  fainted  away,  and  for  some 
days  entirely  lost  his  reason." 

On  the  night  of  Beale's  arrival,  December  9, 
about  9  P.  M.,  detachments  of  200  sailors  and 
marines  from  the  Congress  and  Portsmouth, 
imder  the  immediate  command  of  Capt.  Zeilin, 
assisted  b>'  Lieutenants  Gray,  Hunter,  Renshaw, 
Parrish,  Thompson  and  Tilghman,  and  Mid- 
shipmen Duvall  and  Morgan,  each  man  carry- 
ing a  blanket,  three  pounds  of  jerked  beef  and 
the  same  of  hardtack,  l)egan  their  march  to  re- 
lieve Gen.  Kearny.  They  marched  all  night  and 
camped  on  a  chaparral-covered  mountain  dur- 
ing the  day.  At  4  A.  M.  of  the  second  night's" 
march  they  reached  Kearny's  camp,  surprising 
liini.  Godey,  who  had  been  sent  ahead  to  inform 
Kearny  that  assistance  was  coming,  had  been 
captured  by  the  enemy.  Gen.  Kearny  had  burnt 
and  destroyed  all  his  baggage  and  camp  cqui- 
])age,  saddles,  bridles,  clothing,  etc.,  preparatory 
to  forcing  his  way  through  the  enemy's  line. 
Burdened  with  his  wounded,  it  is  doubtful 
whether  he  could  have  escaped.  Midshipman 
Duvall  says  :  "It  would  not  be  a  hazard  of  opin- 
ion to  say  he  would  have  been  overpowered  and 
compelled  to  surrender."  The  enemy  disappeared 
on  the  arrival  of  reinforcements.  The  relief  ex- 
pedition, with  Kearny's  men,  reached  San  Diego 
after  two  days'  march. 

A  brief  explanation  of  why  Kearny  was  at 
San  Pasqual  may  be  necessary.  In  June,  1846, 
Gen.  Stephen  \V.  Kearny,  commander  of  llic 
army  of  the  west,  as  his  conmiand  was  desig- 

nated, IcJt  I'urt  Leavenworth  with  a  force  of 
regulars  to  take  possession  of  New  Mexico. 
The  conquest  of  that  territory  was  accomplished 
without  a  battle.  Under  orders  from  the  war 
department  Kearny  began  his  march  to  Califor- 
nia with  a  part  of  his  force  to  co-operate  with 
the  naval  forces  there.  October  6,  near  Socorro. 
N.  M.,  he  met  Kit  Carson  with  an  escort  of  15 
men,  en  route  from  Los  Angeles  to  Washington, 
bearing  dispatches  from  Stockton,  giving  the 
report  of  the  conquest  of  California.  Kearny 
required  Carson  to  turn  back  and  act  as  his 
guide.  Carson  was  very  unwilling  to  do  so,  as 
he  was  within  a  few  days'  journey  of  his  home 
and  family,  from  whom  he  had  been  separated 
for  nearly  two  years.  He  hail  been  guide  for 
Fremont  on  his  exploring  expedition.  He,  how- 
ever, obeyed  Kearny's  orders. 

'  General  Kearny  sent  back  about  300  of  his 
men,  taking  with  him  120.  After  a  toilsome 
march  by  way  of  the  Pima  villages,  Tucson,  the 
Gila  and  across  the  Colorado  desert,  they 
reached  the  Indian  village  of  San  Pasqual,  (about 
40  miles  from  San  Diego),  where  the  battle  was 
fought.  It  was  the  bloodiest  battle  of  the  con- 
quest ;  Kearny's  men,  at  daybreak,  riding  on 
broken-down  mules  and  half-broken  horses,  in 
an  irregular  and  disorderly  line,  charged  the 
Californians.  While  the  American  line  was 
stretched  out  over  the  plain  Capt.  Andres  Pico, 
who  was  in  command,  wheeled  his  column  and 
charged  the  Americans.  A  fierce  hand-to-hand 
fight  ensued,  the  Californians  using  their  lances 
and  lariats,  the  .Vmericans  clubbed  guns  and 
sabers.  Of  Kearny's  command  18  men  were 
killed  and  19  wounded;  three  of  the  wounded 
died.  Only  one,  Capt.  Abraham  R.  Johnston 
(a  relative  of  the  author's),  was  killed  by  a  gun- 
shot ;  all  the  others  were  lanced.  The  mules  to 
one  of  the  liowitzers  became  unmanageable  antl 
ran  into  the  enemy's  lines.  The  driver  was 
killed  and  the  gun  captured.  One  Californian 
was  captured  and  several  slightly  wounded ; 
none  was  killed.  Less  than  half  of  Kearny's 
160  men  took  part  in  the  battle.  Ilis  loss  in 
killed  and  wounded  was  fifty  per  cent  of  those 
engaged.  Dr.  John  S.  Griffin,  for  many  years  a 
leading  physician  of  Los  Angeles,  was  the  sur- 
geon of  the  command. 

The  foraging  expeditions  in  Lower  California 
having  been  quite  successful  in  bringing  in  cat- 
tle, horses  and  nniles,  Connnodore  Stockton 
hastened  his  preparation  for  marching  against 
Los  Angeles.  Tlie  enemy  obtained  information 
of  the  projected  movement  and  left  for  the 

"The  Cyane  having  arrived."  .says  Duvall, 
"our  force  was  increased  to  about  600  men, 
most    of   whom,    miderstanding   the    drill,    per- 



formed  the  evolutions  like  regular  soldiers. 
Hverything  being  ready  for  our  departure,  the 
commodore  left  Capt.  Alontgomery  and  ofificers 
in  command  of  tlie  town,  and  on  the  29th  of 
December  took  up  his  line  of  march  for  An- 
geles. Gen.  Kearny  was  second  in  command 
and  having  the  immediate  arrangement  of  the 
forces,  reserving  for  himself  the  prerogative 
which  his  rank  necessarily  imposed  upon  him. 
Owing  to  the  weak  state  of  our  oxen  we  had 
not  crossed  the  dry  bed  of  the  river  San  Diego 
before  they  began  breaking  down,  and  the  carts, 
which  were  30  or  40  in  number,  had  to  be 
dragged  by  the  men.  The  general  urged  on 
the  commodore  that  it  was  useless  to  commence 
such  a  march  as  was  before  us  with  our  present 
means  of  transportation,  but  the  commodore 
insisted  on  performing  at  least  one  day's  march 
even  if  we  should  have  to  return  the  next.  We 
succeeded  in  reaching  the  valley  of  the  Soledad 
that  night  by  dragging  our  carts.  Next  day 
the  commodore  proposed  to  go  six  miles  far- 
ther, which  we  accomplished,  and  then  contin- 
ued six  miles  farther.  Having  obtained  some 
fresh  oxen,  by  assisting  the  carts  up  hill,  we 
made  ten  to  twelve  miles  a  day.  At  San  Luis 
Key  we  secured  men,  carts  and  oxen,  and  after 
that  our  day's  marches  ranged  from  15  to  22 
miles  a  day. 

"The  third  day  out  from  San  Luis  Rey  a  white 
flag  was  seen  ahead,  the  bearer  of  which  had  a 
communication  from  Flores,  signing  himself 
'Conmiander-in-Chief  and  Governor  of  Califor- 
nia,' asking  for  a  conference  for  the  purpose  of 
coming  to  terms,  which  would  be  alike  "honora- 
ble to  both  countries.'  The  commodore  refused 
to  answer  him  in  writing,  saying  to  the  bearer 
of  the  truce  that  his  answer  was,  'he  knew  no 
such  person  as  Governor  Flores,  that  he  himself 
w^as  the  only  governor  in  California:  that  he 
knew  a  rebel  by  that  name,  a  man  who  had  given 
his  parole  of  honor  not  to  take  up  arms  against 
the  government  of  the  Cnited  States,  who,  if 
the  people  of  California  now  in  arms  against 
the  forces  of  the  United  States  would  deliver 
up,  he  (Stockton)  would  treat  with  them  on  con- 
dition that  they  surrender  their  arms  and  retire 
peaceably  to  their  homes  and  he  would  grant 
them,  as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  protection 
from  further  molestation.'  This  the  embassy 
refused  to  entertain,  saying  'they  would  prefer 
to  die  with  Flores  than  to  surrender  on  such 

"On  the  8th  of  January,  1847,  they  met  us  on 
the  banks  of  the  river  San  Gabriel  with  between 
five  and  six  lumdred  men  mounted  on  good 
horses  and  armed  with  lances  and  carbines,  liav- 
ing  ;ilsn  four  pieces  of  artillery  planted  nu  llie 

heights  about  350  yards  distant  from  the  river. 
Owing  to  circumstances  which  have  occurred 
since  the  surrender  of  the  enemy,  I  prefer  not 
mentioning  the  particulars  of  this  day's  battle 
and  also  that  of  the  day  following,  or  of  refer- 
ring to  individuals  concerned  in  the  successful 
management  of  our  forces."  (^The  circumstance 
"to  which  Lieut.  Duvall  refers  was  undoubtedly 
the  quarrel  between  Stockton  and  Kearny  after 
the  capture  of  Los  Angeles.)  "It  is  sufificient  to 
say  that  on  the  8th  of  January  we  succeeded  in 
crossing  the  river  and  driving  the  enemy  from 
the  heights.  Having  resisted  all  tlieir  charges, 
dismounted  one  of  their  pieces  and  put  them 
to  flight  in  every  direction,  we  encamped  on  the 
ground  they  had  occupied  during  the  fight. 

"The  next  day  the  Californians  met  us  on  the 
Plains  of  the  Mesa.  For  a  time  the  fighting  was 
carried  on  by  both  sides  with  artillery,  but  that 
proving  too  hot  for  them  they  concentrated  their 
whole  force  in  a  line  ahead  of  us,  and  at  a  given 
signal  divided  from  the  center  and  came  down 
on  us  like  a  tornado,  charging  us  on  all  sides  at 
the  same  time ;  but  they  were  effectually  defeated 
and  fled  in  every  direction  in  the  utmost  confu- 
sion. Many  of  their  horses  were  left  dead  on  the 
field.  Their  loss  in  the  two  battles,  as  given  by 
Andres  Pico,  second  in  command,  was  83  killed 
and  wounded ;  our  loss,  three  killed  (one  acci- 
dentally) and  15  or  20  wounded,  none  danger- 
ously. The  enemy  abandoned  two  pieces  of  artil- 
lery in  an  Indian  village  near  by." 

i  have  given  at  considerable  length  Midship- 
man Duvall's  account  of  Stockton's  march  from 
San  Diego  and  of  the  two  battles  fought,  not  be- 
cause it  is  the  fullest  account  of  those  events,  but 
because  it  is  original  historical  matter — never 
having  appeared  in  print  before — and  also  be- 
cause it  is  the  observations  of  a  participant  writ- 
ten at  the  time  the  events  occurred.  In  it  the 
losses  of  the  enemy  are  greatly  exaggerated,  but 
that  was  a  fault  of  his  superior  officers  as  well. 
Commodore  Stockton,  in  his  official  reports  of 
the  two  battles,  gives  the  enemy's  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded  "between  seventy  and  eighty." 
And  Gen.  Kearny,  in  his  report  of  the  battle  of 
San  Pasqual,  claimed  it  as  a  victory,  and  states 
that  the  enemy  left  six  dead  on  the  field.  The 
actual  loss  of  the  Californians  in  the  two  battles 
(San  Gabriel  River  and  La  Mesa)  was  three 
killed  and  ten  or  twelve  wounded.* 

While  the  events  recorded  in  this  chapter  were 
transpiring  at  San  Diego  and  its  vicinity,  what 
w^as  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  capital,  Los  An- 
geles? After  the  exultation  and  rejoicing  over 
the  expulsion  of  Gillespie's  garrison,  Mervine's 

*Tlic    killed    were    Igiiacio    SepuIvefl.T,     Fr.incisco 
Riiliin,  .mid  Kl  Gii.iymefKi,  .n  Vaiitii  Indian. 



defeat  and  the  victury  over  Kearny  at  San  Pas- 
qual  there  came  a  reaction.  Dissensions  con- 
tinued between  the  leaders.  There  was  lack  of 
arms  and  laxit\-  of  discipline.  The  army  was  but 
little  better  than  a  mob.  Obedience  to  orders 
of  a  superior  was  foreign  to  the  nature  of  a  Cali- 
fornian.  His  wild,  free  life  in  the  saddle  made 
him  impatient  of  all  restraint.  Then  the  impossi- 
bility of  successful  resistance  against  the  .\meri- 
cans  became  more  and  more  apparent  as  the  final 
conflict  approached.  Fremont's  army  was 
moving  down  on  the  doomed  city  from  the  north 
and  Stockton's  was  coming  up  from  the  south. 
Either  one  of  these,  in  numbers,  exceeded  the 
force  that  Flores  could  bring  into  action ;  com- 
bined they  would  crush  him  out  of  existence. 
The  Californian  troops  were  greatly  discouraged, 
and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  officers 
kept  their  men  together.  There  was  another  and 
more  potent  element  of  disintegration.  Many  of 
the  wealthier  natives  and  all  the  foreigners,  re- 
garding the  contest  as  hopeless,  secretly  favored 
the  American  cause,  and  it  was  only  through  fear 
of  loss  of  property  that  they  furnished  Flores 
and  his  officers  any  supplies  for  the  army. 

During  the  latter  part  of  December  and  the 
first  days  of  January  Flores'  army  was  stationed 
at  San  Fernando  Mission,  on  the  lookout  for 
Fremont's  battalion  ;  but  the  more  rapid  advance 
of  Stockton's  army  compelled  a  change  of  base. 
On  the  6th  and  7th  of  January,  Flores  moved  his 
army  back  secretly  through  the  Cahuenga  Pass, 
and,  passing  to  the  southward  of  the  city,  took 
position  where  La  Jaboneria  (the  soap  factory) 
road  crosses  the  San  Gabriel  river.     Here  his 

men  were  stationed  in  the  thick  willows  to  give 
Stockton  a  surprise.  Stockton  received  informa- 
tion of  the  trap  set  for  him,  and  after  leaving 
the  Los  Coyotes  swung  off  to  the  right  until  he 
struck  the  Upper  Santa  .'\na  road.  The  Califor- 
nians  had  barely  time  to  efifect  a  change  of  base 
and  get  their  cannon  planted  when  the  Ameri- 
cans arrived  at  the  crossing. 

Stockton  called  the  engagement  there  the  bat- 
tle of  the  San  Gabriel  river;  the  Califomians 
call  it  the  battle  of  Paso  de  Bartolo,  which  is  the 
better  name.  The  place  where  the  battle  was 
fought  is  on  the  bluff  just  south  of  the  Upper 
Santa  Ana  road,  near  where  the  Southern  Cali- 
fornia Railroad  crosses  the  Old  San  Gabriel 
river.  (The  ford  or  crossing  was  formerly  known 
as  Pico's  Crossing.)  There  was,  at  the  time  of 
the  battle,  but  one  San  Gabriel  river.  The  new 
river  channel  was  made  in  the  great  flood  of 
1868.  What  Stockton,  Emory,  Duvall  and  other 
-American  officers  call  the  battle  of  the  "Plains  of 
the  Mesa"  the  Californians  call  the  battle  of  La 
Mesa,  which  is  most  decidedly  a  better  name 
than  the  "Plains  of  the  Plain."  It  was  fought 
at  a  ravine.  The  Cafiada  de  Los  Alisos,  near  the 
southeastern  corner  of  the  city's  boundary.  In 
these  battles  the  Californians  had  four  pieces  of 
artillery,  two  iron  nine-pounders,  the  Old  Wo- 
man's gun  and  the  howitzer  captured  from 
Kearny.  Their  powder  was  very  poor.  It  was 
made  at  San  Gabriel.  It  was  owing  to  this  that 
they  did  so  little  execution  in  the  fight.  That 
the  Californians  escaped  with  so  little  punish- 
ment was  probably  due  to  the  wretched  marks- 
manship of  Stockton's  sailors  and  marines. 



ftFTER  the  battle  of  La  Mesa,  the  Ameri- 
cans, keeping  to  the  south,  crossed  the 
river  at  about  the  point  where  the  south 
boundary  line  of  the  city  crosses  it,  and  en- 
camped on  the  right  bank.  Here,  under  a  willow 
tree,  those  killed  in  battle  were  buried.  Lieut. 
Emory,  in  his  "Notes  of  a  Military  Reconnois- 
sance,"  says :  "The  town,  known  to  contain  great 
(juantities  of  wine  and  aguardiente,  was  four 
miles  distant  (four  miles  from  the  battlefield). 
From  previous  experience  of  the  difficulty  of 
controlling  men  when  entering  towns,  it  was  de- 
termined to  cross  the  river  San  Fernando  (Los 
Angeles'),  halt  there  for  the  night  and  enter  the 
town  in  the  nmrning.  with  the  whole  day  before 



came  down  from  the  hills,  and  400  horsenu'n 
with  four  pieces  of  artillery  drew  off  towards  the 
town,  in  order  and  regularity,  whilst  about  sixty 
made  a  movement  down  the  river  on  our  rear 
and  left  flank.  This  led  us  to  suppose  they  were 
not  yet  wdiipped,  as  we  thought,  and  that  we 
should  have  a  night  attack. 

"January  10. — Just  as  we  had  raised  our  camp, 
a  flag  of  truce  borne  by  Mr.  Celis,  a  Castilian, 
Mr.  Workman,  an  Englishman,  and  Alvarado, 
the  owner  of  the  rancho  at  the  Alisos,  was 
brought  into  camp.  They  proposed,  on  behalf 
of  the  Californians,  to  surrender  their  dear  City 
of  the  Angels,  provided  we  would  respect  prop- 
erty and  persons.  This  was  agreed  to,  I)Ut  not 
altogether  trusting  to  the  honesty  of  Gen. 
I'liires.    who   had    once    broken    his   parole,   we 



inii\i.Ml  iiilu  tlic  tuwii  ill  the  same  uriler  w  c 
should  have  done  if  expceling  an  attack. 

"It  was  a  wise  precaution,  for  the  streets  were 
full  of  desperate  and  drunken  fellows,  who  bran- 
dished their  arms  and  saluted  us  with  every 
term  of  reproach.  The  crest,  overlooking  the 
town,  in  rifle  range,  was  covered  with  horsemen 
engaged  in  the  same  hospitable  manner. 

"Our  men  marched  steadily  on,  until  crossing 
the  ravine  leading  into  the  public  square  (plaza), 
when  a  fight  took  place  amongst  the  Californians 
on  the  hill ;  one  became  disarmed,  and  to  avoid 
death  rolled  down  the  hill  towards  us,  his  adver- 
sary pursuing  and  lancing  him  in  the  most  cold- 
blooded manner.  The  man  tumbling  down  the 
hill  was  supposed  to  be  one  of  our  vaqueros,  and 
the  cry  of  'rescue  him !'  was  raised.  The  crew  of 
the  Cyane,  nearest  the  scene,  at  once  and  with- 
out any  orders,  halted  and  gave  the  man  that 
was  lancing  him  a  volley ;  strange  to  say,  he  did 
not  fall.  The  general  gave  the  jack  tars  a  curs- 
ing, not  so  much  for  the  firing  without  orders, 
as  for  their  bad  marksmanship." 

Shortly  after  the  above  episode,  the  Califor- 
nians did  open  fire  from  the  hill  on  the  vaqueros 
in  charge  of  the  cattle.  (These  vaqueros  were 
Californians  in  the  employ  of  the  Americans  and 
were  regarded  by  their  countrymen  as  traitors.) 
.\  company  of  riflemen  was  ordered  to  clear  the 
hill.  A  single  volley  effected  this — killing  two 
of  the  enemy.  This  was  the  last  bloodshed  in 
the  war ;  and  the  second  conquest  of  California 
was  completed  as  the  first  hacl  been  by  the  cap- 
ture of  Los  Angeles.  Two  hundred  men,  with 
two  pieces  of  artillery,  were  stationed  on  the 

The  Angelenos  did  not  exactly  welcome  the 
invaders  with  "bloody  hands  to  inhospitable 
graves,"  but  they  did  their  best  to  let  them 
know  they  were  not  wanted.  The  better  class  of 
the  native  inhabitants  closed  their  houses  and 
took  refuge  with  foreign  residents  or  went  to  the 
ranchos  of  their  friends  in  the  country.  The  fel- 
lows of  the  baser  sort,  who  were  in  possession  of 
the  city,  exhausted  their  vocabularies  of  abuse  on 
the  invading  gringos. 

There  was  one  paisano  who  excelled  all  his 
countrymen  in  this  species  of  warfare.  It  is  a 
pity  his  name  has  not  been  preserved  in  history 
with  that  of  other  famous  scolds  and  kickers. 
He  rode  by  the  side  of  the  advancing  column 
up  Main  street,  firing  volleys  of  invectives  and 
denunciation  at  the  hated  gringos.  At  certain 
points  of  his  tirade  he  worked  himself  up  to  such 
a  pitch  of  indignation  that  language  failed  him; 
then  he  would  solemnly  go  through  the  motions 
of  "make  ready,  take  aim!"  with  an  old  shotgun 
he  carried,  but  when  it  came  to  the  order,  "fire  !" 
discrelinn  got  the  bcdcr  of  his  valc.r;  he  lowered 

his  gun  and  began  again,  tiring  iii\ective  at  the 
gringo  soldiers;  his  mouth  would  go  off  if  his 
gun  would  not. 

Commodore  Stockton's  hcad(|uartcrs  were  in 
the  Abila  House,  the  second  house  on  Olvera 
street,  north  of  the  plaza.  The  building  is  still 
standing,  but  has  undergone  many  changes  in 
fifty  years.  A  rather  amusing  account  was  re- 
cently given  me  by  an  old  pioneer  of  the  manner 
in  which  Commodore  Stockton  got  possession  of 
the  house.  The  widow  Abila  and  her  daughters, 
at  the  approach  of  the  American  army,  had  aban- 
doned their  home  and  taken  refuge  with  Don 
Luis  Vignes  of  the  Aliso.  Mgnes  was  a  French- 
man and  friendly  to  both  sides.  The  widow  left 
a  young  Californian  in  charge  of  her  house 
(which  was  finely  furnished),  with  strict  orders 
to  keep  it  closed.  Stockton  had  with  him  a  fine 
brass  band — something  new  in  California.  When 
the  troops  halted  on  the  plaza,  the  band  began 
to  play.  The  boyish  guardian  of  the  Abila  casa 
could  not  resist  the  temptation  to  open  the  door 
and  look  out.  The  enchanting  music  drew  him 
to  the  plaza.  Stockton  and  his  staff,  hunting 
for  a  place  suitable  for  headquarters,  passing  by, 
found  the  door  invitingly  open,  entered,  and, 
finding  the  house  deserted,  took  possession.  The 
recreant  guardian  returned  to  find  himself  dis- 
possessed and  the  house  in  possession  of  the  ene- 
my.   "And  the  band  played  on." 


It  is  a  fact  not  generally  known  that  there 
were  two  forts  planned  and  partially  built  on 
Fort  Hill  during  the  war  for  the  conquest  of  Cal- 
ifornia. The  first  was  planned  by  Lieut.  William 
H.  Emory,  topographical  engineer  of  Gen.  Kear- 
ny's staff,  and  work  begun  on  it  by  Commodore 
Stockton's  sailors  and  marines.  The  second  was 
planned  by  Lieut.  J.  W.  Davidson,  of  the  First 
United  States  Dragoons,  and  built  by  the  Mor- 
mon Battalion.  The  first  was  not  completed  and 
not  named.  The  second  was  named  Fort  ]\Ioore. 
Their  location  seems  to  have  been  identical.  The 
first  was  designed  to  hold  lOO  men.  The  second 
was  much  larger.  Flores'  army  was  supposed 
to  be  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  city  ready  to 
make  a  dash  into  it,  so  Stockton  decided  to 

"On  January  ii,"  Lieut.  Emory  writes,  "I 
was  ordered  to  select  a  site  and  place  a  fort 
capable  of  containing  a  hundred  men.  With 
this  in  view  a  rapid  reconnoissance  of  the  town 
was  made  and  the  plan  of  a  fort  sketched,  so 
placed  as  to  enable  a  small  garrison  to  command 
the  town  and  the  principal  avenues  to  it.  The 
plan  was  approved." 

"lanuarv  U. — T  laid  off  the  work  ami  before 
night  bn^kc  the  first  grouii.l.    The  pcpulalion  of 




the  town  and  its  dependencies  is  about  3,000 ; 
that  of  the  town  itself  about  1,500.  *  *  =1^ 
Here  all  the  revolutions  have  had  their  origin, 
and  it  is  the  point  upon  which  any  Mexican 
force  from  Sonora  would  be  directed.  It  was 
therefore  desirable  to  establish  a  fort  which,  in 
case  of  trouble,  should  enable  a  small  garrison 
to  hold  out  till  aid  might  come  from  San  Diego, 
San  Francisco  or  ^Monterey,  places  which  are  des- 
tined to  become  centers  of  American  settle- 

"January  13. — It  rained  steadily  all  day  and 
nothing  was  done  on  the  work.  At  night  I 
worked  on  the  details  of  the  fort." 

"January  15. — The  details  to  work  on  the  fort 
were  by  companies.  I  sent  to  Capt.  Tilghman, 
who  commanded  on  the  hill,  to  detach  one  of  the 
companies  under  his  command  to  commence  the 
work.  He  furnished,  on  the  i6th,  a  company 
of  artillery  (seamen  from  the  Congress)  for  the 
day's  work,  which  they  performed  bravely,  and 
gave  me  great  hopes  of  success." 

(Jn  the  14th  of  Januar)',  Fremont,  with  his  bat- 
talion of  450  men,  arrived  from  Cahuenga.  There 
were  then  about  1,100  troops  in  the  city,  and  the 
old  ciudad  put  on  military  airs.  On  the  i8th 
Kearny,  having  quarreled  with  Stockton  about 
who  should  be  governor  of  the  conquered  terri- 
tory, left  for  San  Diego,  taking  with  him  Lieut. 
Emory  and  the  other  members  of  his  staff,  and 
the  dragoons.  Emory  was  sent  east  by  way  of 
Panama  with  dispatches.  Stockton  appointed 
Col.  Fremont  governor,  and  Col.  Russell,  of  the 
battalion,  secretary  of  state  of  the  newly  acquired 
territory ;  and  then  took  his  departure  to  San 
Diego,  where  his  ship,  the  Congress,  was  ly- 
ing. The  sailors  and  marines,  on  the  20th,  took 
up  their  line  of  march  for  San  Pedro  to  rejoin 
their  ships,  and  work  on  the  fort  was  abandoned. 

Lieut.  Emory  says :  "Subsequent  to  my  leav- 
ing the  Ciudad  de  Los  Angeles,  the  entire  plan  of 
the  fort  was  changed,  and  I  am  not  the  pro- 
jector of  the  work  finally  adopted  for  defense 
of  that  town."  So  far  as  I  know,  no  plan  of  the 
first  fort  exists.  One  company  of  Fremont's  bat- 
talion was  left  in  charge  of  the  city;  the  command 
of  the  battalion  was  turned  over  to  Capt.  Owens, 
and  the  other  companies  marched  to  San  Ga- 
Ijriel.  Fremont,  as  governor,  established  his 
headquarters  in  the  Bell  block,  corner  of  Aliso 
and  Los  Angeles  streets,  that  being  the  finest 
Iniilding  in  the  city.  The  quarrel  for  superiority 
between  Stockton,  Kearny,  Mason  and  Fremont 
continued  and  waxed  hotter.  Kearny  had  re- 
moved to  Monterey.  Col.  Cooke,  with  his  Mor- 
mon battalion,  having  crossed  the  plains  by  the 
southern  route,  had  arrived  and  been  stationed 
at  San  Luis  Rey.  He  was  an  adherent  of  Kear- 
ny's.    On  the  i7tli  of  March  Cooke's  Mormon 

battalion  arrived  in  Los  Angeles.  Capt.  Owens, 
in  command  of  Fremont's  battalion,  had  moved 
all  the  artillery — ten  pieces — to  the  Mission  San 

Col.  Cooke  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
southern  district,  Fremont's  battalion  was  mus- 
tered out  of  service  and  the  artillery  brought 
back  to  Los  Angeles. 

On  the  20th  of  April  rumors  reached  Los  An- 
geles that  the  Mexican  general,  Bustamente,  was 
advancing  on  California  with  a  force  of  1,500 
men.  "Positive  information,"  writes  Col.  Cooke. 
"has  been  received  that  the  Mexican  government 
has  appropriated  $600,000  towards  fitting  out 
this  force."  It  was  also  reported  that  cannon 
and  military  stores  had  been  landed  at  San  \'i- 
cente,  in  Lower  California,  on  the  coast  below 
San  Diego.  Rumors  of  an  approaching  army 
came  thick  and  fast.  War's  wrinkled  front  once 
more  affrighted  the  Angelenos,  or  rather,  the 
gringo  portion.  The  natives  were  supposed  to 
be  in  league  w^ith  Bustamente  and  to  be  pre- 
paring for  an  insurrection.  Precautions  were 
taken  against  a  surprise.  A  troop  of  cavalry 
was  sent  to  \\'arner's  ranch  to  patrol  the  Sonora 
road  as  far  as  the  desert.  The  construction  of  a 
fort  on  the  hill  fully  commanding  the  town, 
which  had  previously  been  determined  upon,  was 
begun  and  a  companv  of  infantr_v  posted  on  the 

On  the  23d  of  April,  three  months  after  work 
had  ceased  on  Emory's  fort,  the  construction  of 
the  second  fort  was  begun  and  pushed  vigor- 
ously. Rumors  continued  to  come  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  enemy.  On  May  3,  Col.  Cooke 
writes  :  "A  report  was  received  through  the  most 
available  sources  of  information  that  Gen.  Busta- 
mente had  crossed  the  gulf  near  the  head  in 
boats  of  the  pearl  fishers,  and  at  last  information 
was  at  a  rancho  on  the  western  road  70  leagues 
below  San  Diego."  Col.  Stevenson's  regiment  of 
New  York  volunteers  had  arrived  in  California, 
and  two  companies  of  the  volunteers  had  been 
sent  to  Los  Angeles.  The  report  that  Col. 
Cooke  had  received  large  reinforcements  and 
that  the  place  was  being  fortified,  was  snppose<l 
to  have  frightened  Bustamente  into  abandoning 
the  recapture  of  Los  Angeles.  Bustamente's  in- 
vading army  was  largely  the  creation  of  some- 
body's fertile  imagination.  The  scare,  however, 
had  the  effect  of  hurrying  up  work  on  the  fort. 

On  the  13th  of  May  Col.  Cooke  resigned  and 
Col.  J.  B.  Stevenson  succeeded  him  in  command 
of  the  southern  military  district.  Work  on  the 
fort  still  continued.  .\s  the  fort  approached  com- 
pletion, Col.  Stevenson  was  exercised  about  a 
suitable  flagstaff — there  was  no  tall  timber  in  the 
vicinity  of  Los  .Angeles.  The  colonel  wanted 
a  flagstaff  that  would  be  an  honor  to  his  field 



works  and  that  would  float  the  old  flag  where  it 
could  be  seen  of  "all  men,"  and  women,  too. 
Nothing  less  than  a  pole  150  feet  high  would 

A  native  Californian,  named  Juan  Ramirez, 
was  found,  who  claimed  to  have  seen  some  trees 
in  the  San  Bernardino  Mountains  that  were 
nuicho  alto — very  tall — just  what  was  needed 
for  a  flagstafi^.  A  contract  was  made  with  him 
to  bring  in  the  timber.  The  mountain  Indians 
were  hostile,  or  rather,  ihc-y  were  horse  thieves. 
The  rancheros  killed  them  on  sight,  like  so  many 
rattlesnakes.  An  escort  of  ten  soldiers  from  the 
Mormon  battalion,  under  command  of  a  lieuten- 
ant, was  sent  along  with  Juan  to  protect  him 
and  his  workmen.  Ramirez,  with  a  small  army 
of  Indian  laborers  and  a  number  of  Mexican 
carts,  set  out  for  the  headwaters  of  Mill  Creek 
in  the  San  Bernardino  ^fountains.  Time  passed ; 
the  colonel  was  becoming  uneasy  over  the  long 
absence  of  the  flagstaff  hunters.  He  had  not  yet 
become  accustomed  to  the  easy-going,*  poco 
tiempo  ways  of  the  native  Californians.  One 
afternoon  a  cloud  of  dust  was  seen  out  on  the 
mission  road.  From  out  the  cloud  came  the 
most  unearthly  shriekings,  groanings  and  wail- 
ings.  At  first  it  was  surmised  that  it  might  be 
the  fag  end  of  Bustamente's  army  of  invasion 
that  had  gotten  away  from  its  base  of  supplies, 
or  possibly  the  return  of  a  Mexican  revolution 
that  had  been  lost  on  the  plains  years  ago.  As 
the  cloud  crossed  the  river  into  the  Aliso  road, 
Juan  Ramirez'  cavalcade  and  its  Mormon  es- 
cort emerged  from  it.  They  had  two  tree 
trunks,  one  about  90  feet  and  the  other  75  or  80 
feet  long,  mounted  on  the  axles  of  about  a  dozen 
old  carretas,  each  trunk  hauled  by  twenty  yoke 
of  oxen,  and  an  Indian  driver  to  each  ox  (Indi- 
ans were  plentiful  in  those  days).  Each  wooden 
wheel  of  the  carts  was  sending  forth  its  agoniz- 
ing shrieks  for  axle  grease  in  a  different  key 
from  its  fellows.  Each  Indian  driver  was  ex- 
hausting his  vocabulary  of  invective  on  his  espe- 
cial ox,  and  punctuating  his  profanity  by  vicious 
punches  with  the  goad  in  the  poor  ox's  ribs.  The 
Indian  was  a  cruel  driver.  The  Mormons  of  the 
escort  were  singing  one  of  their  interminable 
songs  of  Zion — a  pean  of  deliverance  from  the 
hands  of  the  Philistines.  They  had  had  a  fight 
with  the  Indians,  killed  three  of  the  hostiles 
and  had  the  ears  of  their  victims  strung  upon  a 

Never  before  or  since,  in  the  history  of  the 
flag,  did  such  a  (|ueer  concourse  combine  to  pro- 
cure a  staff  to  float  Old  Glory. 

The  carpenters  among  the  volunteers  spliced 
the  two  pieces  of  timber  together  and  soon 
fashioned  a  beautiful  flagstaff  a  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  in  length.     The  pole  was  raised   near 

what  is  now  the  southeast  comer  of  North  Broad- 
way and  Fort  Moore  Place.  By  the  first  of  Julv 
work  had  so  far  progressed  on  the  fort  that  Col. 
-Stevenson  decided  to  dedicate  and  name  it  on 
the  4th.  He  issued  an  official  order  for  the 
celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  the  birthday  of 
.\merican  Independence  at  this  port,  as  he  called 
Los  Angeles.  The  following  is  a  synopsis  of  the 
order :  "At  sunrise  a  Federal  salute  will  be 
fired  from  the  field  work  on  the  hill,  which  com- 
mands this  town,  and  for  the  first  time  from 
this  point  the  American  standard  will  be  dis- 
played. At  10  o'clock  every  soldier  at  this  post 
will  be  under  arms.  The  detachment  of  the 
7th  Regiment,  N.  Y.  \'oIunteers,  and  ist  Regi- 
ment, U.  S.  Dragoons  (dismounted),  will  be 
marched  to  the  field  work  on  the  hill,  when,  to- 
gether with  the  Mormon  battalion,  the  whole 
will  be  formed  at  1 1  o'clock  A.  M.  into  a  hollow 
square,  when  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
will  be  read.  At  the  close  of  this  ceremony  the 
field  work  will  be  dedicated  and  appropriately 
named:  and  at  12  o'clock  a  national  salute  will 
be  fired.  The  field  work  at  this  post  having 
been  planned  and  the  work  conducted  entirely 
by  Lieut.  Davidson  of  the  First  Dragoons,  he  is 
requested  to  hoist  upon  it  for  the  first  time,  on 
the  morning  of  the  4th,  the  American  Standard. 
It  is  the  custom  of  our  country  to  confer  on  its 
fortifications  the  name  of  some  distinguished 
individual  who  has  rendered  important  services 
to  his  country  either  in  the  councils  of  the  na- 
tion or  on  the  battlefield.  The  commandant  has 
therefore  determined,  unless  the  department  of 
war  shall  otherwise  direct,  to  confer  upon  the 
field  work  erected  at  the  port  of  Los  Angeles 
the  name  of  one  who  was  regarded  by  all  who 
had  the  pleasure  of  his  acquaintance  as  a  perfect 
specimen  of  an  American  officer,  and  whose 
character  for  every  virtue  and  accomplishment 
that  adorns  a  gentleman  was  only  equalled  by 
the  reputation  he  had  acquired  in  the  field  for 
his  gallantry  as  an  officer  and  soldier,  and  his 
life  was  sacrificed  in  the  conquest  of  this  terri- 
tory at  the  battle  of  San  Pasqual.  The  com- 
mander directs  that  from  and  after  the  4th  in- 
stant it  shall  bear  the  name  of  Moore." 

Benjamin  D.  Moore,  after  whom  the  fort  was 
named, 'was  captain  of  Co.  A,  First  \J.  S.  Dra- 
goons. He  was  killed  by  a  lance  thrust  in  the 
disastrous  charge  at  San  Pasqual.  Capt.  Stuart 
Taylor  at  this  celebration  read  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  in  English,  and  Stephen  C. 
Foster  read  it  in  Spanish.  The  native  Cali- 
fornians seated  on  their  horses  in  rear  of  the 
soldiers  listened  to  Don  Estevan  as  he  rolled 
out  in  sonorous  Spanish  the  Declaration's  ar- 
raignment of  King  (ieorge  IIT.  and  smiled. 
Tli'oy  had  prol);d)Iy  never  heard  of  King  George 


or  the  Declaration  of  Independence  either,  but 
they  knew  a  pronunciamiento  when  they  heard 
it,  and  after  a  pronunciamiento  in  their  govern- 
mental system  came  a  revolution — therefore 
they  smiled  at  the  prospect  of  a  gringo  revolu- 
tion. The  old  fort  was  located  along  the  east- 
erly line  of  what  is  now  North  Broadway  at  its 
intersection  with  Fort  Moore  Place.  It  began 
near  the  northerly  line  of  Dr.  \\'ills'  lot  and  ex- 
tended southerly  to  the  fourth  lot  south  of  Fort 
?iIoore  Place,  a  length  of  over  400  feet.  It  was 
a  breastwork  with  bastions  and  embrasures  for 
cannon.  The  principal  embrasure  covered  the 
church  and  plaza.  It  was  built  more  for  the 
suppression  of  a  revolt  than  to  resist  an  invasion. 
It  was  a  strong  position ;  two  hundred  men, 
about  its  capacity,  could  have  defended  it  against 
one  thousand  if  the  attack  came  from  the  front, 
but  it  could  easily  have  been  outflanked. 

In  the  rear  of  the  fort  a  deep  ravine  ran 
diagonally  from  the  cemetery  to  Spring  street 
just  south  of  Temple.  The  road  to  the  ceme- 
tery led  up  this  ravine  and  many  an  old  Cali- 
fornian  made  his  last  journey  in  this  world  up 
cemetery  ravine.  It  was  known  as  the  Canada 
de  Los  Muertos  (the  canon  of  the  dead).  The 
-l-th  of  July,  1847,  was  a  crackerless  4th.  The 
American  boy  with  his  fireworks  was  not  in  evi- 
dence, and  the  native  muchacho  knew  as  little 
about  firecrackers  as  hf  did  about  the  4th  of 
July.  The  day's  festivities  ended  with  a  fan- 
dango. The  fandango  was  a  universal  leveler. 
Mormon  and  Mexican,  native  Californians  and 
spruce  shoulder-strapped  Regulars  met  and 
mingled  in  the  dance.  The  day  ended  without 
a  casualty  and  at  its  close  even  the  most  recalci- 
trant paisano  was  constrained  to  shout  Viva  Los 
Estados  Unidos  !    (Long  live  the  LTnited  States.) 

One  of  the  historical  fictions  that  appears  in 
most  of  the  "write  ups"  of  this  old  fort  is  the 
statement  that  it  was  built  by  Fremont.  There 
is  absolutelv  no  foundation  for  such  a  statement. 

Emory's  fort  was  begun  before  Fremont's  bat- 
talion reached  Los  Angeles,  and  work  ceased 
on  it  when  Stockton's  sailors  and  marines  left 
the  city.  Davidson's  fort  was  begun  while  the 
battalion  was  at  San  Gabriel,  a  short  time  before 
it  was  mustered  out.  Fremont  left  for  Monterey 
shortly  after  the  Alornion  battalion  began  work 
on  the  redoubt;  and  when  it  was  completed,  or 
rather  when  work  stopped  on  it,  he  had  left 
California  and  was  somewhere  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  Rocky  mountains.  Neither  is 
there  any  foundation  for  the  story  that  the  forti- 
fication was  begun  by  ^^licheltorena  when  Com- 
modore Jones  captured  Monterey,  October  hj. 
1842.  It  was  not  known  in  early  times  as  l"re- 
mont's  redoubt. 

Another  silly  fiction  that  occasionally  makes 
its  appearance  in  newspapers  and  literary  jour- 
nals is  the  story  that  an  old  adobe  building 
on  ]Main  near  Fourteenth  street  was  Fremont's 
h.eadquarters  when  he  was  "military  com- 
mander" of  the  territory.  As  I  write  there  lies 
before  me  a  copy  of  an  illustrated  eastern  journal 
of  extensive  circulation,  in  which  appears  a  cut 
of  this  ex-saloon  and  ]5resent  Chinese  wash 
house  labeled  "Fremont's  Headquarters."  Not 
long  since  a  literary  journal  of  our  own  city,  in 
an  editorial,  urged  upon  the  Historical  Society 
and  the  Landmarks  Club  the  necessity  of  pre- 
serving this  valuable  historical  relic  of  Fremont's 
occupancy  of  Los  Angeles  in  the  war.  The  idiocy 
of  a  commanding  officer  establishing  his  head- 
quarters on  a  naked  plain  two  miles  away  from 
the  fort  where  his  troops  were  stationed  and 
within  what  would  then  have  been  the  enemy's 
lines  seems  never  to  have  occurred  to  the  au- 
thors and  promulgators  of  these  fictions.  This 
old  adobe  house  was  built  six  or  eight  years  after 
the  conquest  of  California.  In  1856  it  was  used 
for  a  saloon ;  Fremont  was  then  a  candidate 
for  the  presidency.  The  proprietor  named  it 
Fremont's  Headquarters. 




JT  S  STATED  in  a  [ormcr  chapter,  Frc- 
T^  niont's  battalion  began  its  march  down 
±  \_  the  coast  on  the  29th  of  November,  1846. 
The  winter  rains  set  in  v>ith  great  severity.  The 
volunteers  were  scantily  provided  with  clothing 
and  the  horses  were  in  poor  condition.  Many 
of  the  horses  died  of  starvation  and  hard  usage. 
The  battalion  encountered  no  opposition  from 
the  enemy  on  its  march  and  did  no  fighting. 

On  the  nth  of  January,  a  few  miles  above 
San  Fernando,  Col.  Fremont  received  a  message 
from  Gen.  Kearny  informing  him  of  the  defeat 
of  the  enemy  and  the  capture  of  Los  Angeles. 
That  night  the  battalion  encamped  in  the  mission 
buildings  at  San  Fernando.  From  the  mission 
that  evening  Jesus  Pico,  a  cousin  of  Gen.  An- 
dres Pico,  set  out  to  find  the  Californian  army 
and  open  negotiations' with  its  leaders.  Jesus 
Pico,  better  known  as  Tortoi,  had  been  arrested 
at  his  home  near  San  Luis  Obispo,  tried  by 
court-martial  and  sentenced  to  be  shot  for  break- 
ing his  parole.  Fremont,  moved  by  the  plead- 
ings of  Pico's  wife  and  children,  pardoned  him. 
He  became  a  warm  admirer  and  devoted  friend 
of  Fremont. 

He  found  the  advance  guard  of  the  Califor- 
nians  encamped  at  Verdugos.  He  was  detained 
here,  and  the  leading  ofificers  of  the  army  were 
summoned  to  a  council.  Pico  informed  them  of 
Fremont's  arrival  and  the  number  of  his  men. 
With  the  combined  forces  of  Fremont  and  Stock- 
Ion  against  them  their  cause  was  hopeless.  He 
urged  them  to  surrender  to  Fremont,  as  they 
could  obtain  better  terms  from  him  than  from 

Gen.  Flores,  who  held  a  commission  in  the 
Mexican  army,  and  who  had  been  appointed  by 
the  territorial  assembly  governor  and  coman- 
dante-gcneral  by  virtue  of  his  rank,  appointed 
/\ndres  Pico  general  and  gave  him  command 
of  the  army.  The  same  night  he  took  his  de- 
parture for  Mexico,  by  way  of  .San  Gorgonio 
Pass,  accompanied  by  Col.  Garfias,  Diego  Se- 
pulveda.  Manuel  Castro,  Segura.  and  about 
thirty  privates.  Gen.  •Pico,  on  assuming  com- 
mand, appointed  Francisco  Rico  and  Francisco 
de  La  Gucrra  to  go  with  Jesus  Pico  to  confer 
with  Cul.  I'Vemonl.  Fremont  appointed  as  com- 
missioners to  negotiate  a  treaty:  Major  P.  P>. 
j-tcading.   Major  \\'illi:nn    If.   Kussdl  .nnd   Capt. 

Louis  McLane.  On  the  return  of  Guerra  and 
Rico  to  the  Californian  camp.  Gen.  Andres  Picn 
appointed  as  commissioners :  Jose  Antonio  Car- 
rillo,  commander  of  the  cavalry  squadron,  and 
Augustin  Olvera,  diputado  of  the  assembly,  and 
moved  his  army  near  the  river  at  Cahuenga. 
On  the  13th  Fremont  moved  his  camp  to  the 
Cahuenga.  The  commissioners  met  in  the  de- 
serted ranch-house,  and  the  treaty  was  drawn 
up  and  signed. 

The  principal  conditions  of  the  treaty  or  capit- 
ulation of  "Cahuenga,"  as  it  was  termed,  were 
that  the  Californians,  on  delivering  up  their  ar- 
tillery and  public  arms,  and  promising  not  again 
to  take  up  arms  during  the  war,  and  conforming 
to  the  laws  and  regulations  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  allowed  peaceably  to  return  to  their 
homes.  They  were  to  be  allowed  the  same 
rights  and  privileges  as  are  allowed  to  citizens 
of  the  Ignited  States,  and  were  not  to  be  com- 
pelled to  take  an  oath  of  allegiance  until  a  treaty 
of  peace  was  signed  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico,  and  w-ere  given  the  privilege  of 
leaving  the  country  if  they  wished  to.  An  adtli- 
tional  section  was  added  to  the  treaty  on  the 
16th  at  Los  Angeles  releasing  the  officers  from 
their  paroles.  Two  cannon  were  surrendered, 
the  howitzer  captured  from  Gen.  Kearny  at  San 
Pasqual,  and  the  woman's  gun  that  won  the  bat- 
tle of  Dominguez.  On  the  14th,  Fremont's  bat- 
talion marched  through  the  Cahuenga  Pass  to 
Los  Angeles  in  a  pouring  rainstorm,  and  entered 
it  four  days  after  its  surrender  to  Stockton.  The 
conquest  of  California  was  completed.  Stock- 
ton approved  the  treaty,  although  it  was  not  alto- 
gether satisfactory  to  him.  On  the  i6th  he  ap- 
pointed Col.  Fremont  governor  of  the  terri- 
tory, and  William  H.  Russell,  of  the  battalion, 
secretary  of  state. 

This  precipitated  a  quarrel  between  Stockton 
and  Kearny,  which  had  been  brewing  for  some 
time.  Gen.  Kearny  claimed  that  under  his  in- 
structions from  the  government  he  should  bo 
recognized  as  governor.  .\s  he  had  directly  un- 
der his  command  but  the  one  company  of  dra- 
goons that  he  brought  across  the  plain  with  him 
he  was  unable  to  enforce  his  authority.  He  left 
on  the  i8tli  for  San  Die,go,  taking  with  him  his 
officers  and  dragoons.  ( )n  the  20th  Conmio- 
(liivc    ."^tdckton,   with    his   sailors    and    marines. 



maiclitd  to  San  Pedro,  where  they  all  embarked 
on  a  man-of-war  for  San  Diego  to  rejoin  their 
ships.  Stockton  was  shortly  afterwards  super- 
seded in  the  command  of  the  Pacific  squadron 
by  Commodore  Shubrick. 

Fremont  was  left  in  command  at  Los  Angeles. 
He  established  his  headquarters  in  the  upper 
(second)  floor  of  the  Bell  block,  corner  of  Los 
Angeles  and  Aliso  streets,  the  best  building  in 
the  city  then.  One  company  of  the  battalion  was 
retained  in  the  city ;  the  others,  under  command 
of  Capt.  Owens,  were  quartered  at  the  Mission 
San  Gabriel.  From  San  Diego,  Gen.  Kearny 
sailed  to  San  Francisco,  and  from  there  he  went 
to  Monterey.  Under  additional  instructions  from 
the  general  government  brought  to  the  coast  by 
Col.  Mason,  he  established  his  governorship  at 
Monterey.  With  a  governor  in  the  north  and 
one  in  the  south  antagonistic  to  each  other, 
California  had  fallen  back  to  its  normal  condition 
under  Mexican  rule.  Col.  Cooke,  commander 
of  the  Mormon  battalion,  writing  about  this 
time,  says :  "Gen.  Kearny  is  supreme  somewhere 
up  the  coast ;  Gen.  Fremont  is  supreme  at  Pu- 
eblo de  Los  Angeles ;  Commodore  Stockton  is 
commander-in-chief  at  San  Diego ;  Commodore 
Shubrick  the  same  at  Monterey ;  and  I  at  San 
Luis  Key ;  and  we  are  all  supremely  poor,  the 
government  having  no  money  and  no  credit,  and 
we  hold  the  territory  because  Mexico  is  poorest 
of  all !" 

Col.  R.  B.  Mason  was  appointed  inspector  of 
the  troops,  and  made  an  official  visit  to  Los  An- 
geles. In  some  disagreement  he  used  insulting 
language  to  Col.  Fremont.  Fremont  promptly 
challenged  him  to  fight  a  duel.  The  challenge 
was  accepted,  and  double-barreled  shotguns 
were  chosen  as  the  weapons  and  the  Rancho 
Rosa  del  Castillo  chosen  as  the  place  of  meeting. 
Mason  was  summoned  north,  and  the  duel  was 
postponed  until  his  return.  Kearny,  hearing  of 
it,  put  a  stop  to  it. 

Col.  P.  St.  George  Cooke,  commander  of  the 
Mormon  battalion,  but  an  officer  of  the  regular 
army,  was  made  commander  of  the  military  dis- 
trict of  the  south,  with  headquarters  at  Los  An- 
geles. Fremont's  battalion  was  mustered  out  of 
the  service  and  Fremont  himself  ordered  to  re- 
l)ort  to  Gen.  Kearny  at  Monterey  and  turn  over 
the  papers  and  accounts  of  his  governorship.  He 
(lid  so,  and  passed  out  of  office.  He  was  nomin- 
ally governor  of  the  territory  about  two  months. 
His  jurisdiction  did  not  really  extend  beyond 
Los  Angeles.  He  accompanied  Gen.  Kearny 
cast,  leaving  Los  Angeles  May  12,  and  Mon- 
terey May  31.  At  Fort  Leavenworth  Gen. 
Kearny  placed  him  under  arrest  and  preferred 
charges  against  him  for  disobedience  of  orders. 
He  was  tried  by  court-martial  at  Washington 

and  was  ably  defended  by  his  father-in-law,  Col. 
Benton,  and  his  brother-in-law,  William  Carey 
Jones.  The  court  found  him  guilty  and  fixed  the 
penalty — dismissal  from  the  service.  President 
Polk  remitted  the  penalty,  and  ordered  Col.  P're- 
mont  to  resume  his  sword  and  report  for  duty. 
He  resigned  his  commission  in  the  army. 

Col.  Richard  B.  JMason  succeeded  General 
Kearny  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  troops 
and  military  governor  of  California.  Col.  Philip 
St.  George  Cooke  resigned  command  of  the  mil- 
itary district  of  the  south  in  May  and  went  east 
with  Gen.  Kearny.  Col.  J.  D.  Stevenson,  of 
the  New  York  Volunteers,  succeeded  Cooke. 
His  regiment,  the  First  New  York,  had  been 
recruited  in  eastern  New  York  in  the  summer  of 
1846  for  the  double  purpose  of  conquest  and 
colonization.  It  came  to  the  coast  well  pro- 
vided with  provisions  and  implements  of  hus- 
bandry. It  reached  California  via  Cape  Horn. 
The  first  transport,  the  Perkins,  reached  Yerba 
Buena,  March  6,  1847;  t'^^  second,  the  Drew, 
Alarch  19;  and  the  third,  the  Loo  Choo,  March 
26.  Hostilities  had  ceased  in  California  before 
their  arrival.  Two  companies,  A  and  B,  under 
command  of  Lieut. -Col.  Burton,  were  sent  to 
Lower  California,  where  they  saw  hard  service 
and  took  part  in  several  engagements.  The 
other  companies  of  the  regiment  were  sent  to 
different  towns  in  Upper  California  to  do  gar- 
rison duty.  Companies  E  and  G  were  stationed 
at  Los  Angeles,  Company  F  at  Santa  Barbara 
and  Company  I  at  San  Diego. 

Col.  Stevenson  had  under  his  command  a 
force  of  about  600  men,  consisting  of  four  com- 
panies of  the  Mormon  battalion,  two  companies  of 
United  States  Dragoons  and  the  two  companies 
of  his  own  regiment.  The  Mormon  battalion  was 
mustered  out  in  July,  1847;  t'^^  ^ew  York  vol- 
unteers remained  in  service  until  August,  1848. 
Most  of  these  volunteers  remained  in  California 
and  several  became  residents  of  Southern  Cali- 

Another  military  organization  that  reached 
California  after  the  conquest  was  Company  F, 
Third  United  States  Artillery.  It  landed  at  Mon- 
terey, January  28,  1847,  under  command  of 
Capt.  C.  Q.  Thompkins.  With  it  came  Lieuts. 
E.  O.  C.  Ord,  William  T.  Sherman  and  H.  W. 
Halleck,  all  of  whom  were  prominent  afterward 
in  California  and  attained  national  reputation 
during  the  Civil  war.  Lieut.  Ord  made  what 
is  known  as  Ord's  survey  of  Los  Angeles.  After 
the  treaty  of  peace  was  made,  in  1848,  four  com- 
panies of  U.  S.  Dragoons,  under  command  of 
Major  L.  P.  Graham,  marched  from  Chihuahua, 
by  way  of  Tucson,  to  California.  Major  Gra- 
ham was  the  last  military  commander  of  the 


MKiCAL    AND    JJKJL.KAl'JliCAl.    RliCORU. 

Under  Col.  Stevenson's  administration  the 
reconstruction,  or  rather  it  might  be  more  ap- 
propriately called  the  transformation,  period  re- 
ally began.  The  orders  from  the  general  gov- 
ernment were  to  conciliate  the  people  and  to 
make  no  radical  changes  in  the  form  of  govern- 
ment. The  Mexican  laws  were  continued  in 
force.  In  February  an  ayuntamiento  was  elected 
at  Los  Angeles.  The  members  were  :  First  al- 
calde, Jose  Salazar;  second  alcalde,  Enrique 
Avila;  regidores,  Miguel  N.  Pryor,  Julian  Cha- 
vez, Rafael  Gallardo  and  Jose  A.  Yorba;  sindico, 
Jose  Vicinte  Guerrero ;  secretary,  Ignacio  Cor- 

This  council  proceeded  to  grant  house  lots 
and  perform  its  various  municipal  functions  as 
formerly.  Occasionally  there  was  friction  be- 
tween the  military  and  civil  powers,  and  there 
were  rumors  of  insurrections  and  invasions. 
There  were,  no  doubt,  some  who  hoped  that  the 
])rophecy  of  the  doggerel  verses  that  were  de- 
risively sung  by  the  women  occasionally  might 
Clime  true : 

"Poco  tiempo 
Viene  Castro 
Con  mucho  gente 
Vamos  Americanos." 

But  Castro  came  not  with  his  many  gentle- 
men, nor  did  the  Americans  show  any  disposi- 
tion to  vamos ;  so  with  that  easy  good  nature 
so  characteristic  of  the  Californians  they  made 
the  best  of  the  situation.  "A  thousand  things," 
says  Judge  Hays,  "combined  to  smooth  the  as- 
perities of  war.  Fremont  had  been  courteous 
and  gay ;  Mason  was  just  and  firm.  The  natu- 
ral good  temper  of  the  population  favored  a 
speedy  and  perfect  conciliation.  The  American 
officers  at  once  found  themselves  happy  in  every 
circle.  In  suppers,  balls,  visiting  in  town  and 
country,  the  hours  glided  away  with  pleasant 

There  were,  however,  a  few  individuals  who 
were  not  happy  unless  they  could  stir  up  dis- 
sensions and  cause  trouble.  One  of  the  chief 
of  these  was  Serbulo  Varela — agitator  and  revo- 
lutionist. Yarela,  for  some  ofifense  not  specified 
in  the  records,  had  been  committed  to  prison 
by  the  second  alcalde,  or  judge  of  the  second 
instance.  Col.  Stevenson  turned  him  out  of 
jail  and  Varela  gave  the  judge  a  tongue  lashing 
in  refuse  Castilian.  The  judge's  ofificial  dignity 
was  hurt.  He  sent  a  communication  to  the  ayun- 
tamiento saying :  "Owing  to  personal  abuse 
which  I  received  at  the  hands  of  a  private  indi- 
vidual and  from  the  present  military  commander, 
I  tender  my  resignation." 

The   council    sent   a   communication    to    Col. 

.Stevenson,  asking  why  he  had  turned  N'arcla  out 
of  jail  and  why  he  had  insulted  the  judge. 

The  colonel  curtly  replied  that  the  military 
would  not  act  as  jailers  over  persons  guilty  of 
trifling  offenses  while  the  city  had  plenty  of  per- 
sons to  do  guard  duty  at  the  jail.  As  to  abuse 
of  the  judge,  he  was  not  aware  that  any  abuse 
had  been  given,  and  would  take  no  further  notice 
of  him  unless  he  stated  the  nature  of  the  insult 
ofifered  him. 

The  council  decided  to  notify  the  governor  of 
the  outrage  perpetrated  by  the  military  com- 
mander, and  the  second  alcalde  said,  since  he 
could  get  no  satisfaction  for  insults  to  his  author- 
ity from  the  military  despot  he  would  resign; 
but  the  council  would  not  accept  his  resignation, 
so  he  refused  to  act,  and  the  city  had  to  worry 
along  with  one  judge. 

When  the  time  came  around  for  the  election  of 
a  new  ayuntamiento  there  was  more  trouble. 
Stephen  C.  Foster,  the  colonel's  interpreter, 
submitted  a  paper  to  the  council  stating  that 
the  government  had  authorized  him  to  get  up  a 
register  of  voters.  And  the  ayuntamiento  voted 
to  return  the  paper  just  as  it  was  received.  Then 
the  colonel  made  a  demand  of  the  council  to 
assist  Esteban  Foster  in  compiling  a  register 
of  voters.  Regidor  Chavez  took  the  floor  and 
said  such  a  register  should  not  be  gotten  up 
under  the  auspices  of  the  military,  but  since  the 
government  had  so  disposed,  thereby  outraging 
this  honorable  body,  no  attention  should  be  paid 
to  said  communication.  But  the  council  de- 
cided that  the  matter  did  not  amount  to  much, 
so  they  granted  the  request,  much  to  the  disgust 
of  Chavez.  The  election  was  held  and  a  new 
council  elected.  At  the  last  meeting  of  the  old 
council,  December  29,  1847,  ^ol.  Stevenson  ad- 
dressed a  note  to  it,  requesting  that  Stephen  C. 
Foster  be  recognized  as  first  alcalde  and  judge 
of  the  first  instance.  The  council  decided  to 
turn  the  whole  business  over  to  its  successor, 
to  deal  with  as  it  sees  fit. 

Col.  Stevenson's  request  was  made  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wish  of  Governor  Jklason,  that  a 
part  of  the  civil  offices  be  filled  by  Americans. 
The  new  ayuntamiento  resented  this  interfer- 

How  the  matter  terminated  is  best  told  in 
Stephen  C.  Foster's  own  words:  "Col.  Steven- 
son was  determined  to  have  our  inauguration 
done  in  style.  So  on  the  day  appointed  (Jan- 
tiary  i,  1848)  he,  together  with  myself  and  col- 
league, escorted  by  a  guard  of  soldiers,  pro- 
ceeded from  the  colonel's  quarters  (which  were 
in  the  house  now  occupied  as  a  stable  by  Fer- 
guson &  Rose)  to  the  alcalde's  office,  which  was 
where  the  City  of  Paris  store  now  stands  on 
Main  street.    There  we  found  the  retiring  ayun- 



taniiento  and  the  new  one  awaiting  our  arrival. 
The  oath  of  office  was  to  be  administered  by 
the  retiring  first  alcalde.  We  knelt  to  take  the 
oath,  when  we  found  they  had  changed  their 
minds,  and  the  alcalde  told  us  that  if  two  of  their 
number  were  to  be  kicked  out  they  would  all 
go.  So  they  all  marched  out  and  left  us  in  pos- 
session. Here  was  a  dilemma ;  but  Col.  Steven- 
son was  equal  to  the  emergency.  He  said  he 
could  give  us  a  swear  as  well  as  the  alcalde.  So 
we  stood  up  and  he  administered  to  us  an  oath 
to  support  the  constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  administer  justice  in  accordance  with  Mex- 
ican law.  I  then  knew  as  much  about  Mexican 
law  as  I  did  about  Chinese,  and  my  colleague 
knew  as  much  as  I  did.  Guerrero  gathered  up 
the  books  that  pertained  to  his  office  and  took 
them  to  his  house,  where  he  established  his 
office,  and  I  took  the  archives  and  records  across 
the  street  to  a  house  I  had  rented,  where  Perry 
&  Riley's  building  now  stands,  and  there  I  was 
duly  installed  for  the  next  seventeen  months, 
the  first  American  alcalde  and  carpet-bagger  in 
Los  Angeles." 

"The  late  Abel  Stearns  was  afterwards  ap- 
pointed syndic.  We  had  instructions  from  Gov- 
ernor Mason  to  make  no  grants  of  land,  but  to 
attend  only  to  criminal  and  civil  business  and 
current  municipal  aiifairs.  Criminal  offenders 
had  formerly  been  punished  by  being  confined 
in  irons  in  the  calaboose,  which  then  stood  on 
the  north  side  of  the  plaza,  but  I  induced  the 
Colonel  to  lend  me  balls  and  chains  and  I  had 
a  chain  gang  organized  for  labor  on  the  public 
works,  under  charge  of  a  gigantic  old  Mexican 
soldier,  armed  with  a  carbine  and  cutlass,  w'ho 
soon  had  his  gang  under  good  discipline 
and  who  boasted  that  he  could  get  twice  as  much 
work  out  of  his  men  as  could  be  got  out  of  the 
soldiers  in  the  chain  gang  of  the  garrison." 

The  rumors  of  plots  and  impending  insurrec- 
tions was  the  indirect  cause  of  a  serious  catas- 
trophe. On  the  afternoon  of  December  7,  1847, 
an  old  lady  called  upon  Col.  Stevenson  and  in- 
formed him  that  a  large  body  of  Californians 
had  secretly  organized  and  fixed  upon  that  night 
for  a  general  uprising,  to  capture  the  city  and 
massacre  the  garrison.  The  information  was 
supposed  to  be  reliable.  Precautions  were  taken 
against  a  surprise.  The  guard  was  doubled  and 
a  strong  reserve  stationed  at  the  guardhouse, 
which  stood  on  the  hillside  about  where  Pieau- 
dry's  stone  wall  on  the  new  High  street  is  now. 
A  piece  of  artillery  was  kept  at  the  guardhouse. 
About  midnight  one  of  the  outpost  pickets  saw, 
or  thought  he  saw,  a  horseman  approaching  him. 
He  challenged,  but  receiving  no  reply,  fired. 
The  guard  at  the  cuartel  formed  to  repel  an 
attack.    Investigation  proved  the  picket's  horse- 

man to  be  a  cow.  The  guard  was  ordered  to 
break  ranks.  One  of  the  cannoneers  had  lighted 
a  port  fire  (a  sort  of  fuse  formerly  used  for  firing 
cannon).  He  was  ordered  to  e.xtinguish  it  and 
return  it  to  the  arm  chest.  lie  attempted  to  ex- 
tinguish it  by  stamping  on  it,  and  supposing  he 
had  stamped  the  fire  out,  threw  it  into  the  chest 
filled  with  ammunition.  The  fire  rekindled  and 
a  terrific  explosion  followed  that  shook  the  city 
like  an  earthquake.  The  guardhouse  was  blown 
to  pieces  and  the  roof  timbers  thrown  into  Main 

The  wildest  confusion  reigned.  The  long  roll 
sounded  and  the  troops  flew  to  arms.  Four  men 
were  killed  by  the  explosion  and  ten  or  twelve 
wounded,  several  quite  seriously.  The  guard- 
house was  rebuilt  and  was  used  by  the  city  for  a 
jail  up  to  1853. 

This  catastrophe  was  the  occasion  of  the  first 
civil  marriage  ever  celebrated  in  Los  Angeles. 
The  w-idow  of  Sergeant  Travers,  one  of  the  sol- 
diers killed  by  the  explosion,  after  three  months 
of  widowhood,  desired  to  enter  the  state  of 
double  blessedness.  She  and  the  bridegroom, 
both  being  Protestants,  could  not  be  married  in 
the  Catholic  Church,  and  there  was  no  minister 
of  any  other  denomination  in  the  country.  In 
their  dilemma,  they  applied  to  Alcalde  Foster 
to  have  a  civil  ceremony  performed.  The  al- 
calde was  doubtful  whether  his  powers  admitted 
of  marrying  people.  There  was  no  precedent 
for  so  doing  in  Mexican  law,  but  he  took  the 
chances.  A  formidable  legal  document,  still  on 
file  in  the  recorder's  office,  was  drawn  up  and 
the  parties  signed  it  in  the  presence  of  witnesses, 
and  took  a  solemn  oath  to  love,  cherish,  pro- 
tect, defend  and  support  on  the  part  of  the  hus- 
band, and  the  wife,  of  her  own  choice,  agreed 
to  obey,  love,  serve  and  respect  the  man  of  her 
choice  in  accordance  w-ith  the  laws  of  the  State 
of  New  York.  Then  the  alcalde  declared  James 
C.  Burton  and  Emma  C.  Travers  man  and  wife, 
and  they  lived  happily  ever  afterwards.  The 
groom  was  a  soldier  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States  and  a  citizen  of  the  state  of  New  York. 

The  treaty  of  peace  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico  was  signed  at  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  a 
hamlet  a  few  miles  from  the  city  of  Mexico, 
February  2,  1848;  ratifications  were  exchanged 
at  Queretaro,  May  30  following,  and  a  proclama- 
tion that  peace  had  been  established  between  the 
two  countries  was  published  July  4,  1848.  Under 
this  treaty  the  United  States  assumed  the  pay- 
ment of  the  claims  of  American  citizens  against 
Mexico,  and  paid  in  addition  $15,000,000  for 
Te.xas,  New  Mexico  and  Alta  California — an 
area  of  nearly  half  a  million  square  miles.  Out 
of  what  was  the  Mexican  territory  of  Alta  Cali- 
fornia there  has  been  carved  all  of  California, 



all  of  Nevada,  Utah  and  Arizona,  and  pai't  of 
Colorado  and  Wyoming.  The  area  acquired  by 
this  territorial  expansion  equaled  that  of  the 
thirteen  colonies  at  the  time  of  the  Revolution- 
ary War. 

I'io  Pico  arrived  at  San  Gabriel,  July  17,  1848, 
on  his  return  from  Sonora.  From  San  Fernando 
he  addressed  letters  to  Col.  Stevenson  and  Gov- 
ernor Mason,  stating  that  as  Mexican  Governor 
of  California  he  had  come  back  to  the  country, 
with  the  object  of  carrying  out  the  armistice 
which  then  existed  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico.  He  further  stated  that  he  had  no 
desire  to  impede  the  establishment  of  peace  be- 
tween the  two  countries ;  and  that  he  wished  to 
see  the  Mexicans  and  Americans  treat  each 
other  in  a  spirit  of  fraternity.  Mason  did  not 
like  Pico's  assumption  of  the  title  of  Mexican 
Governor  of  California,  although  it  is  not  prob- 
able that  Pico  intended  to  assert  any  claim  to 
his  former  position.  Mason  sent  a  special  cour- 
ier to  Los  Angeles  with  orders  to  Col.  Stevenson 
to  arrest  the  ex-governor,  who  was  then  at  his 
Santa  Margarita  ranch,  and  send  him  to  Mon- 
terey, but  the  news  of  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  reached  Los  An- 
geles before  the  arrest  was  made  and  Pico  was 
spared  this  humiliation. 

In  December,  1848,  after  peace  was  restored, 
.Alcalde  Foster,  under  instructions  from  Gov- 
ernor Mason,  called  an  election  for  choosing  an 
ayuntamiento  to  take  the  place  of  the  one  that 
failed  to  qualify.  The  voters  paid  no  attention 
to  the  call  and  Governor  Mason  instructed  the 
officers  to  hold  over  until  the  people  chose  to 
elect  their  successors.  In  May  a  second  call  was 
made   under   Mexican   law.      By   this   time   the 

voters  had  gotten  over  their  indignation  at  being 
made  American  citizens,  nolens  volens.  They 
elected  an  ayuntamiento  which  continued  in 
power  to  the  close  of  the  year.  Its  first  session 
was  held  May  21,  1849.  First  alcalde,  Jose  del 
Carmen  Lugo  ;  second  alcalde,  Juan  Sepulveda  : 
regidores,  Jose  Lopez,  Francisco  Ocampo, 
Thomas  Sanchez  ;  syndic,  Juan  Temple ;  secre- 
tary, Jesus  Guerado.  All  of  these  had  been  citi- 
zens of  Mexico,  Juan  Temple  having  been  nat- 
uralized twenty  years  before.  The  Governor's 
wish  to  have  Americans  fill  part  of  the  city 
offices  was  evidently  disregarded  by  the  voters. 
Stephen  C.  Foster  was  appointed  prefect  Oc- 
tober 29,  1849,  by  Governor  Bennett  Riley,  the 
successor  of  Governor  Mason. 

In  December,  1849,  the  last  ayuntamiento  of 
Los  Angeles  was  elected.  The  members  were : 
First  alcalde,  Abel  Stearns ;  second  alcalde,  Yg- 
nacio  del  \'alle;  regidores,  David  Alexander, 
Benito  D.  Wilson,  Jose  L.  Sepulveda,  Manuel 
Garfias  ;  syndic,  Francisco  Figueroa  :  secretary, 
Jesus  Guirada.  The  legislature  of  1849-50 
passed  an  act  incorporating  Los  Angeles  (April 
4,  1850)  as  a  city.  In  the  act  of  incorporation 
its  area  is  given  as  four  square  miles.  During 
its  probationary  state,  from  January,  1847,  '-'nt'l 
its  incorporation  as  a  city  by  the  legislature,  it 
sometimes  appears  in  the  official  records  as  a 
pueblo  (town)  and  sometimes  as  a  ciudad  (city). 
For  a  considerable  time  after  the  conquest  offi- 
cial communications  bore  the  motto  of  Mexico, 
Dios  y  Libertad  (God  and  Liberty).  The  first 
city  council  was  organized  July  3,  1850,  just  four 
years,  lacking  one  day,  after  the  closing  session 
of  the  ayuntamiento  under  Mexican  rule  had 
been  held. 






IN  THE  act  dividing  the  state  into  counties, 
approved  February  i8,  1850,  San  Diego  is 
the  first  county  described ;  and  in  number- 
ing the  senatorial  and  judicial  districts  of  that 
time,  San  Diego  was  number  one.  The  county 
included  the  whole  southern  end  of  the  state,  and 
was  then  bounded  on  the  north  by  Los  Angeles 
county ;  on  the  east  by  the  Colorado  river ;  on 
the  south  by  Lower  California;  on  the  west  by 
the  Pacific  Ocean  and  part  of  Los  Angeles 
county.  Its  area  was  14,969  square  miles.  Its 
population  was  798,  of  which  650  were  residents 
of  the  town  of  San  Diego. 

The  first  county  election  was  held  April  i, 
1850.  The  officers  elected  were  as  follows  :  Wil- 
liam C.  Ferrell,  district  attorney ;  John  Hays, 
county  judge;  Richard  Rust,  county  clerk;  T. 
W.  Sutherland,  county  attorney ;  Henry  Clay- 
ton, county  surveyor;  Agostin  Harazthy,  sher- 
ifif;  Henry  C.  Matsell,  recorder;  Jose  Antonio 
Estudillo,  county  assessor;  John  Brown,  coro- 
ner, and  Juan  Bandini,  treasurer.  Bandini  did 
not  qualify,  and  Philip  Crosthwaite  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  court  of  sessions  to  fill  the  va- 
cancy. The  first  term  of  the  district  court  was 
held  in  San  Diego,  May  6,  1850;  O.  S.  With- 
erby,  judge,  and  Richard  Rust,  clerk. 


The  year  185 1  was  marked  by  an  Indian  war, 
or  rather  an  Indian  scare,  for  it  could  scarcely 
be  called  a  war.  The  Cohuilla  Indians,  at  that 
time  quite  numerous,  inhabited  the  valleys  of 
the  San  Bernardino  mountains,  from  San  Gor- 
gonio  south  to  the  l^lexican  line.  For  some  time 
they  had  been  stealing  horses  and  cattle  and  an- 
noying the  settlers.  Their  chief  was  Antonio 
Garra.  He  was  an  egotistical  fellow.  He  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  a  general  uprising  of  the  red 
men  and  the  extermination  of  the  whites.  He  was 
even  vain  enough  to  boast  that  he  would  capture 

the  fort  at  Yuma  and  with  the  cannon  taken 
there  attack  Los  Angeles  and  San  Diego.  The 
first  outbreak  was  at  Warner's  ranch,  about  60 
miles  easterly  from  San  Diego. 

J.  J.  Warner,  a  Connecticut  Yankee,  came  to 
California  in  1831,  as  a  trapper.  He  became  a 
naturalized  citizen  and  obtained  a  grant  from 
the  Mexican  government  of  about  26,600  acres. 
This  he  had  stocked  with  cattle  and  horses  and 
was  living"  there  at  the  time  of  the  American 
conquest.  The  Agua  Caliente,  or  Hot  Springs, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Warner's  rancho,  was 
a  favorite  camping  place  of  the  Indians.  War- 
ner, besides  his  cattle  and  horses,  kept  a  stock 
of  goods  amounting  to  about  $6,000.  This  was 
partly  to  supply  his  vaqueros  and  other  retainers 
and  partly  to  trade  with  the  Indians.  This  dis- 
play of  wealth  tempted  the  cupidity  of  the  In- 
dians and  they  plotted  to  massacre  him  and  his 
people  to  obtain  plunder.  He  received  warning 
of  their  designs  and  sent  his  family  under  an 
escort  to  San  Diego.  The  morning  after  the 
departure  of  his  family  he  was  awakened  by  the 
yells  of  the  Indians.  Several  horses,  saddled 
and  bridled,  were  tied  near  the  house,  ready  for 
any  emergency. 

On  hearing  the  cries  of  the  Indians,  Warner, 
seizing  his  arms,  rushed  to  the  rear  door  to  se- 
cure the  horses.  They  were  all  gone  e.xcept 
one,  and  an  Indian  was  trying  to  unfasten  it. 
Warner  shot  the  horse  thief  dead ;  and  two  of 
his  companions  who  tried  to  get  the  horse  were 
sent  to  the  happy  hunting  ground  to  join  their 
friend.  Taking  advantage  of  the  temporary 
panic  into  which  the  Indians  had  been  thrown 
by  the  shooting  of  three  of  their  number,  War- 
ner seized  a  crippled  nuilatto  boy,  servant  of 
an  army  officer  who  had  sent  him  to  the  hot 
springs  to  be  treated  for  rheumatism,  and,  pla- 
cing him  in  front,  mounted  his  horse  and  rode 
away  amid  a  shower  of  arrows  from  two  hun- 
dred Indians.  He  made  his  escape  unharmed, 
but    the    Indians    killed    one    of    his    servants. 



l\carliiiiL;  lln'  camp  whcix-  his  vatnuTDS  iiiadi-' 
thuir  iK'adquartcrs,  he  rallicil  a  small  Unxi.-  uf 
these  and  returned  to  the  rancho,  where  he 
found  the  Indians  reveling  in  his  stock  of  goods. 
'I'hey  stood  on  the  defensive  when  attacked  and 
the  cowboys,  finding  themselves  so  greatly  out- 
numbered, retreated.  Warner  was  compelled 
to  follow  suit,  as  he  was  not  equal  to  a  whole 
tribe  of  Indians.  He  went  to  San  Diego,  where 
Major  Heintzelman  was  stationed  with  a  force 
of  regulars,  to  procure  assistance. 

The  alarm  of  an  Indian  uprising  spread  all 
over  the  southern  district.  A  company  of  vol- 
unteers was  raised  at  San  Diego,  of  which  Cave 
J.  Couts  was  made  captain.  It  was  called  the 
Fitzgerald  \'olunteers.  Major  Fitzgerald  had 
command  of  all  the  militia  at  San  Diego.  A  com- 
pany of  35  men  was  raised  at  Los  Angeles  for 
field  service  and  another,  of  which  B.  D.  Wilson 
was  captain,  for  home  guards  to  protect  the  city 
in  case  Antonio  Garra  should  undertake  to 
carry  out  his  threats.  The  officers  of  the  field 
company  were:  George  B.  Fitzgerald,  captain; 
John  Jones,  first  lieutenant,  and  Roy  Bean,  sec- 
ond lieutenant.  The  volunteers  were  under  the 
command  of  Gen.  J.  H.  Bean.  The  regulars 
and  ■^e  San  Diego  volunteers  drove  the  Indians 
into  trie  mountains  and  killed  about  40  of  them. 
The  Los  Angeles  volunteers,  reinforced  by 
five  men  from  the  Mormon  camp  at  San  Ber- 
nardino and  20  from  Temecula,  did  considerable 
scouting,  but  did  not  kill  any  hostiles. 

Antonio  Garra,  chief  of  the  Cohuillas,  was 
captured  by  the  strategy  (or  perhaps  it  would 
be  more  in  accordance  with  the  facts,  by  the 
treachery)  of  Cabazon,  chief  of  the  White  Water 
Indians.  He  was  sentenced  to  be  shot.  Stand- 
ing on  the  edge  of  his  open  grave,  he  met  his 
death  with  stoical  firmness.  An  American,  Bill 
-Marshall,  and  a  Californian  named  Juan  \'er- 
dugo  were  found  to  have  been  implicated  in  the 
raid  on  Warner's  ranch.  They  were  tried  by  a 
court-martial  and  sentenced  to  be  hanged.  \'er- 
dugo  confessed  his  guilt,  but  Marshall  died  pro- 
testing, to  the  last,  his  innocence.  In  the  year 
1852  four  Indians  implicated  in  the  uprising  were 
captured  and  shot.  This  settled  the  Indian  ques- 
tion in  San  Diego  for  some  time. 

Col.  Warner  and  his  family  returned  to  his 
ranch  after  the  Indian  troubles  were  over.  He 
lived  there  until  1857.  when  he  moved  to  Los 
.\ngeles.  He  died  in  1893,  at  the  age  of  87 

E.\RI.V     IITSTOKV    OF    TIIIC    CITY    .WO 


In  1850  and  for  a  number  of  years  after  there 
was  no  settlement  in  San  Diego  outside  of  the 
citv  that  could  be  called  a  town.    At  each  of  the 

l.-irgc  raiicliiis  tlK-ri_-  was  a  small  settlement  made 
u\)  ni  tin-  servants  and  vai|Ueros  and  their  fami- 
lies. Some  of  tliese  were  designated  as  pre- 
cincts when  a  general  election  was  called,  and  at 
a  few  some  one  acted  as  a  justice  of  the  peace. 

The  history  of  the  county  and  of  the  city  are 
identical  for  nearly  two  decades.  The  back 
coiuitry  so  often  spoken  of  was  undeveloped  and 
the  very  few  events  that  happened  at  points 
back  from  the  bay  are  unimportant.  The  early 
history  of  Old  San  Diego,  or  Old  Town,  as 
it  is  usually  called,  has  been  given  in  the  chap- 
ter on  the  Founding  of  the  Presidios. 

The  pueblo  of  San  Diego  was  organized  Jan- 
uary I,  1835.  It  is  not,  as  some  writers  have 
claimed,  the  oldest  municipality  in  California. 
The  pueblos  of  San  Jose  and  Los  Angeles  ante- 
date it  many  years.  Los  Angeles  having  passed 
beyond  the  pueblo  stage  was  made  a  ciudad 
(city)  the  same  year  (1835)  that  the  pueblo  of 
San  Diego  was  organized.  The  first  ayunta- 
miento  or  town  council,  elected  December,  1834, 
was  composed  of  an  alcalde,  two  regidores  and 
a  sindico  procurador. 

The  first  survey  of  the  pueblo  lands  was  made 
by  Henry  D.  Fitch  in  1845.  The  Mexican  gov- 
ernment granted  the  pueblo  eleven  leagues  or 
47,234  acres.  This  grant  to  the  pueblo  was 
confirmed  by  the  United  States  Land  Commis- 
sion in  1853.  San  Diego  was  more  fortunate 
than  Los  Angeles,  whose  claim  of  sixteen  square 
leagues  was  cut  down  to  four,  or  Santa  Bar- 
bara, which  claimed  eight,  but  had  to  be  content 
with  four.  San  Diego  in  area,  fifty  years  ago, 
was  the  largest  town  in  the  United  States.  Its 
boundary  lines  inclosed  about  75  square  miles : 
its  population,  however,  was  less  than  ten  to  the 
square  mile. 

ORIGIN'   OF   Ni;\V   TOWN. 

March  18,  1850,  the  ayuntamiento  of  San 
Diego  sold  to  \Villiani  Heath  Davis,  Jose  A. 
Aguirre,  Andrew  B.  Gray,  Thomas  D.  Johns 
and  Miguel  Pedrorena,  160  acres  of  land  a  few 
miles  south  of  Old  Town,  near  the  army  bar- 
racks, for  the  purpose  of  creating  a  "new  port." 
William  Heath  Davis,  one  of  the  oldest  living 
]Moneers  of  California,  and  author  of  "Sixty 
Years  in  California,"  in  an  interview  published 
in  the  San  Diego  Sun  some  fourteen  years  ago, 
gives  the  following  account  of  the  origin  of 
New  Town  : 

"Of  the  new  town  of  San  Diego,  now  the  city 
of  San  Diego,  I  can  say  that  I  was  its  founder. 
In  1850,  the  .\nierican  and  Mexican  commis- 
sions appointed  to  establish  the  boundary  line 
were  at  Old  Town.  Andrew  B.  Gray,  the  chief 
engineer  and  surveyor  for  the  United  States, 
wdio  was  with  the  commission,  introduced  him- 



srlf  lu  ni.'  unc  day  at  Old  Town,  in  I'cbnuu}  , 
1S50,  he  explained  to  mo  the  advantages  of  the 
locality,  known  as  'I'uenta  de  los  Muertos' 
(  Point  of  the  Dead),  from  the  circumstances  that 
in  the  year  1787  a  Spanish  squadron  anchored 
within  a  stone's  throw  of  the  present  site  of  the 
city  of  San  Diego.  During  the  stay  of  the  fleet, 
surveying  the  bay  of  San  Diego  for  the  first 
time,  several  sailors  and  marines  died  and  were 
interred  on  a  sand  spit,  adjacent  to  where  my 
wharf  stood,  and  was  named  as  above.  The 
piles  of  my  struc^ire  are  still  imbedded  in  the 
sands  as  if  there  had  been  premeditation  to  mark 
ihem  as  the  tomb-marks  of  those  deceased  early 
explorers  of  the  Pacific  ocean  and  of  the  inlet 
of  San  Diego  during  the  days  of  Spain's  great- 
ness. I  have  seen  Puenta  de  los  Muertos  on 
Pantoja's  chart  of  his  explorations  of  the  waters 
of  the  Pacific. 

"Messrs.  Jose  Antonio  Aquirre,  Miguel  de 
Pedrorena,  Andrew  15.  Gray,  T.  D.  Johns  and 
myself  were  the  projectors  of  what  is  now  known 
as  the  city  of  San  Diego.  All  my  co-proprietors 
have  since  died,  and  I  remain  alone  of  the  party 
and  am  a  witness  of  the  marvelous  events  and 
changes  that  have  since  transpired  in  this  vicin- 
ity during  more  than  a  generation. 

"The  first  building  in  new  San  Diego  was  put 
up  by  myself  as  a  private  residence.  The  build- 
ing still  stands,  being  known  as  the  San  Diego 
hotel.  I  also  put  up  a  number  of  other  houses ; 
the  cottage  built  by  .Andrew  B.  Gray  is  still 
standing  and  is  called  "The  Hermitage.'  George 
F.  Hooper  also  built  a  cottage,  which  is  still 
standing  near  my  house,  in  New  San  Diego. 
Under  the  conditions  of  our  deed  we  were  to 
build  a  substantial  wharf  and  warehouse.  The 
other  proprietors  of  the  town  deeded  to  me  their 
interest  in  block  20,  where  the  wharf  was  to  be 
built.  The  wharf  was  completed  in  six  months 
after  getting  our  title,  in  March,  1850,  at  a  cost 
of  $60,000.  The  piles  of  the  old  wharf  are  still 
to  be  seen  on  the  old  wharf  site  in  block  20. 
At  that  time  I  predicted  that  San  Diego  would 
become  a  great  commercial  seaport,  from  its 
fine  geographical  position  and  from  the  fact 
that  it  was  the  only  good  harbor  south  of  San 
Francisco.  Plad  it  not  been  for  our  Civil  war, 
railroads  would  have  reached  here  years  before 
.Stanford's  road  was  built,  for  our  wharf  was 
ready  for  business." 

The  fate  of  this  wharf  of  high  anticijiations 
and  brilliant  prospects  was  prosaic  and  com- 
monplace. In  1862,  some  six  hundred  Union 
troops  en  route  to  Arizona  were  quartered  at 
the  army  barrack  near  the  wharf.  The  great 
Hood  of  that  year  cut  ofT  for  a  time  all  comnui- 
nication  with  the  back  country  and  detained  the 
troops  there  most  of  the  winter.     The  supply 

Ml  I'lrewodd  ran  mil  and  llir  weallier  was  cold — 
Ml  the  "gallant  si.x  hundred,'  led  by  the  quarter- 
master, charged  the  wharf  and  warehouse,  and 
when  they  were  through  charging  all  that  was 
left  of  that  wharf  was  a  few  teredo-eaten  piles. 
The  soldiers  burned  the  wharf  and  warehouse 
for  fuel.  Davis  filed  a  claim  against  the  gov- 
ernment for  $60,000  damages  on  account  of  the 
destruction  of  his  wharf  and  warehouse  by  the 
soldiers.  But  the  government  did  not  "honor 
the  charge  he  made."  After  many  delays  Ids 
claim  was  finally  pared  down  to  $6,000  and  al- 
lowed for  that  amount. 


The  pioneer  newspaper  of  San  Diego  was  the 
Herald.  The  first  number  was  issued  May  2y, 
1 85 1,  only  twelve  days  later  than  the  first  issue 
of  the  Los  Angeles  Star,  the  pioneer  newspaper 
of  Southern  California.  The  San  Diego  Herald 
was  published  by  J.  Judson  Ames,  a  recent 
arrival  from  Boston.  His  printing  plant  met 
with  a  number  of  vicissitudes  before  it  was 
finally  set  up  in  Old  Town.  Ames,  failing  to 
secure  printing  material  in  San  Francisco,  took 
passage  to  New  Orleans,  where  he  bought  an 
office  outfit.  On  his  return  the  boat  in  which 
his  stock  was  stored  upset  in  the  Chagres  river. 
He  fished  out  the  greater  part  of  his  material, 
but  at  Panama  was  attacked  by  the  Chagres 
fever  and  delayed  some  time.  He  finally  reached 
San  Francisco  just  before  the  great  fire  of  May, 
1851.  In  that  conflagration  a  part  of  his  plant 
was  consumed.  With  the  remnant  that  had 
escaped  fire  and  flood  he  reached  San  Diego  and 
established  his  paper.  He  must  have  been  a 
man  of  indomitable  courage  to  have  persevered 
through  all  discouragements. 

The  outlook  was  not  encouraging  for  the 
building  up  of  a  great  newspaper.  The  town 
was  small  and  non-progressive;  a  large  portion 
of  its  inhabitants  were  native  Californians  whose 
early  education  had  been  neglected.  There  did 
not  seem  to  be  a  pressing  need  for  a  newspaper, 
yet  with  all  its  uncongenial  surroundings  the 
paper  attained  a  widespread  fame ;  not,  how- 
ever, through  its  founder,  but  through  a  substi- 
tute to  whom  for  a  time  Ames  entrusted  the 
editorial  tripod,  scissors  and  paste  pot  of  the 

Lieut.  George  H.  Derby,  of  the  LTnited  States 
Topographical  Corps,  had  been  sent  down  by 
the  government  in  August,  1852,  to  superin- 
tend the  turning  of  the  channel  of  the  San  Diego 
river  into  False  bay,  to  prevent  it  from  carrying 
sand  into  the  bay  of  San  Diego.  Derby  was  a 
wit  as  well  as  an  engineer,  and  a  famous  cari- 

The   Herald   was  intensely  Democratic,  and 


wns  supixniiny  with  all  its  slrciigth  John  i;i_^;- 
Icr  fur  governor;  the  ^^'llig"  L-an<liuatc  in  Un- 
contest was  William  Waldo.  Ames  had  a  call 
to  San  Francisco  to  see  the  Democratic  leaders, 
and  no  doubt  hoped  to  be  seen  b)^  them  with 
much  needed  coin  for  his  influence.  Lieut. 
Derby,  better  known  by  his  noin  dc  plume,  John 
Phoenix,  was  entrusted  with  the  editorial  man- 
agement of  the  paper  during  Ames'  absence. 
He  could  not  let  slip  so  good  an  opportunity 
for  a  practical  joke.  Derby  was  a  Whig,  or  at 
least  became  one  for  the  time  being.  He 
changed  the  politics  of  the  paper  and  turned  the 
shafts  of  ridicule  against  Bigler  and  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  Bigler  was  dubbed  Wigler  and 
Waldo,  Baldo.  Ames  was  confronted  in  San 
Francisco  by  his  party  managers  with  the  evi- 
dence of  his  paper's  recreancy,  and  his  hopes 
of  subsidy  vanished. 

He  returned  to  San  Diego.  Derby  thus  de- 
scribes the  meeting:  "The  Thomas  Neunt 
(steamer  Thomas  Hunt)  had  arrived  and  a 
rumor  had  reached  our  ears  that  'Boston'  was 
on  board.  Public  anxiety  had  been  excited  to 
the  highest  pitch  to  witness  the  result  of  the 
meeting  between  us.  It  had  been  stated  publicly 
that  'Boston'  would  whip  us  the  moment  he  ar- 
rived, but  though  we  thought  a  conflict  probable, 
we  had  never  been  very  sanguine  as  to  its  ter- 
minating in  that  manner.  Coolly  we  gazed 
from  the  window  of  the  ofifice  upon  the  New 
Town  road ;  we  descried  a  cloud  of  dust  in  the 
distance;  high  above  it  waved  a  whip  lash,  and 
we  said,  'Boston'  cometh,  'and  his  driving  is 
like  that  of  Jehu,  the  son  of  Nimshi,  for  he 
driveth  furiously.'  Calmly  we  seated  ourselves 
in  the  arm  chair  and  continued  our  labors  upon 
our  IMagnificent  Pictorial.  Anon  a  step,  a  heavy 
step,  was  heard  upon  the  stairs,  and  Boston 
stood  before  us.  *  *  *  We  rose  and  with 
an  unfaltering  voice  said,  'Well,  Judge,  how  do 
you  do?'  He  made  no  reply,  but  commenced 
taking  off  his  coat.  We  removed  ours,  also  our 
cravat.  *  *  *  The  sixth  and  last  round  is 
described  by  the  pressmen  and  compositors  as 
having  been  fearfully  scientific.  We  held  Bos- 
ton down  over  the  press  by  our  nose  (which  we 
had  inserted  between  his  teeth  for  that  pur- 
pose), and  while  our  hair  was  employed  in  hold- 
ing one  of  his  hands  we  held  the  other  in  our 
left  and  with  the  'sheep's  foot'  brandished  above 
our  head  shouted  to  him,  'Say  Waldo  !'  'Never  !' 
he  gasped. 

"  ■(  )h  !  my  Bigler!'  he  would  have  muttered. 
I'.ut  that  he  dried  up  ere  the  word  was  ut- 

"At  this  moment  we  discovered  that  we  had 

lierii  lalioring  luider  a  'misimderstanding,'  and 
througli  the  amicable  intervention  of  the  press- 
man, who  thrust  a  roller  between  our  faces 
(which  gave  the  whole  affair  a  very  different 
complexion),  the  matter  was  finally  settled  on 
the  most  friendly  terms,  and  without  prejudice  to 
the  honor  of  either  party."  He  closes  his  de- 
scription with  the  statement  that  "the  public 
can  believe  precisely  as  much  as  they  please : 
if  they  disbelieve  the  whole  of  it,  we  shall  not 
be  at  all  offended." 

Lieut.  Derby's  caricatures  very  nearly  got 
Jiim  into  serious  trouble.  When  Jefferson  Davis 
was  secretary  of  war  (1853  to  1857)  he  was 
continually  intermeddling  in  the  small  affairs  of 
army  life  and  was  very  generally  disliked  by 
army  officers,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  per- 
sonal favorites.  He  tried  to  direct  everything 
from  "a  review  down  to  the  purchase  of  shoe 
blacking."  He  changed  the  patterns  of  uni- 
forms, arms  and  equipments  several  times.  It 
was  after  one  of  these  changes  that  Lieut. 
Derby,  then  stationed  at  Fort  Yuma,  sent  Davis 
a  suggestion  for  a  new  uniform,  illustrated  by  a 
series  of  drawings.  The  principal  improve- 
ment in  the  new  uniform  was  a  stout  iron  hook, 
which  was  to  be  sewed  to  the  rear  of  the  trousers 
of  each  private  soldier.  The  illustrations  showed 
the  uses  to  which  this  hook  could  be  put.  In 
one  a  soldier  was  shown  on  the  march  carry- 
ing a  camp  kettle,  tin  cup  and  other  effects  sus- 
pended from  this  hook ;  in  another,  a  row  of 
men  were  hung  by  their  hooks  on  a  fence  fast 
asleep ;  they  were  thus  prevented  from  taking 
cold  by  sleeping' on  the  damp  ground.  In  a  third 
a  company  was  shown  advancing  in  line  of  bat- 
tle, each  man  having  a  rope  attached  to  his 
hook,  the  other  end  of  which  was  held  by  an 
officer  in  the  rear,  who  could  restrain  him  if  he 
advanced  too  rapidly,  or  haul  him  back  if  he 
was  wounded.  When  Secretary  Davis  received 
tliese  he  was  in  a  towering  rage  and  he  an- 
nounced that  day  at  a  cabinet  meeting  that  he  in- 
tended to  have  Lieut.  Derby  tried  before  a  court- 
martial  "organized  to  convict,"  and  sunmiarily 
dismissed.  But  the  other  secretaries,  who  en- 
joyed the  joke,  convinced  him  that  if  the  affair 
became  public  he  would  be  laughed  at.  Davis, 
who  was  utterly  devoid  of  the  sense  of  humor, 
reluctantly  abandoned  his  court-martial  scheme. 

Derby  published  a  book  under  the  title  of 
Phoenixiana.  It  contained  a  munber  of  his  San 
Diego  articles  and  his  famous  military  uniform 
drawings.  It  had  an  immense  sale  for  a  time, 
but  has  long  been  out  of  print.  He  died  a  few 
years  later  of  softening  of  the  lirain. 

The  Herald,  after  Phoenix's  departure,  ceased 
to  be  a  magnificent  ]iictorial.  It  suspended  pub- 
lication in  i8s8  and  never  resumed. 




During  the  decade  between  1850  and  i860 
the  town  made  but  little  growth.  There  was 
considerable  travel  between  it  and  the  other 
ports  of  the  coast.  In  1851  and  for  six  or  seven 
years  later,  "the  fast-sailing  United  States  mail 
steamer  'Ohio,'  Captain  Haley,  will  run  as 
a  regular  packet,  making  her  trip  once 
in  every  two  weeks  between  San  Fran- 
cisco and  San  Diego,  touching  at  the  in- 
termediate points  of  Santa  Cruz,  Monterey, 
San  Luis  Obispo,  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Pe- 
dro," so  says  an  advertisement  in  the  Los 
Angeles  Star  of  May  31,  1851.  In  1853  and 
1854  the  "Southerner,"  of  the  Southern  Accom- 
modation Line,  was  making  regular  semi- 
monthly trips  between  San  Francisco  and  San 
Diego,  stopping  at  intermediate  points.  The 
steamer  "Sea  Bird,"  of  Goodwin  &  Co.'s  line, 
was  making  trips  three  times  a  month,  leaving 
San  Francisco  the  4th,  14th  and  24th  of  each 
month.  The  "Thomas  Hunt"  also  was  running 
between  San  Francisco  and  San  Diego.  Once 
a  month  the  Panama  steamer  put  into  the  port 
with  the  eastern  mail.  In  1851  a  semi-monthly 
mail  by  land  was  established  between  Los  An- 
geles and  San  Diego. 

But  the  event  that  promised  the  greatest  out- 
come for  San  Diego  during  the  decade  was  the 
establishment  of  an  overland  mail  route  between 
San  Antonio  de  Bexar,  Tex.,  and  San  Diego. 
The  route  was  by  the  way  of  El  Paso,  Messillo, 
Tucson  and  Colorado  City  (now  Yuma) — 1,500 
miles.  The  service  was  semi-monthly.  The 
contract  was  let  to  James  E.  Burch,  the  postal 
department  reserving  "the  right  to  curtail  or 
discontinue  the  service  should  any  route  subse- 
((uently  put  under  contract  cover  the  whole  or 
any  portion  of  the  route." 

The  San  Diego  Herald,  August  12,  1857,  thus 
notes  the  departure  of  the  first  train :  "Tlie 
pioneer  mail  train  from  San  Diego  to  San  An- 
tonio, Tex.,  under  the  contract  entered  into  by 
the  government  with  Mr.  Jas.  Burch,  left  here 
on  the  yth  inst.  (August  9,  1857)  at  an 
early  hour  in  the  morning,  and  is  now  push- 
ing its  way  for  the  east  at  a  rapid  rate. 
The  mail  was,  of  course,  carried  on  pack  ani- 
mals, as  will  be  the  case  until  the  wagons 
which  are  being  pushed  across  will  have  been 
put  on  the  line.  The  first  train  from  this  side 
left  in  charge  of  Mr.  R.  W.  Laine,  who  was 
accompanied  by  some  of  the  most  active  and 
reliable  young  men  in  the  county,  the  party 
taking  relay  mules  with  them  for  use  on  the  des- 
ert. The  intention  is  to  push  on  at  the  rate  of 
fifty  or  sixty  miles  a  day  to  Tucson,  where,  en- 
tering the  Apache  country  proper,  a  large  party 

will  be  organized  to  afiford  proper  protectiun 
as  far  as  El  Paso  del  Norte  or  further  if  neces- 
sary. The  first  mail  from  the  other  side  has 
not  yet  arrived,  although  somewhat  overdue, 
and  conjecture  is  rife  as  to  the  cause  of  the 
delay.  Until  the  arrival  of  the  next  express 
from  Fort  Yuma  we  will  probably  receive  no 
tidings  from  the  country  through  which  the  mail 
has  to  pass,  but  for  our  own  part  we  see  no 
reason  for  alarm  in  the  case.  The  train  leaving 
here  took  a  large  number  of  letters  for  Fort 
Yuma,  Tucson,  Calabasas,  El  Paso,  etc.,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  regular  eastern  mail."  The  eastern 
arrived  in  a  few  days  later  and  the  San  Diegans 
went  wild  with  joy  and  built  in  imagination  a 
city  of  vast  proportions  on  the  bay. 

The  service  continued  to  improve  and  the 
fifth  trip  from  the  eastward  terminus  "was  made 
in  the  extraordinary  short  time  of  twenty-six 
days  and  twelve  hours,"  and  the  San  Diego 
Herald  on  its  arrival,  October  6,  rushed  out 
an  extra  "announcing  the  very  gratifying  fact 
of  the  complete  triumph  of  the  southern  route, 
notwithstanding  the  croaking  of  many  of  the 
opponents  of  the  Administration  in  this  state." 
"The  first  mail,"  so  said  the  extra,  "from  San 
Diego  had  arrived  at  San  Antonio  in  good  style 
and  created  naturally  a  great  excitement,  the 
Texans  taking  fully  as  much  interest  in  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  line  as  the  Californians." 

But  the  triumph  of  the  "Southern  route"  was 
of  short  duration.  September,  1858,  the  stages 
of  the  Butterfield  line  began  making  their  semi- 
weekly  trips.  This  line  came  down  the  coast  to 
Gilroy,  then  througli  the  Pacheco  Pass,  up  the 
San  Joaquin  valley  and  by  way  of  Fort  Tejon 
to  Los  Angeles ;  then  eastward  by  Temecula 
and  Warner's  ranch  to  Yuma,  then  across  Ari- 
zona and  New  Mexico  to  El  Paso,  where  it 
turned  north  to  St.  Louis  and  Memphis,  its  east- 
ern termini.  San  Diego  and  San  Antonio  were 
sidetracked  and  the  Southern  route  discon- 

OLD    TOW  X    A.\l)    NEW    TOWN    IN    S'lATU    OUO. 

After  this  temporary  spirt  of  enterprise,  San 
Diego  lapsed  into  its  old  poco  tiempo  ways. 
Old  Town  remained  in  statu  quo  and  New 
Town  did  not  expand.  There  had  been  rumors 
of  a  railroad  in  1854  and  in  1857,  but  the  mut- 
tering of  the  coming  storm  between  the  north 
and  the  south  had  frightened  capital  and  the 
hope  of  a  railroad  had  been  given  up.  During 
the  Civil  war,  there  were  some  troops  always 
at  the  barracks,  sometimes  one  company,  some- 
times two  or  three.  The  soldiers  stationed  there 
did  not  add  much  to  the  revenue  oi  the  town. 
The  pay  of  a  private  was  $13  a  month  in  green- 
backs, which,  converted  into  coin  at  the  rate 



of  lliirty  t(i  fort}-  cciUs  silver  for  a  dollar  cur- 
rency, (lid  not  give  the  defenders  of  the  coun- 
try lavish  amounts  of  spending  money.  A  con- 
siderable amount  of  the  supplies  for  the  troops 
were  landed  at  San  Diego  and  sent  to  Fort 
Yuma  by  wagon  trains.  This  gave  employment 
to  a  number  of  men  and  teams  and  added  to  the 
business  of  the  town. 

The  drought  years  of  1863  and  1864  were  not 
so  disastrous  to  San  Diego  as  to  some  of  the 
other  cow  counties.  The  ranges  were  not  so 
heavily  overstocked  and  there  was  more  back' 
country  not  covered  by  Spanish  grants  where 
cattle  could  be  driven  wheii  the  feed  was  ex- 
hausted on  tlie  other  ranges. 


SAN   DIEGO   COUNTY-Continued. 

THE    NEW    ER.\. 

UP  TO  1867  San  Diego  town  and  county 
had  retained  the  Mexican  customs  and 
conditions  of  early  times  more  nearly  un- 
changed than  any  other  town  or  county  in  the 
state.  Their  awakening  from  a  Rip  Van  Winkle 
sleep,  not  of  twenty  years,  but  of  twenty  lus- 
trums, was  the  work  of  one  man.  April  6, 
1867,  Alonzo  E.  Ilorton  landed  in  San  Diego. 
He  had  come  dow^n  from  San  Francisco  to  build 
a  city.  The  outlook  was  not  encouraging.  Old 
Town  was  appropriately  named;  anything  new 
in  it  would  be  out  of  place.  It  had  the  appear- 
ance of  having  been  finished  years  before  and 
then  forgotten.  New  Town  consisted  of  the 
government  barracks,  officers'  quarters,  the 
piles  of  the  Davis  wharf  and  a  few  houses  that 
had  escaped  the  "wreck  of  matter"  the  soldiers 
had  made.  Horton  was  not  discouraged.  The 
bay  was  there.  The  climate  was  there  and  there 
he  determined  to  build  a  city. 

Horton  induced  the  town  trustees  to  offer 
a  tract  of  land  lying  east  of  New  Town  on  the 
shore  of  the  l)ay  for  sale.  .\t  the  public  sale 
in  May,  1867,  he  bid  off  a  tract  of  nearly  900 
acres  of  the  pueblo  lands  at  twenty-six  cents 
an  acre,  and  had  it  surveyed  and  platted  as  Hor- 
ton's  Addition  to  San  Diego.  The  tract  is  now 
the  center  of  the  city  of  San  Diego.  He  put 
his  tract  on  sale.  It  went  slowly,  very  slowly 
at  first.  His  returns  for  the  year  1867  were 
but  $3,000.  He  gave  away  land  to  any  one 
who  would  agree  to  make  substantial  improve- 
ments. He  deeded  lots  to  churches,  for  hotels 
and  other  improvements.  He  built  a  wharf,  and 
in  1869  began  the  erection  of  the  Horton  House, 
the  largest  hotel  at  that  time  in  Southern  Cali- 

The  seed  that  he  had  sown  now  began  to 
bear  fruit.  The  ruiuor  that  there  was  a  citv 
building  on  the  bay  of  San  Diego  had  gone 
abroad,  and  ])eoplc  came  to  buy  lots.  .Vnother 
nuuor,  too,  had  been  si)read,  and  that  was  that 

the  long-talked-of  thirty-second  parallel  railroad 
was  a  certainty.  Tom  Scott  hail  taken  hold  of 
it  and  Tom  Scott  was  a  power  in  railroad  cir- 
cles. In  1868,  immigration  had  begun  to  drift 
southward  and  find  lodgment  in  the  coast  coun- 
ties. In  the  fall  of  1869,  the  drift  was  to  San 
Diego,  and  it  resembled  an  old-time  "gold 
rush."  The  author  has  a  vivid  recollection  of 
a  voyage  down  the  coast  in  the  old  Senator 
in  the  fall  of  '69.  Every  berth  had  been  sold  a 
week  before  the  vessel  sailed,  and  then  the 
agents  of  the  company  sold  standing  room. 
The  steamer's  cooks  and  waiters  commenced 
feeding  the  passengers  about  six  o'clock  in  the 
morning  and  kept  it  up  with  slight  interruptions 
till  nine  at  night.  The  dining  saloon  was  small 
and  the  crowd  on  board  necessitated  the  setting 
of  the  tables  many  times.  When  all  had  been 
fed  the  tables  were  cleared,  the  passengers 
without  berths  bunked  on  the  tables,  under  the 
tables,  or  wherever  they  could  spread  their 
blankets.  All  or  nearly  all  were  bound  to  San 
Diego  to  buy  lots.  The  railroad  was  coming : 
San  Diego  was  destined  to  rival  San  Francisco, 
and  the  lot  buyers  wanted  to  grow  up  with 
the  city.  Many  of  the  speculators  wore  old  t'ali- 
fornians  wdio  had  not  struck  it  rich,  but  were 
sure  they  were  on  the  right  road  now.  One  oM 
'49er,  in  the  spring  of  1850,  had  owned  a  lot  on 
Montgomery  street,  San  Francisco,  and  had 
sold  it  for  $400;  now  it  w'as  worth  $100,000: 
he  would  secure  a  lot  in  San  Diego  and  hold 
on  to  it  and  grow  in  wealth  as  the  town  grew  in 
size.  And  so  the  talk  ran  all  day  and  far  into 
the  night,  of  bay  and  climate,  of  house  lots  and 
business  blocks,  of  transcontinental  railroads 
and  Oriental  steamships,  which  were  sure  to 
build  up  a  mighty  metropolis  in  the  Southland. 
.Vugust  4,  1868,  Joseph  Nash  erected  the  first 
store  in  New  Town.  Its  entire  population  then 
nuiubered  twenty-three  souls.  In  the  spring  of 
:  S70  the  city  had  upwards  of  800  buildings,  with 
a  pojiulation  of  3,000.  .\mong  its  substantial 
impriivements    were    two    magnificent    wharves. 


costing  in  the  aggregate  $80,000;  a  flouring 
mill  with  a  capacity  of  300  barrels  a  day ;  sev- 
eral warehouses,  half  a  dozen  hotels,  two  brew- 
■eries,  a  boot  and  shoe  factory,  a  bank  and  two 

The  Horton  House  was  coniplcted  and 
opened  October  20,  1870.  It  cost  nearly  $150,- 
000  and  was  then  "the  most  elaborate,  attractive 
and  spacious  hotel  outside  of  San  Francisco." 
The  editor  of  tiie  Bulletin,  in  a  two-column 
write-up  of  its  attractions,  classifies  it  with  the 
great  hotels  of  the  world ;  his  enumeration  of 
tlie  great  hostelries  of  30  years  ago  is  interest- 
ing. Some  of  them  have  fallen  from  their  high 
estate.  He  says :  "What  the  Grand  Hotel  is 
to  Paris ;  Langham's  to  London ;  the  Astor, 
Fifth  Avenue  and  St.  Nicholas  to  New  York ; 
the  Continental  to  Philadelphia ;  the  Tremont 
and  Parker's  to  Boston ;  Barnum's  to  Balti- 
more ;  St.  Charles  to  New  Orleans ;  the  Gait  to 
Louisville :  the  Southern  to  St.  Louis  ;  the  Sher- 
man and  Tremont  to  Chicago ;  the  Grand,  Lick, 
Occidental  and  Cosmopolitan  to  San  Francisco, 
and  the  Pico  House  to  Los  Angeles,  the  Horton 
House  is  to  San  Diego."  S.  W.  Churchill  was 
its  first  manager. 

The  act  authorizing  the  construction  of  the 
Thirty-Second  Parallel,  the  Southern  Trans- 
Continental,  the  Southern  Pacific,  the  Texas  Pa- 
cific Railroad  (for  it  was  called  by  all  these 
names)  failed  to  pass  at  the  session  of  congress 
in  1869-70:  but  at  the  next  session  it  passed  by 
a  two-thirds  vote  on  the  3d  of  March,  1871. 
Then  there  was  great  rejoicing  in  the  city  by 
the  bay.  The  Bulletin  says  :  "As  we  go  to  press 
our  city  is  in  a  blaze  of  glory.  Fifth  street  looms 
up  like  an  immense  conflagration.  Bon-fires, 
fireworks,  anvil  firing  and  rejoicing  are  the  order 
of  the  night."  x\nd  they  had  cause  to  rejoice. 
For  years  they  had  been  yearning  for  a  railroad 
with  that  "hope  deferred  that  maketh  the  heart 
sick" :  and  now  their  longings  were  soon  to  be 
satisfied  by  the  "Greatest  Railroad  of  the  Age," 
as  the  JVashiu_^ton  Chronicle  pronounced  it. 
That  paper  said :  "Xo  act  of  the  Forty-first 
Congress  will  be  longer  remembered  to  its 
credit  than  that  authorizing  the  construction  of 
a  great  trans-continental  iron  highway  from  the 
eastern  boundary  of  Texas,  near  Marshall,  via 
El  Paso,  to  the  town  of  San  Diego,  on  the  bay 
of  that  name  in  the  state  of  California."  How 
transitory  is  fame !  Both  the  railroad  and  the 
Forty-first  Congress  have  long  since  been  for- 
gotten ! 

The  act  of  congress  authorizing  tlie  build- 
ing of  the  railroad  settled  the  (juestion  in  the 
minds  of  the  San  Diegans.  To  doubt  its  build- 
ing was  treason  to  San  Diego.  The  future  of 
the  citv  was  assured;    and  a  brilliant  future  it 

was — San  Diego,  the  seaport  of  the  Occident 
and  the  entrepot  of  the  Orient.  Branch  roads 
were  projected  into  the  back  country.  San 
Bernardino  was  clamoring  for  railroad  connec- 
tion with  the  metropolis  of  the  south,  and  Tom 
Scott  was  making  overtures  to  Los  Angeles  for 
a  coast  railroad  from  that  city  to  San  Diego. 
The  trade  of  the  Orient  would  eventually  pass 
through  San  Diego  to  the  east.  There  were 
rumors  of  an  Oriental  steamship  company  in  the 
formative  stage.  The  Panama  steamers  began 
stopping  at  the  port,  and  the  Bulletin  said:  "\\'e 
hail  this  event  as  only  second  to  that  in  which 
is  recorded  the  passage  of  the  Southern  Pacific 
Railroad  bill."  The  prices  of  real  estate  went 
up ;  indeed,  under  the  circumstances  it  would 
have  been  impossible  to  keep  them  down.  The 
Bulletin  of  ^larch  25  says :  "The  real-estate 
transactions  of  the  past  week  are  larger  than 
ever  before  in  the  history  of  San  Diego  and  must 
appear  rather  nauseating  to  those  newspapers 
which  have  been  sneering  at  San  Diego  for  the 
past  year.  By  the  way,  we  know  a  gentleman 
of  San  Jose  who  purchased  a  block  on  Fifth 
street  two  years  ago  for  $600  and  was  damned 
by  a  paper  of  his  town  for  so  doing.  He  has 
been  offered  $8,000  for  the  same  since  the  bill 

Horton  sold  $83,000  worth  of  lots  in  two 
months  after  the  passage  of  the  bill  and  a  num- 
ber of  real-estate  agents  were  doing  their  best  to 
supply  the  demand.  The  boomer.^  like  Sila-; 
Wegg  dropped  into  poetry  and  a  song  first  sung 
at  a  concert  in  Horton"s  Hall  became  the  popu- 
lar ditty  of  San  Diego.  I  give  a  few  sample 
stanzas  : 

"Away  to  the  west,  where  the  sun  goes  down. 

Where  the  oranges  grow  by  the  cargo, 
They've   started   a    town,   and   are   doing   it   up 

( )n  the  bay  of  San  Diego. 

"The  railroad,  they  say,  is  coming  that  way, 
.\nd  then  they'll  be  neighbors  to  Chicago ; 

So  the)-  built  a  big  hotel,  and  built  it  mightv 
In  the  town  of  San  Diego." 

*         *         5|:         :» 

Moral : 
"Let's  take  an  early  train  and  haste  with  miglu 
and  main. 
By  lightning  express  if  you  say — go, 
\\'here  every  man's  a  fortune  in  a  lot  that  costs 
him  naught, 
hi  Ihe  town  of  San  Diego." 

.\pril  14.  1871.  the  postmaster-genera!  or- 
dered a  change  of  the  name  of  the  postofTice  at 


South  San  Diego  to  San  Diego.  So  New  Town, 
South  San  Diego  and  Horton's  Addition  became 
simply  San  Diego. 

December  27,  1871,  an  election  was  held  to 
vote  upon  the  issue  of  bonds  to  the  amount  of 
$100,000  to  be  proffered  to  any  railroad  com- 
pany that  would  build  a  railroad  connecting  San 
Bernardino  with  San  Diego.  The  bond  issue 
was  carried  with  an  overwhelming  majoiity. 
San  Bernardino  also  held  an  election  and  voted 
a  bond  issue  equal  to  five  per  cent  of  its  taxable 
propertv  for  the  same  purpose. 

The  Bay  Shore  &  Coast  Road  to  Los  Angeles 
met  with  disaster.  At  the  election  held  in  Los 
Angeles  county  to  vote  on  the  issue  of  railroad 
bonds,  the  Texas  Pacific  Coast  Line  and  the 
Southern  Pacific  to  Yuma  were  competitors. 
The  Southern  Pacific  won,  securing  bonds  and 
other  subsidy  to  the  amount  of  $610,000. 

Li  1872,  "Father"  Horton,  as  he  was  famil- 
iarly called,  erected  a  large  building  for  the 
Texas  Pacific  Railroad  offices,  but  the  employes 
of  that  corporation  never  occupied  it.  It  was 
afterward  used  as  a  city  hall.  Grading  was 
begun  on  the  roadbed  of  the  Texas  Pacific  in 
the  latter  part  of  1872,  but  was  not  pushed  with 
a  great  deal  of  vigor.  About  twelve  miles  of 
roadbed  in  all  were  graded. 

In  1873  came  a  financial  crash.  "Black  Fri- 
day in  Wall  street"  was  followed  by  one  of  the 
worst  panics  that  ever  struck  the  country.  For- 
tunes crumbled,  banks  failed,  capital  hid,  railroad 
building  stopped.  Enterprises  that  had  prom- 
ised large  returns  were  dropped  immediately. 
Work  on  the  Texas  Pacific  ceased  and  was 
never  resumed. 

San  Diego  during  its  bourn  had  grown  to  be 
a  city  of  5,000  inhabitants.  When  work  ceased 
on  the  railroad  the  population  began  to  dwindle 
away.  Building  in  the  city  ceased.  There  was 
nothing  to  do  to  earn  a  living.  People  could 
not  live  on  climate,  however  invigorating,  so 
they  left.  Father  Horton,  during  flush  times, 
liad  sold  a  number  of  lots  to  working  men  on 
the  installment  plan.  They  came  to  him  and 
offered  to  give  up  the  lots  and  let  him  retain 
the  money  i>aid  if  he  would  cancel  their  con- 
tracts. With  a  generosity  unknown  in  real- 
estate  deals  he  refunded  all  the  money  they  had 
paid  and  released  them  of  their  obligations.  In 
1875  the  population  hail  dwindled  down  to  about 
1.500,  and  these  were  living  largely  on  faith, 
hope  and  climate. 

The  Kimball  brothers,  owners  of  the  Ranclio 
de  la  Nacion,  had,  during  the  flush  times  of  the 
early  '70s,  laid  off  a  town  on  the  bay  about  four 
miles  distant  from  San  Diego,  and  named  it 
National  Cily.  It  had  shared  in  tiie  ups  and 
downs  of  the  larger  citv. 

A    NEW    KAILKOAD   SCllEMi:. 

In  1880  the  Kimballs  began  agitating  the 
project  of  inducing  the  Atchison,  Topeka&  Santa 
Fe  Railroad,  that  had  built  out  into  New  Mexi- 
co, to  continue  its  road  to  San  Diego  and 
National  City.  They  met  with  but  little  encour- 
agement at  home.  T'or  thirty  years  the  people 
of  San  Diego  had  been  talking  Pacific  railroad 
and  their  town  was  no  nearer  being  the  terminus 
of  a  trans-continental  road  in  '80  than  it  was  in 
'50.  But  the  Kimballs  persisted.  One  of  the 
Kimball  brothers  went  east  at  his  own  expense 
and  presented  his  scheme  to  capitalists  and  rail- 
road men.  He  met  with  little  success  at  first, 
but  the  offer  of  17,000  acres  of  land  on  the  bay 
for  workshops  and  terminal  grounds  induced  the 
directors  of  the  road  to  investigate  the  propo- 
sition. Other  parties  owning  land  contiguous 
offered  additional  grants.  The  railroad  company 
accepted  the  subsidy  and  work  was  begun  on 
the  road ;  and  in  August,  1882,  the  California 
Southern,  as  the  road  was  then  called,  was  com- 
pleted to  Colton,  on  the  Southern  Pacific ;  and 
in  1884  to  San  Bernardino.  There  it  stopped. 
The  great  flood  of  1884  destroyed  the  track  in 
the  Temecula  canon  and  once  more  San  Diego 
was  without  railroad  connection.  In  1885  the 
road  through  the  canon  had  Ijeen  rebuilt  and 
trains  were  running  over  it.  During  the  same 
year  the  work  of  extending  the  California  South- 
ern to  Barstow,  a  station  on  the  Atlantic  &  Pa- 
cific, was  begun,  and  early  in  1887  was  com- 
pleted. This  road  and  the  connecting  roads — 
the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  and  the  Atlantic 
&  Pacific — formed  a  trans-continental  system  of 
which  San  Diego  and  National  City  were  the 
western  termini. 

\\'ith  the  rebuilding  of  the  California  South- 
ern through  the  cafion  in  1885,  and  the  begin- 
ning of  work  on  its  extension,  the  cloud  of  de- 
spondency that  had  darkened  the  hopes  of  the 
.San  Diegans  began  to  lift  a  little :  as  work  pro- 
gressed and  a  trans-continental  line  became 
more  of  a  certainty,  capitalists  and  speculators 
came  to  the  town  to  look  around.  The  old- 
timers  who  had  loaded  up  with  lots  in  the  boom 
of  1871-72  and  had  held  on  through  all  the  inter- 
vening years,  simply  because  they  could  not 
let  go  without  losing  all,  began  quietly  to  unload 
on  the  newcomers.  The  old  resident  had  faith 
— faith  unbounded — in  the  future  of  the  citw 
but  out  of  charity  to  the  lot-less  he  was  willing 
to  divide  a  good  thing;  and  when  the  transfer 
was  made  he  chuckled  over  his  smartness.  But 
when  the  buyer  turned  over  his  purchase  at 
an      advance  '    of      twenty-five      or      fifty      per 

and   at    tlie   next    transfer,   when    the   price   ad- 



vanccd  a  liumlrcd  per  cent,  the  sigh  increased 
to  a  groan. 

As  the  reverberations  of  the  boom  grew 
louder  the  faithful  old  inhabitant  turned  specula- 
tor himself  and  loaded  up  perhaps  with  a  single 
lot  of  the  block  he  had  formerly  sold,  at  a  price 
a  hundred  per  cent  higher  than  he  had  received 
for  the  entire  tract.  In  the  spring  and  summer 
of  1887,  speculation  ran  riot  in  the  streets  of 
San  Diego.  Prices  of  real  estate  went  up  until 
it  seemed  as  if  they  could  go  no  higher ;  then 
some  adventurous  investor  would  break  the  rec- 
ord and  the  holders  along  the  line  would  mark 
up  the  price  of  their  holdings.  Business  lots, 
that  a  few  years  before  were  a  drug  on  the  mar- 
ket at  $25  a  front  foot,  found  buyers  at  $2,500 
a  foot.  A  small-sized  store  room  rented  all  the 
way  from  $300  to  $500  a  month  for  business,  and 
if  cut  up  into  stalls  for  real  estate  brokers, 
brought  in  a  thousand  a  month.  Small  and 
poorly  furnished  sleeping  rooms  rented  all  the 
way  from  $25  to  $50  a  month,  prices  varying 
with  the  landlord's  cupidity  and  the  tenant's 
necessity.  The  prices  of  labor  kept  pace  with 
speculation.  Carpenters  received  $5  to  $6  a 
day,  bricklayers  $6  to  $8.  Barbers  asked  twenty- 
five  cents  for  a  shave  and  printers  earned  $50  to 
$60  a  week. 

The  fame  of  San  Diego's  boom  spread  abroad. 
The  trains  came  in  loaded  with  speculators, 
boomers,  gamblers  and  bona  fide  home-seekers. 
In  the  wild  gold  rush  of  the  early  '50s  it  was 
a  common  saying  among  old  Californians  "that 
renegade  ministers  made  the  most  adroit  gam- 
blers." So  in  the  boom  of  '87  the  confiding 
home-seeker  often  proved  to  be  the  most  un- 
scrupulous operator.  At  one  time  during  the 
height  of  the  boom  it  was  estimated  that  the 
city  had  a  population  of  50,000  people.  It  was 
a  cosmopolitan  conglomeration.  .Mmost  every 
civilized  nation  on  earth  was  represented ;  and 
every  social  condition,  high  and  low,  good  and 
bad,  was  there,  too. 

The  excitement  was  not  confined  to  San 
Diego  city.  It  s]iread  over  the  county.  New 
towns  were  founded.  The  founder  in  selecting 
a  location  was  governed  more  by  the  revenue 
that  might  accrue  from  his  speculation  than  by 
the  resources  that  would  build  up  his  inchoate 
metropolis.  It  might  be  platted  on  an  inaccessi- 
ble mesa,  where  view  was  the  principal  resource, 
or  it  might  be  a  hyphenated  cily-by-the-sea, 
where  the  investor  might  while  away  his  time 
listening  to  what  the  wild  waves  were  saying 
and  subsist  on  climate. 

It  is  said  that  two  town  sites  extended  out 
over  the  bay  like  Mark  Twain's  tunnel  that  was 
•  bored  through  the  hill  and  a  hundred  and  fifty 
feet  into  the  air.    When  the  fever  of  speculation 

was  at  its  height  it  mattered  little  where  the  town 
was  located.  A  tastefully  lithographed  map 
with  a  health-giving  sanatorium  in  one  corner, 
a  tourist  hotel  in  the  other,  palms  lining  the 
streets,  and  orange  trees  in  the  distance — add  to 
these  picturesque  attractions  a  glib-tongued 
agent,  untranuiieled  by  conscience  and  unac- 
quainted with  truth,  and  the  town  was  success- 
fully founded.  Purchasers  did  not  buy  to  hold, 
but  with  hope  of  making  a  quick  turn  at  an 
advance,  while  the  excitement  was  on.  \'ery 
few  had  confidence  in  the  permanency  of  high 
prices,  but  every  one  expected  to  unload  before 
the  crash  came. 

The  tourist  crop  of  the  winter  of  1887-88  was 
expected  to  be  very  large,  but  it  did  not  mature. 
As  the  eventful  year  of  1887  drew  to  a  close 
and  new  victims  ceased  to  appear,  he  who 
had  loaded  up  for  the  tourist  began  to  look 
around  quietly  for  a  chance  to  unload  on  his  fel- 
lows. Then  he  discovered  to  his  dismay  that' 
all  the  others  were  at  the  same  game.  Then 
the  crash  came.  The  speculator  who  held  the 
last  contract  could  not  pay ;  the  one  before  him 
could  not  meet  his  obligations  miless  the  man 
to  whom  he  had  sold  paid  up ;  and  so  it  went 
all  along  the  line  like  a  row  of  bricks  set  on  end. 
The  end  one  toppling  over  the  one  next  to  it 
starts  the  movement  down  the  line,  and  all  go 
down.  Before  the  ides  of  March  had  passed 
every  speculator  was  vainly  trying  to  save  some- 
thing from  the  wreck.  Those  who  had  invested 
recklessly  in  boom  towns  and  dry  lands  lost  all ; 
those  who  had  some  good  unincumbered  prop- 
erty in  a  town  or  city  with  a  future  managed 
to  save  a  little  out  of  the  crash,  but  "capitalist" 
no  longer  followed  their  names  in  the  directory. 

No  better  criterion  probably  can  be  given  for 
measuring  the  great  inflation  of  property  values 
during  the  boom  tlian  the  countv  assessment 
rolls  for  1887  and  188S.  The  valuation  of  all 
pioperty  macle  by  the  county  assessor  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  boom  early  in  1887  ^^'3''  $22,862,- 
250.  The  assessed  value  fixed  early  in  1888  be- 
fore the  collapse  had  begun  was  $41,522,608,  an 
increase  of  almost  one  hundred  per  cent  in 
twelve  months.  In  iSqo  the  assessment  had 
contracted  to  $26,871,551. 

But  with  all  its  wild  extravagance,  its  reckless- 
ness, its  gambling,  its  waste  and  its  ruined  "mil- 
lionaires of  a  day,"  the  boom  to  San  Diego  was 
a  blessing  in  disguise.  It  projected  enterprises 
of  merit  as  well  as  those  of  demerit.  It  helped 
to  make  a  reality  of  that  "back  country"  that  for 
years  had  been  a  myth,  and  it  brought  about 
the  building  of  a  substantial  city  of  what  had 
before  been  a  crude  and  inchoate  burgh.  Strange 
to  say,  too,  the  great  enterprises  projected  dur- 
ing tiic  boom  were  all  carried  on  to  completion. 



notuithstanding  the  liard  times  that  followed. 
Depression  did  not  stop  progression. 

The  San  Dici^o  Sun,  two  years  after  the  boom, 
summing  up  what  had  been  done  since,  says : 
"Since  1887,  the  Cuyamaca  Railway  has  been 
built  and  motor  lines  extended  at  a  cash  outlay 
of  $350,000;  the  Spreckel's  Company  has  put 
$250,000  into  a  wharf  and  coal  bunkers ;  all  our 
business  streets  have  been  paved;  a  $100,000 
court-house  built  and  paid  for;  three  line  school- 
houses,  and  all  our  big  hotels  except  two  con- 
structed. Five  miles  of  cable  road  have  been 
built  and  put  in  operation ;  a  fine  public  library 
has  been  established ;  a  new  opera-house  will 
soon  be  completed.  The  adjacent  mining  regions 
have  yielded  at  least  $1,000,000  in  gold.  The 
great  irrigating  works  of  the  Sweetwater  dam 
and  San  Diego  flume,  involving  an  expense  of 
$2,500,000,  have  been  constructed,  and  water 
supplied  at  the  lowest  western  prices.  Not  less 
tlian  fifteen  elegant  business  blocks  have  been 
built,  and  several  fine  churches.  Over  a  hun- 
dred new  residences  have  been  built  on  Flor- 
ence Heights  alone.  To  sum  it  all  up,  $10,000,- 
000  have  been  invested  in  San  Diego  and  its  en- 
virons since  1887,  and  the  back  country  has  ob- 
tained and  planted  600,000  fruit  trees ;  which, 
with  those  already  out,  promise  to  fill,  seven 
years  hence,  10,000  freight  cars  with  merchant- 
able products." 

The  Federal  census  of  1890  gave  the  popula- 
tion of  county  as  34,987;  and  that  of  the  city 
16,159.  It  was  charged  that  the  census  of  the 
city  was  very  incorrectly  taken  and  that  the 
real  population  was  over  20,000. 

During  the  years  1889  and  1890  the  city  and 
county  were  recovering  from  the  depression 
caused  by  the  collapse  of  the  boom,  but  1891 
was  a  year  of  disasters.  February  22,  a  great 
flood  entirely  destroyed  the  railroad  track 
through  the  Temecula  canon.  The  road  through 
the  canon  has  never  been  rebuilt.  During  the 
same  storm  the  Tia  Juana  River,  that  is  usually 
a  dry  sand  wash,  became  a  tremendous  torrent, 
spreading  out  until  it  was  as  wide  as  the  Colo- 
rado in  a  spring  rise.  The  town  on  the  Amer- 
ican side  was  entirely  washed  away,  and  of  that 
on  the  Mexican  only  the  houses  on  upper  Mesa 
were  left.  The  Ota'y  Watch  Works,  started  in 
18S7,  and  at  one  time  employing  over  one  hun- 
dred operatives,  suspended  and  the  employes 
were  compelled  to  leave. 

In  October  the  California  National  Bank, 
with  more  than  a  million  dollars  in  deposits, 
failed.  The  Savings  Bank  connected  with  it 
went  down,  too,  in  the  crash.  Neither  ever  re- 
sumed business.  Their  afTairs  were  placed  in  the 
hands  of  a  receiver.  .-\  few  small  dividends  were 
paid  the  depositors,  but  the  bulk  of  the  deposits 

were  lost  by  bad  management,  wild  speculation 
and  the  doubtful  business  methods  of  J.  W.  Col- 
lins and  his  partner,  D.  D.  Dare.  Collins  was 
arrested,  and  shortly  afterwards  committed  sui- 
cide. Dare,  who  was  in  Europe  at  the  time  of 
the  failure,  never  returned  to  San  Diego. 

February  7,  1892,  the  Pacific  Mail  steamers 
began  stopping  again  at  San  Diego  for  passen- 
gers and  freight.  The  wharf  of  the  United 
States  government  station  at  La  Playa  was  com- 
pleted April  25,  1892.  The  cable  road  was  ex- 
tended to  the  Mission  ClifT  in  July,  1892. 

By  an  act  of  the  Legislature,  approved  March 
1 1,  1893,  6,418  square  miles  were  taken  from  the 
northern  part  of  San  Diego  to  form  the  new 
county  of  Riverside.  The  new  county  appropri- 
ated $3,849,1 14  of  the  old  county's  assessed  valu- 
ation. The  area  of  San  Diego  is  now  8,551 
square  miles.  She  parted  with  the  towns  of 
Temecula,  Elsinore,  Murietta,  San  Jacinto  and 
^^'inchester.  The  county  division  scheme  was 
opposed  by  San  Diego  and  San  Bernardino, 
but  was  carried  in  spite  of  their  protests. 

In  1896  the  San  Diego  Brewery,  costing 
$150,000,  was  erectetl  entirely  by  San  Diego 

In  1898,  a  decade  after  the  collapse  of  the 
boom,  the  city  had  five  miles  of  paved  streets, 
forty-three  miles  of  graded  streets  and  forty-five 
miles  of  sewers:  It  had  twenty-four  churches 
and  fourteen  schools. 

January  21.  1899,  the  steamship,  Belgian  King, 
the  first  of  the  California  and  Oriental  Steam- 
ship Company's  vessels,  arrived  in  port. 

August  22,  1899,  the  steamer,  Thyra,  the 
largest  vessel  that  ever  entered  the  port,  draw- 
ing twenty-seven  feet  of  water,  passed  safely 
over  the  bar  and  entered  the  harbor. 

^lay  I,  1899,  the  State  Normal  School  on  the 
North  Mesa  was  dedicated. 

July  28,  1899,  Andrew  Carnegie  donated  San 
Diego  $50,000  for  a  free  public  library  building. 

The  first  public  school  opened  in  San  Diego 
was  taught  by  Manuel  dc  \"argas,  a  retired  ser- 
geant of  infantry.  He  was  the  pioneer  school- 
master of  California,  having  taught  a  school  at 
San  Jose  in  1794.  the  first  school  opened  in  the 
territory.  He  taught  in  San  Diego  from  July. 
1795,  to  December,  1798,  at  a  yearly  salary  of 
$250.  Don  Jose  .\ntonio  Carrillo  is  said  to  have 
taught  a  school  at  the  presidio  in  1812-13.  An- 
tonio Afenendez  was  teaching  in  the  old  town 
in  1828-29.  Eighteen  cliildren  were  j-eported 
in  attendance.  In  1844  Crtivernor  Micheltorena 
issued  a  decree,  establishing  primary  schools 
at  San  Diego,  Los  Angeles.  Santa  Barbara  and 
several  other  towns.     Tliis  seems  to  have  been 


the  last  school  taught  at  San  Diego  under  Mex- 
ican rule. 

After  the  American  form  of  government  was 
estabHshed,  a  school  was  opened  in  Old  Town 
about  1853.  The  early  school  records  have  dis- 
appeared, if,  indeed,  any  were  kept. 

In  1867,  fifteen  years  after  a  public-school 
system  had  been  established  in  California  by 
law,  San  Diego  county  was  all  included  in  one 
school  district  and  had  but  one  teacher  and  one 
school  house  within  its  limits.  It  was  then 
probably  the  largest  school  district  in  the  United 
States.  In  1866  the  number  of  white  children 
between  five  and  fifteen  years  of  age,  according 
to  the  school  census  of  that  year,  was  335.  The 
census  of  1867  gave  an  increase  of  only  three, 
which  would  seem  to  indicate  a  short  crop  that 

The  number  who  attended  public  school  in 
1867  was  thirty-two;  those  attending  private 
schools  twenty-two — a  total  attendance  of  fifty- 
four,  or  about  si.xteen  per  cent  of  the  children  of 
school  age.  This  was  but  little,  if  any,  improve- 
ment on  the  school  attendance  of  Mexican  days. 
In  1877  the  census  children  had  increased  to 
1,693;  tbe  number  attending  public  schools  919, 
and  private  scjiools  112.  .The  number  of  districts 
had  increased  to  thirty-four  and  the  number  of 
teachers  to  thirty-five.  In  1887  the  total  num- 
ber of  census  children  was  5,299;  enrolled  in  the 
piililic  schools,  3,952.  The  number  of  districts 
was  eighty-two  and  the  number  of  teachers,  115. 

THE    S.\N    DIECO    I'l^EE    PUBLIC    t-IBRARV. 

'l"he  public  library  was  founded  in  1882.  The 
first  president  of  the  library  board  was  Bryant 
Howard ;  secretary,  E.  W.  Hendrick ;  treasurer, 
G.  H.  Hitchcock  ;  trustees,  G.  W.  MarstonandR, 
M.  Powers.  The  Commercial  Bank  donated  the 
free  use  of  a  room  for  six  months.  Donations 
uf  l)ooks  were  made  by  a  number  of  persons  and 
a  city  tax  levied  for  the  support  of  the  library. 

In  the  early  part  of  1899  Mrs.  Lydia  M.  Hor- 
ton,  who  was  at  that  time  a  member  of  the  free 
library  board,  wrote  to  the  millionaire  philan- 
thropist, Andrew  Carnegie,  asking  a  donation  to 
erect  a  library  building.  On  the  28th  of  July, 
1899,  she  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Carnegie, 
stating  that  "If  the  city  were  to  pledge  itself 
to  maintain  a  free  public  library  from  the  taxes, 
say  to  the  extent  of  the  amount  you  name  of  be- 
tween $5,000  to  $6,000  a  year  and  provide  a  site, 
[  shall  be  glad  to  give  you  $50,000  to  erect  a 
suitable  library  building."  The  proposition  was 
accepted  at  once.  .V  site  was  secured  on  E  street, 
between  Eighth  and  Ninth  streets,  at  a  cost 
of  $17,000;  of  which  $8,000  was  raised  by  sub- 
scription and  the  balance  paid  by  the  city.  The 
site  covers  half  a  block.     The  building  now  in 

course  of  erection  will  cost  about  $60,000.  The 
library  contains  about  18,000  volumes.  Mary  E. 
\\'alker  is  the  present  librarian. 


The  San  Diego  Chamber  of  Commerce  was 
organized  January  20,  1870,  and  is  the  oldest 
institution  of  that  kind  in  Southern  California. 
The  organizers  were  A.  E.  Horton,  E.  W. 
Morse,  David  Felsenheld,  Aaron  Pauly,  G.  W. 
B.  McDonald,  J.  W.  Gale,  D.  Choate  and  Jo- 
seph Nash.  Its  first  president  was  Aaron  Pauly  ; 
and  first  secretary,  David  Felsenheld.  It  has 
been  for  more  than  thirty  years  active  in  foster- 
ing and  promoting  every  public  enterprise  look- 
ing to  the  welfare  of  San  Diego  city  and  county. 


Or.D    TOWN. 

Old  Town,  now  the  first  ward  of  the  city,  is 
the  San  Diego  of  history  and  romance.  It  is 
three  miles  northwest  of  the  city  proper.  The 
surf  line  of  the  Santa  Fe  Railroad  system  passes 
through  the  lower  portion  of  it.  From  1850  to 
1868  it  was  the  county  seat.  Prior  to  1850  it 
was  all  that  there  was  of  the  city  or  town  of  San 
Diego.  Here  the  first  germ  of  civilization  in 
California  was  planted.  The  first  mission  was 
established  here ;  and  here  the  first  Indian  con- 
vert was  baptized. 

Dana  and  Robinson  made  it  famous  in  their 
books  on  life  in  the  California  of  olden  times ; 
and  Helen  Hunt  Jackson  has  invested  it  with  an 
air  of  romance  by  making  it  the  scenes  of  the 
marriage  of  her  hero  and  heroine  in  her  story  of 
Ramona.  The  house  in  which  Ramona  was 
married  to  .Mcssandro  is  still  pointed  out  to  the 

The  San  Diego  Sun  of  January  12,  1892,  thus 
rudely  tears  away  the  veil  of  sentiment  that  Mrs. 
Jackson  threw  around  her  famous  characters 
and  shows  them  up  as  they  were  in  real  life : 
"The  real  Alessandro  was  a  horse  thief  who 
\\as  shot  for  his  crimes  by  a  San  Jacinto  man, 
wlio  is  still  living.  Ramona  is  a  squaw  of  well- 
understood  character,  who  lives  upon  her  noto- 
riety and  her  ofifenses.'' 

NArr0N.\L    CITY. 

The  Kimball  Brothers  in  1869  bought  the 
Rancho  de  la  Nacion,  containing  27,000  acres. 
They  subdivided  a  portion  of  it  into  farm  lots, 
built  a  wharf  and  laid  oft  a  town  on  the  bay 
four  miles  south  of  San  Diego,  which  they 
named  National  City.  They  were  quite  success- 
ful in  selling  lots,  and  for  a  time  there  was  a 
spirited  and  somewhat  acrimonious  rivalry  be- 
tween New  Town  and  National  Citv.     The  fail- 



ure  of  the  Texas  Pacific  Railroad  disastrously 
affected  it,  as  well  as  its  rival.  The  California 
Southern  Railroad,  in  consideration  of  a  gift  of 
17,000  acres  of  land  made  by  the  Kimballs,  lo- 
cated its  Pacific  terminus  at  National  City. 
Again  the  town  was  on  the  high  tide  of  pros- 
perity. The  removal  of  the  railroad  shops  be- 
gun in  1892.  The  dry  seasons  of  1898-99  and 
1900  have  had  a  depressing  effect  upon  it,  but  its 
inhabitants  have  not  lost  faith  in  its  future. 


Coronado  Beach,  or  Coronado  as  it  is  usually 
called,  is  a  peninsula  that  divides  San  Diego 
Harbor  from  the  ocean.  Up  to  1886  it  was 
covered  with  a  dense  growth  of  chaparral.  E.  S. 
Babcock  originated  the  scheme  of  building  a 
town  and  an  immense  tourist  hotel  on  it.  The 
Coronado  Beach  Company  was  organized  and 
work  begun.  The  was  clearetl  off,  streets 
graded,  sewers  laid  and  town  lots  thrown  on  the 
market  in  time  to  be  caught  by  the  boom.  The 
lots  advanced  rapidly  in  value  and  Babcock's 
scheme  proved  to  have  "millions  in  it."  The  erec- 
tion of  the  Hotel  del  Coronado  was  begun  early 
in  1887,  and  completed  in  December  of  that 
year.  The  building  covers  seven  acres  of  ground 
and  can  accommodate  seven  hundred  guests. 
It  is  one  of  the  largest  caravansaries  in  the 
world.  The  dreary  and  desolate  looking  pen- 
insula of  fifteen  years  ago  is  now  covered  with 
elegant  residences,  green  lawns  and  flower  gar- 
dens. It  is  reached  from  San  Diego  by  a  steam 
ferry  that  connects  with  an  electric  railroad  that 
runs  to  the  ocean  front  of  the  hotel,  a  mile 
distant  from  the  ferry. 


Oceanside  on  the  surf  line  of  the  Santa  Fe 
Railroad  system  is  forty-one  miles  by  rail  north 
of  San  Diego.  It  was  founded  in  1884  and 
during  the  boom  grew  japidly.  The  Fallbrook 
branch  railroad,  once  the  main  line  of  the  Cali- 
fornia Southern,  leaves  the  Surf  Line  at  Ocean- 
siile.  The  railroad  to  Escondido  forms  a  junc- 
tion here  with  the  Surf  Line  between  San  Diego 
and  Los  .\ngeles. 

The  town  is  four  miles  from  the  Old  Mission 
of  San  Luis  Rey  and  has  the  rich  San  Luis  Rey 
valley  for  its  back  country.  It  has  several  gen- 
eral merchandise  stores  which  have  a  good  local 


Escondido,  Hidden  \'alley  or  Rincon  ilel  Di- 
ablo, The  Devil's  Corner,  was  formerlv  known 

as  \\'olfskiirs  rancho  and  comprises  about  13,- 
000  acres  of  the  San  Marcos  grant.  In  1885 
it  was  purchased  by  a  syndicate  of  San  Diego 
and  Los  Angeles  capitalists,  who  subdivided  it 
into  small  farms  and  laid  off  a  town.  The  lands 
had  a  rapid  sale.  A  large  hotel,  a  bank  building 
and  a  number  of  business  blocks  w^ere  built  be- 
tween 1886  and  1890.  The  farm  lands  have 
been  planted  to  citrus  fruits  and  raisin  grapes. 


Fallbrook,  on  the  western  slope  of  the  Coast 
Range  mountains,  is  twelve  miles  in  a  direct 
line  from  the  coast  and  sixty-one  from  San 
Diego  by  the  railroad.  Since  the  great  Hoot! 
of  1892,  which  destroyed  the  railroad  in  the 
Temecula  Canon,  Fallbrook  has  been  the  ter- 
minus of  the  eastern  end  of  the  road  which  is 
now  known  as  the  Fallbrook  branch.  The  older 
settlement  is  back  a  mile  or  two  from  the  rail- 
road. The  town  has  grown  up  since  the  build- 
ing of  the  railroad.  It  has  two  large  hotels 
and  several  business  houses. 

P-\L.\  (Shovel),  once  an  asisteiicia  or  auxiliary 
of  San  Luis  Rey  Mission,  is  located  in  the 
upper  San  Luis  Rey  valley  about  seventeen 
miles  from  the  coast  and  fifty  miles  north  of 
San  Diego.  It  is  largely  an  Indian  settlement. 
These  descendants  of  the  Mission  Indians  keep 
up  many  of  the  old  customs  and  observances. 
The  Mission  Capilla  or  Chapel  still  stands  in  a 
fair  state  of  preservation.  Services  are  held  in 
it  once  a  month.  There  is  here  some  of  the 
finest  vine  and  fruit  land  in  the  county. 

JuLi.\N,  fifty-five  miles  northeast  from  San 
Diego  bay,  in  the  mountain  regions,  is  4,500 
feet  above  the  sea  level.  It  owes  its  origin  to 
a  mining  rush.  In  February,  1870,  gold  was 
discovered  near  the  ranch  of  M.  S.  Julian.  The 
news  of  the  discovery  caused  a  rush  and  a  town 
was  built  and  named  after  the  proprietor.  .\ 
number  of  rich  claims  were  located  and  for 
several  years  a  considerable  quantity  of  gold 
was  taken  out.  The  Cuyamaca  grant  owners 
laid  claim  to  the  mines.  After  a  legal  contest, 
lasting  five  years,  the  miners  won.  Much  of  the 
country  around  Julian  is  adapted  to  stock  rais- 
ing. There  are  some  fine  orchards  of  apples, 
])ears,  plums  and  peaches  in  the  Julian  district. 

B.\NNKU  is  a  mining"  .settlement  four  miles 
cast  of  Julian,  but  1,500  feet  lower.  It  is  on  the 
desert  side  of  the  divide  in  the  San  Felijie 
Canon,  the  waters  of  which  sink  into  the  desert. 
The  town  has  several  quartz  mills,  a  store,  post 
'office  and  school  house. 






THE  original  county  of  Los  Angeles  was 
an  empire  in  itself.  It  extended  from 
the  Pacific  ocean  on  the  west  to  the 
Colorado  river  on  the  east,  and  from  San 
Diego  county  on  the  south  to  Mariposa  on 
the  north.  Its  area  was  about  32,000  square 
miles,  or  a  little  more  than  one-fifth  of  the 
area  of  the  entire  state.  Excepting  Maine, 
it  was  equal  in  size  to  the  total  area  of  the 
other  five  New  England  states. 

The  boundaries,  as  given  in  the  act  of 
February  18,  1850,  dividing  the  state  into 
counties,  were  very  indefinite,  but  as  a  vast  ex- 
tent of  Los  Angeles  county  was  a  terra  in- 
cognito, inhabited  by  wandering  savages,  no 
conflict  arose  in  regard  to  jurisdiction,  except 
with  these  Indians  and  that  was  settled  by  bul- 
lets and  not  by  boundary  lines. 

An  act  of  the  second  legislature  re])caled 
the  former  act,  and  more  clearly  defined  the 
boundaries    of   the    county.      It   is    as    follows : 

"Section  3. — County  of  Los  Angeles. — Be- 
ginning on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  at  a  point 
parallel  with  the  northern  boundary  of  the 
rancho  called  Malaga ;  thence  in  a  direction 
so  as  to  include  said  rancho,  to  the  northwest 
corner  of  the  rancho,  known  as  Triunifo,  run- 
ning on  the  northerly  line  of  the  same  to  the  corner ;  thence  to  the  summit  of  the 
ridge  of  hills  called  Santa  Susanna ;  thence  in 
a  direct  line  to  the  rancho  Casteyne  (Castaic) 
and  Lejon  (El  Tejon),  and  along  their  northern 
line  to  the  northeastern  corners,  and  thence  in 
a  northeast  line  to  the  eastern  boundary  of  the 
state,  and  along  said  boundary  line  to  the  junc- 
tion of  the  northern  boundary  of  San  Diego 
county  with  the  Colorado ;  thence  in  a  north- 
westerly direction  parallel  with  the  coast  to  a 
point  tliree  miles  from  land,  and  opposite  to  the 
southern  boundary  of  the  rancho  called  Mal- 
aga, and  thence  east  to  the  place  of  beginning; 
including  the  island  of  Santa  Catalina  and  San 
Clement.  The  seat  of  justice  shall  be  at  Los 

In  1851,  a  colony  of  Mormons  from  Salt  Lake 
located  where  now  the  city  of  San  Bernardino 
stands,  on  a  tract  of  land  bought  from  the  Lugos. 

They  were  reinforced  by  other  immigrants  from 
Salt  Lake  and  by  some  non-Mormon  families. 
The  settlement  grew  quite  rapidly.  These 
settlers  petitioned  the  legislature  of  1853  to 
create  a  new  county  out  of  the  eastern  portion 
of  Los  Angeles  county.  By  an  act  entitled, 
"An  Act  for  dividing  the  county  of  Los  An- 
geles and  making  a  new  county  therefrom  to 
be  called  San  Bernardino  county,"  approved 
April  26,  1853,  it  was  provided: 

"Section  3. — The  county  of  Los  Angeles  is 
hereby  divided  as  follows :  Beginning  at  a 
point  where  a  due  south  line  drawn  from  the 
highest  peak  of  the  Sierra  de  Santiago  inter- 
sects the  northern  boundary  of  San  Diego 
county ;  thence  running  along  the  summit  of 
said  Sierra  to  the  Santa  Ana  river,  between  the 
ranch  of  Sierra  and  the  residence  of  Bernardo 
Yorba  ;  thence  across  the  Santa  Ana  river  along 
the  summit  of  the  range  of  hills  that  lie  bc" 
tween  the  Coyotes  and  Chino  (leaving  the 
ranchos  of  Ontiveras  and  Ybarra  to  the  west  of 
this  line),  to  the  southeast  corner  of  the  ranch 
of  San  Jose;  thence  along  the  eastern  boun- 
daries of  said  ranch  and  of  San  Antonio,  and 
the  western  and  northern  boundaries  of  Cucai- 
monga  ranch  to  the  ravine  of  Cucaimonga ; 
thence  up  said  ravine  to  its  source  in  the  Coast 
Range ;  thence  due  north  to  the  northern  boun- 
dary of  Los  Angeles  county;  thence  north- 
east to  the  State  Line;  thence  along  the  State 
Line  to  the  northern  boundary  line  of  San  Diego 
county,  thence  westerly  along  the  northern  boun- 
dary of  San  Diego  to  the  place  of  beginning. 

"Section  4. — The  eastern  jiortion  of  Los  An- 
geles county  so  cut  off,  shall  be  called  San 
Bernardino  county  and  the  seat  of  justice  thereof 
shall  be  at  such  a  place  as  a  majority  of  voters 
shall  determine  at  the  first  county  election,  here- 
inafter provided  to  be  held  in  said  county  and 
shall  remain  at  the  place  .so  designated  until 
changed  by  the  people,  as  provided  by  law." 

The  formation  of  the  new  county  cut  ofT  about 
24,000  square  miles  from  Los  Angeles,  but  still 
leaving  her  8,000  square  miles.  She  held  on  to 
this  territory  for  thirteen  years,  then  she  had  to 
give  up  another  slice  of  her  territory,  but  as  this 
was  mostly  mountains  and  deserts  there  was 
no  opposition  to  the  segregation. 



In  1866  the  county  of  Kern  was  formed  out 
of  portions  of  Tulare  and  Los  Angeles  counties. 
The  area  of  Los  Angeles  after  the  creation  of 
Kern  county  was  about  5,000  square  miles. 

In  1869  began  the  struggle  to  cut  ofif  a  por- 
tion from  the  southeastern  part  to  form  a  new 
county.  This  movement  the  people  of  Los  An- 
geles resisted.  The  contest  over  county  division 
lasted  for  twenty  years.  It  ended  in  1889  with 
the  formation  of  Orange  county.  The  story  of 
this  long  drawn  out  contest  is  told  m  full  in  the 
history  of  Orange  county. 

After  the  formation  of  Orange  county  Los 
Angeles  had  an  area  of  3,880  square  miles.  In 
1891  an  efifort  was  made  to  cut  a  slice  ofif  the 
eastern  side  to  form  with  territory  taken  from 
San  Bernardino  the  county  of  Pomona.  For- 
tunately the  scheme  failed. 


The  transition  from  the  Mexican  form  of  gov- 
ernment in  California  to  that  of  the  United 
States  was  very  gradual.  Los  Angeles  the  last 
Mexican  stronghold  surrendered  January  10, 
1847.  It  was  not  until  June  24,  1850,  that  the 
American  municipal  form  of  government  by 
county  officers  superseded  the  ayuntamientos, 
alcaldes,  prefects  and  sindicos  of  Spain  and 
Mexico.  The  legislature  had  passed  a  county 
government  act,  February  18,  1850,  and  had  pro- 
vided for  an  election  of  county  officers  to  be 
held  the  first  Monday  of  April.  The  election 
was  held,  April  i,  377  votes  were  cast  in  the 
county  and  the  following  named  officers  elected  : 
county  judge,  Augustin  Olvera ;  county  attor- 
ney, Benjamin  Hays ;  county  clerk,  B.  D.  Wil- 
son ;  sheriff,  G.  Thompson  Burrill ;  treasurer, 
Manuel  Garfias ;  assessor,  Antonio  F.  Coronel ; 
recorder,  Ignacio  del  \'alle ;  surveyor,  J.  R. 
Conway;   coroner,  Charles  B.  Cullcn. 


The  court  of  sessions  which  consisted  of  the 
county  judge  and  two  justices  of  the  peace  con- 
stituted the  legislative  body  of  the  county  gov- 
ernments of  the  state  up  to  1853,  when  the  civil 
business  of  the  counties  was  turned  over  to 
a  board  of  supervisors,  created  by  an  act  of  the 
legislature.  The  court  of  sessions  had  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  criminal  business,  the  impaneling 
of  juries  and  filling  vacancies  in  oflfice  up  to 
1865,  when  it  was  legislated  out  of  office. 

The  court  of  sessions  was  the  motive  ]io\\er 
that  set  the  county  machinery  in  operation.  The 
first  meeting  of  tlie  court  in  Los  ,\ngeles  was 
held  June  24,  1850.  Hon.  Augustin  Olvera  was 
the  presiding  judge;  the  associate  justices  were 
Jonathan  R.  Scott  and  Luis  Roubidoau.  .An- 
tonio F.  Coronel,  as'^cssor-elect.  and  Charles  R. 

Cullen,  coroner-elect,  were  cited  before  tru. 
court  to  qualify  and  file  their  official  bonds. 
Coronel  appeared  ne.xt  day  and  qualified,  but 
Cullen  declined  to  serve. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  court,  June  26,  jailer 
Samuel  Whiting  was  allowed  $7  per  day  salary, 
out  of  which  he  was  to  employ  a  competent 
assistant.  He  was  allowed  "for  feeding  the  pris- 
oners, fifty  cents  each ;  that  each  prisoner  shall 
have  per  day  an  amount  of  bread  to  the  value  of 
twelve  and  one-half  cents  or  an  equivalent  in 
rice  or  beans ;  balance  of  the  allowance  in  good 

A.  P.  Hodges,  M.  D.,  was  appointed  coroner 
(during  his  term  as  coroner  he  also  served  as 
the  first  mayor  of  the  city).  The  county  judge 
could  not  speak  English  and  at  least  one  asso- 
ciate judge  spoke  no  Spanish,  so  G.  Thompson 
Burrill  was  appointed  county  interpreter  for  the 
court  at  a  salary  of  $50  per  month.  He  was  also 

At  the  session  of  July  11,  1850,  it  was  or- 
dered that  the  town  council  be  permitted  to 
work  the  county  prisoners  by  paying  the  daily 
expense  of  each  one's  keeping — fifty  cents.  A 
master  stroke  of  economy.  Some  one  has  sneer- 
ingly  said  that  the  first  public  buildings  the 
Americans  built  in  California  after  it  came  into 
their  possession,  were  jails.  This  was  true  of 
Los  Angeles  and  in  fact  of  all  the  counties  of 
southern  California. 

July  II,  1850,  commissioners  were  appointeil 
by  the  city  and  county  to  select  a  site  for  a  jail. 
Lots  Nos.  I,  2,  3,  7,  8  and  9  in  square  No.  34 
(north  of  the  Plaza  church)  were  selected  for  a 
jail  site.  The  city  council  was  asked  to  donate 
said  lots  to  the  county  and  the  city  was  re- 
quested to  loan  the  county  $2,000,  to  be  used 
in  building  said  jail,  the  city  council  to  have 
permission  to  use  said  jail  until  the  loan  is  re- 
funded. The  city  fathers  did  not  take  kindly 
to  these  requests  of  the  judges ;  so  the  county 
had  to  worry  along  two  years  longer  before  a 
jail  was  built  and  then  it  was  not  built  on  the 
site  selected  by  the  joint  commission. 


There  was  one  Hispano-American  institution 
that  long  survived  the  fall  of  Mexican  domina- 
tion in  California;  and  that  was  the  office  of 
Jueces  del  Campo,  Judges  of  the  Plains.  A  judge 
of  the  plains  was  a  very  im])ortant  functionary. 
Tt  was  his  duty  to  be  present  at  the  annual 
Rodeos  (round  ups  of  cattle),  and  Rccojcdas 
(gathering  up  of  horses).  His  seat  of  justice  was 
in  the  saddle,  his  court  room  the  mesa,  and  from 
his  decision  there  was  no  appeal.  All  dis])utes 
nl)nut  ownership  of  stock  came  before  him.  The 
ciidc  iif  ills  court   was  unwritten,  or  nio^tlv  so, 



which  was  fortunate  for  many  of  the  judges 
could  not  read.  This  hap-hazard  way  of  ad- 
ministering justice  did  not  suit  American  ideas, 
so,  at  a  meeting  of  the  court  of  sessions,  July 
23,  1850,  the  county  attorney  was  ordered  "to 
collect  the  various  Bandos  and  Reglamentos 
heretofore  made  in  this  district  respecting  the 
Jueces  del  Canipo  and  give  his  opinion  upon  the 
same  at  the  next  term  of  this  court."  At  the 
session  of  the  court,  August  22,  the  county  at- 
torney reported  a  number  of  regulations,  some 
written,  others  established  by  custom.  The  court 
added  several  new  regulations  to  those  already 
existing,  the  most  important  of  which  (to  the 
Jueces)  was  a  salary  of  one  hundred  dollars  a 
year  to  each  judge,  payable  out  of  the  county 
treasury.  Under  Mexican  rule  the  plains  judge 
took  his  pay  in  honor.  As  there  were  a  round 
dozen  of  these  officials  in  the  county  in  1850, 
their  aggregate  pay  e.xcceded  the  entire  expense 
of  the  municipal  government  of  the  district  dur- 
ing the  last  year  of  the  Mexican  rule.  After 
jails  the  next  innovation  the  Americans  intro- 
duced was  taxes. 

Even  at  this  early  day,  before  California  had 
become  a  state,  there  were  "Patriotas  de  Bolsa" 
(patriots  of  the  pocket),  men  who  knew  how  to 
make  a  good  thing  of  their  patriotic  services. 
In  the  summer  of  1850,  an  expedition  under 
Gen.  Joseph  C.  Morehead  had  been  sent  against 
the  mountain  Indians,  who  had  been  stealing 
horses  from  the  Los  Angeles  rancheros.  In  a 
skirmish  with  the  Indian  horse  thieves,  a  militia- 
man named  William  Carr  was  wounded.  Gen. 
Morehead  sent  him  back  to  Los  Angeles  to 
have  him  taken  care  of.  At  the  session  of  the 
court,  September  i8th,  the  medico  wdio  doctored 
the  wounded  soldier  presented  a  bill  of  $503 ; 
the  patriotic  American  who  boarded  him  de- 
manded $120,  and  the  man  who  lodged  him 
charged  $45  for  house  rent.  The  native  Cali- 
fornian  who  waited  on  him  was  satisfied  with 
$30,  but  then  he  was  not  a  patriot !  The  bills  were 
approved,  but  as  the  county  treasury  was  as 
empty  as  the  ranchero's  corrals  after  an  Indian 
raid,  the  accounts  were  referred  to  the  incom- 
ing legislature  for  settlement.  It  is  gratifying 
to  know  that  this  valuable  soldier  "lived  to  fight 
another  day,"  but  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  for  mo- 
tives of  economy  he  kept  out  of  reach  of  In- 
dian arrows. 


The  first  fee  and  salary  bill  of  California  was 
based  upon  prices  ruling  in  the  mining  counties 
where  a  sherifif's  fees  amounted  to  more  than 
the  salary  of  the  president  of  the  United  States. 
The  liberal  fees  allowed  for  official  services 
soon  bankrupted  the  treasuries  of  the  cow  coun- 

ties, and  in  1851  they  were  petitioning  the  leg- 
islature for  a  reduction  of  fees.  It  cost  $100  to 
hold  an  inquest  on  a  dead  Indian  and  as  vio- 
lent deaths  were  of  almost  daily  or  nightly  oc- 
currence, the  coroner's  office  was  quite  lucrative. 
Some  of  the  verdicts  of  the  coroner's  juries 
showed  remarkable  familiarity  with  the  decrees 
of  the  Almighty.  On  a  native  Californian 
named  Gamico,  found  dead  in  the  street,  the 
verdict  was  "Death  by  the  visitation  of  God." 
Of  a  dead  Indian,  found  near  the  zanja,  the  Los 
Angeles  Star  says:  "Justice  Dryden  and  a  jury 
sat  on  the  body.  The  verdict  was  'Death  from 
intoxication  or  by  the  visitation  of  God.'  Bacilio 
was  a  Christian  Indian  and  was  confessed  by 
the  reverend  padre  yesterday  afternoon."  The 
jurors  were  paid  $10  each  for  sitting  on  a  body. 
Coroner  Hodges  made  the  champion  record  on 
inquests.  October  20,  1851,  he  held  eleven  in- 
quests in  one  day.  These  were  held  on  Irving's 
band  of  horse  thieves  and  robbers  who  were 
killed  by  the  Cahuilla  Indians  in  the  San  Ber- 
nardino mountains. 

The  criminal  element  had  been  steadily  in- 
creasing in  Los  Angeles.  In  185 1,  a  military 
company  was  organized  to  aid  the  sherifif  in 
keeping  order.  November  24,  1851,  the  court 
of  session  ordered  that  the  sheriff  cause  fifty 
good  lances  to  be  made  for  the  use  of  the  vol- 
unteer company.  The  pioneer  blacksmith,  John 
Goller,  made  the  lances  and  was  paid  $87.50 
for  the  job.  Goller  also  made  a  branding  iron 
for  the  county.  The  county  brand  consisted  of 
the  letters  "LA"  three  inches  long.   In  January, 

1852,  the  house  occupied  by  Benjamin  Hays, 
under  lease  from  Felipe  Garcia,  was  sublet  by 
him  to  the  county  for  a  court  house  for  the 
balance    of    his    term,    expiring    November    16, 

1853.  The  sum  of  $650  was  appropriated  by 
order  of  the  court  of  sessions  to  pay  the  rent 
for  the  agreed  term.  The  first  building  used  for 
a  court  house  was  the  old  government  house 
that  Pio  Pico  bought  from  Isaac  \\'illiams  for 
the  capitol.  Pico  had  resided  in  it  during  his 
term  as  governor.  After  the  conquest  two  com- 
panies of  United  States  Dragoons  were  quar- 
tered in  it.  A  contract  was  let,  July  8,  1851,  to 
build  a  jail  and  John  G.  Nichols  appointed  at  $6 
a  day  to  superintend  the  job,  but  some  mis- 
understanding with  the  city  arising,  the  build- 
ing was  not  erected,  and  September  13,  1851,  the 
court  ordered  the  sheriff  to  sell  the  adobes  now 
on  hand  for  use  of  jail  at  the  highest  market 
price  and  turn  the  money  over  to  the  clerk  of  tlie 

The  first  county  jail  was  the  adobe  building 
on  the  hill  back  of  the  Downey  (then  Temple) 
block  used  by  the  troops  for  a  guard  house. 
There  were  no  cells  in  it.     Staples  were  driven 



into  a  heavy  pine  log  that  reached  across  the 
building  and  short  chains  attached  to  the  sta- 
ples were  fastened  to  the  handcuffs  of  the  pris- 
oners. Solitary  confinement  was  cflit  of  the 
question  then.  Indian  culprits  were  chained  to 
logs  outside  of  the  jail  so  that  they  could  more 
fully  enjoy  the  glorious  climate  of  California. 
In  1853,  the  city  and  county  built  a  jail  on  the 
present  site  of  the  Phillips  block,  northwest 
corner  of  Spring  and  Franklin  streets.  It  was 
the  first  public  building  erected  in  the  county. 

The  legislature  of  1852  created  the  office  of 
county  supervisor.  The  first  election  for  super- 
visors of  the  county  was  held  June  14,  1852, 
and  the  following  named  persons  elected :  Jef- 
ferson Hunt,  Julian  Chavis,  Francisco  P.  Tem- 
ple, Manuel  Requena  and  Samuel  Arbuckle. 
The  board  held  its  first  meeting  on  the  first 
Monday  of  July,  1852.  Arbuckle  was  elected 
chairman.  The  supervisors  transacted  the  civil 
business  of  the  county. 

The  machinery  of  the  county's  government 
was  now  in  full  working  order.  We  will  turn 
our  attention  to  other  phases  of  its  development. 

HISTORY,  18S0-1860. 

In  what  comprised  the  original  county  of  Los 
Angeles  there  were  during  the  Spanish  and 
Mexican  regimes  sixty  grants  of  land  made. 
These  varied  in  size  from  a  grant  of  44.36  acres 
to  the  Mission  of  San  Juan  Capistrano  to  the 
Rancho  Ex-Mission  of  San  Fernando,  granted 
to  Eulogio  de  Cells,  containing  121,619.24  acres. 

At  the  time  of  the  conquest  about  all  the  land 
fit  for  pasturage  had  been  sequestered  from  the 
public  domain  in  the  form  of  grants.  The  oldest 
grants  made  within  what  is  now  the  county  of 
Los  Angeles  are  the  Nietos  and  the  San  Rafael. 
According  to  Col.  J.  J.  Warner's  historical 
sketch,  "The  Nietos  tract,  embracing  all  the 
land  between  the  Santa  Ana  and  San  Gabriel 
and  from  the  sea  to  and  including  some  of  the 
hill  land  on  its  northeastern  frontier,  was  granted 
by  Governor  Pedro  Pages  to  Manuel  Nielo  in 

"The  San  Rafael  tract,  lying  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Los  Angeles  river  and  extending  to  the 
Arroyo  Seco,  was  granted  by  Governor  Pedro 
Pages,  October  20,  1784,  and  the  grant  was  re- 
affirmed by  Governor  Borica,  January  12,  1798, 
to  Jose  Maria  Verdugo."  If,  as  Col.  Warner 
claims,  the  "Nietos  tract"  embraced  all  the  land 
between  the  Santa  Ana  and  the  San  Gabriel 
rivers,  from  the  sea  to  the  hills,  Nietos'  heirs  did 
nut  hold  it.     Subscnuenllv  there  were  a  number 

of  grants  made  in  that  territory.  The  Mission 
San  Gabriel,  previous  to  1830,  had  possession 
of  several  subdivisions  of  this  tract  such  as  Las 
Bolsas,  Alamitos,  Los  Coyotes,  Puente  and 
others.  After  the  secularization  of  the  missions 
all  the  lands  held  by  the  padres,  except  small 
tracts  in  the  innnediate  neighborhood  of  the 
mission  buildings,  were  granted  to  private 

Shortly  after  the  admission  of  California  to 
the  Union  the  long-drawn-out  legal  contests 
over  the  confirmation  of  the  Spanish  and  Mex- 
ican grants  began.  These  contests,  in  some 
cases,  were  waged  for  years  before  the  United 
States  Claims  Commission,  the  various  courts 
and  the  land  commissioner  at  Washington,  be- 
fore they  were  settled.  Litigation  often  ruined 
both  the  contesting  parties,  and  when  the  case 
was  finally  decided  the  litigants,  like  in  "Jarn- 
dyce  vs.  Jarndyce,"  had  nothing  left  but  bundles 
of  legal  documents.  Even  when  a  claimant  did 
win  and  the  decisions  of  courts  and  conmiis- 
sions  gave  him  undisputed  possession  of  his 
broad  acres,  it  often  happened  that  a  cancerous 
mortgage,  the  result  of  litigation,  was  eating 
away  his  patrimony.  The  land  grants  in  Los  An- 
geles have  all  been  confirmed  and  it  is  to  be 
hoped  that  they  will  remain  so.  No  greater 
blight  can  fall  on  a  community  than  an  attack 
upon  the  validity  of  its  title  to  its  lands. 

In  early  times  the  county  officials  followe<l 
the  Mexican  plan  of  designating  districts  and 
legal  subdivision  by  ranchos.  August  7,  1851. 
the  court  of  sessions  "ordered  that  the  county 
of  Los  Angeles  be  divided  into  six  townships 
named  as  follows;  and  to  comprehend  the 
ranchos  and  places  as  follows  to  each  appropri- 
ated." The  first  of  these  was  the  township  of 
Los  Angeles.  There  are  few  now  living  who 
could  trace  from  the  description  given  in  the 
records  the  boundaries  of  Los  Angeles  township 
fifty  years  ago.    Here  is  the  description  : 

TowNsiiir  OF  Los  Angelas. — "The  city  of 
Los  Angeles  and  the  following  ranchos, 
to-wit:  Los  Corralitos,  Feliz,  Verdugos,  Ca- 
hucnga,  Tujunga,  San  Fernando,  ex-Mission. 
San  Francisco,  Piro,  Camulos,  Canada  de  los 
.\lamos.  La  Liebre,  El  Tejon,  Triumfo,  Las 
X'ergenes,  Escorpion,  Los  Cuervos,  San  Anto- 
nio de  la  Mesa,  Los  Alamitos,  Vicente  Lugo, 
Arroyo,  Seco,  Encino,  Maligo,  Santa  Monico, 
San  Vicentes,  Buenos  Ayres,  I^  Bayona,  Rincon 
de  los  Buey,  Rodeo  de  Las  Aguas,  I^  Cicnega, 
La  Centinela,  Sausal  Redondo,  Palos  Venles, 
San  Pedro,  Los  Dominguez,  Rancho  Nuevo. 
Paredon  Blanco,  Los  Serrit<is,  La  Jaboneria, 
Rosa  de  Castilla." 

"The  residence  of  the  authorities  shall  be  in 
Lds   Angeles  citv." 




Cattle  raising  continued  to  be  the  dominant 
industry.  To  make  it  successful  under  the  con- 
ditions then  existing  it  was  necessary  to  hold 
the  land  in  large  tracts.  The  demand  for  beef 
caused  by  the  rush  of  immigration  to  the  state 
raised  the  price  of  cattle  until  a  well-stocked 
rancho  was  more  profitable  than  a  gold  mine. 
The  overland  travel  by  the  various  southern 
routes,  all  of  which  converged  in  Los  Angeles, 
gave  a  home  market  for  a  considerable  amount 
of  the  home  products. 

The  Sonorese  migration  began  in  1848  as 
soon  as  the  news  of  the  discovery  of  gold  in 
California  reached  Mexico.  While  these  gold- 
seekers  were  called  Sonorese  or  Sonorians,  they 
came  from  the  different  states  of  Northern  Mex- 
ico, but  in  greater  numbers  from  Sonora.  The 
trail  from  Mexico  by  way  of  Aristo,  Tucson, 
the  Pima  villages,  across  the  desert  and  through 
the  San  Gorgonio  Pass  had  been  traveled  for 
three-quarters  of  a  century.  Another  branch 
of  this  trail  crossed  the  desert  from  Yuma  to 
Warner's  ranch  ;  and  then  by  way  of  Temecula, 
Jurupa  and  the  Chino,  reached  Los  Angeles. 
Along  these  trails  from  1848  to  1852  came  the 
Sonorese  migration.  These  pilgrims  to  the 
shrine  of  Manuuon  were  a  hard  lot.  They  were 
poor  and  ignorant  and  not  noted  for  good  mor- 
als. From  Los  Angeles  northward,  they  invaria- 
bly traveled  by  the  coast  route,  and  in  squads 
of  from  50  to  100.  Some  of  them  brought  their 
women  and  children  with  them.  With  their  few 
possessions  packed  on  donkeys  and  mules  they 
tramped  their  weary  way  from  Mexico  to  the 
mines.  They  were  not  welcomed  to  the  land 
of  gold.  The  Americans  disliked  them  and  the 
native  Californians  treated  them  with  contempt. 
The  men  wore  cotton  shirts,  white  pantaloons, 
sandals  and  sombreros.  Their  apparel,  like  the 
laws  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  "changed  not," 
nor  did  they  change  it  as  long  as  a  shred  of  it 
held  together.  The  native  Californians  nick- 
named them  "calzonares  blancos"  (white 
breeches),  and  imposed  upon  them  when  an 
opportunity  offered.  The  story  is  told  of  a 
native  Californian  alcalde  or  justice  of  the  peace 
who  had  his  office  near  the  old  mission  church 
of  San  Luis  Obispo.  When  a  band  of  these 
Sonorian  pilgrims  came  along  the  highway 
which  led  past  the  old  mission,  they  invariably 
stopped  at  the  churcli  to  make  the  sign  of  the 
cross  and  to  implore  the  protection  of  the  saints. 
Tills  gave  the  alcalde  his  opportunity.  Station- 
ing his  ali^mn-ilcs  or  constables  on  tlie  road  to 
bar  their  progress,  he  proceeded  to  collect  fifty 
cents  toll  of  each  pilgrim.  If  word  was  jiassed 
back  to  the  squads  behind  and  they  attempted 

to  avoid  the  toll-gatherer  by  a  detour  to  the 
right  or  left,  the  alcalde  sent  out  his  mounted 
constables  and  rounded  up  the  poor  Sonorians 
like  so  many  cattle  at  a  rodeo,  then  he  and  his 
alguacilcs  committed  highway  robbery  on  a 
small  scale.  Retributive  justice  overtook  this 
unjust  judge.  The  vigilantes  hanged'  him,  not, 
however,  for  tithing  the  Sonorese,  but  for  horse 

The  Sonorian  migration  began  to  decline  after 
1850,  and  entirely  ceased  a  year  or  two  later. 
The  foreign  miner's  tax  and  their  persecution 
by  the  Americans  convinced  the  Sonorians  that 
there  was  no  place  like  home.  So  they  went 
home  and  stayed  there. 

A  route  by  which  a  number  of  immigrants 
from  Texas  and  some  of  the  other  Gulf  states 
came  in  1849  led  through  the  northern  states 
of  Mexico  until  it  intercepted  the  Sonora  trail 
and  then  by  that  to  Los  Angeles. 

The  old  Santa  Fe  trail  to  Islew  Mexico;  then 
across  Arizona,  following  the  Gila  to  the  Colo- 
rado river,  was  another  southern  route  by  which 
a  great  deal  of  overland  travel  reached  Southern 
California.  In  1854,  from  actual  count,  it  was 
ascertained  that  9,075  persons  came  by  that 
route.  About  one-fourth  of  the  61,000  overland 
inuuigrants  who  came  to  the  slate  that  year 
reached  it  by  the  southern  routes.  But  the  route 
by  which  the  majority  of  the  argonauts  of  '49 
and  the  early  '50s  reached  Southern  California 
led  south  from  Salt  Lake  City  until  it  inter- 
cepted the  great  Spanish  trail  from  Los  Angeles 
to  Santa  Fe  at  the  southern  end  of  Utah  Lake. 
Inuuigrants  by  this  route,  crossing  the  Colorado 
desert,  reached  the  San  Bernardino  valley 
through  the  Cajon  Pass.  Capt.  Jedediah  S. 
Smith,  in  1826,  was  the  first  white  man  to  reach 
Los  Angeles  by  this  trail.  There  was  consid- 
erable trade  and  travel  between  Santa  Fe  and 
Los  Angeles  over  the  old  Spanish  trail  before 
the  conquest  of  California.  The  early  innnigra- 
tion  from  New  Mexico  came  by  this  route.  By 
it  came  J.  J.  Warner,  William  \\'olfskill,  the 
Rowland-Workman  party,  numbering  forty-four 
persons ;  B.  D.  Wilson,  D.  W.  Alexander,  John 
Reed,  Dr.  John  Marsh  and  many  other  pioneers. 

For  several  years  before  the  conquest,  on  ac- 
count of  the  hostility  of  the  Indians,  this  trail 
had  been  little  used,  and  to  the  great  army  of 
the  Argonauts  who  crossed  the  plains  in  1841) 
it  was  unknown.  The  belated  immigrants  of 
that  year  who  reached  Salt  Lake  too  late  to 
cross  the  Sierra  Nevadas  had  the  alternative  pre- 
sented them  of  wintering  with  the  Saints  or  of 
finding  a  southern  route  into  California  and 
thus  evading  the  fate  that  befell  the  Donner 
])arty  in  the  snows  of  the  Sierras.  These  de- 
layed Argonauts  found  a  Mormon  captain,  Jef- 



ferson  Hunt,  late  cai^tain  of  Company  A  of  the 
Mormon  Battalion,  who  had  recently  arrived  in 
Salt  Lake  by  this  southern  route.  He  was  en- 
gaged as  a  guide.  A  train  of  about  500  wagons 
started  in  November,  1849,  for  Southern  Cali- 
fornia. After  several  weeks'  travel,  a  number 
of  the  immigrants  having  become  dissatisfied 
with  Hunt's  leadership,  and  hearing  that  there 
was  a  shorter  route  to  the  settlements  than  the 
train  was  pursuing,  seceded  from  the  main  body 
and  struck  out  westward  across  the  desert.  After 
traveling  for  several  days  together,  they  dis- 
agreed. Some  returned  to  the  main  body;  the 
others  broke  up  into  small  parties  and  took  dif- 
ferent directions.  One  of  these  parties,  num- 
bering eleven  persons,  penetrated  Death  valley 
and  all  perished.  Another,  after  incredible  hard- 
ships and  having  lost  several  of  their  number  on 
the  desert,  reached  Los  Angeles  by  the  Soledad 
Pass.  Another  company,  after  weeks  of  wan- 
dering and  suffering,  reached  the  Tulare  valley, 
where  they  were  relieved  by  the  Indians.  The 
main  body,  with  but  little  inconvenience,  ar- 
rived in  San  Bernardino  valley  the  last  of  Jan- 
uary, 1850. 

After  the  establishment  of  the  Mormon  colony 
at  San  Bernardino,  in  June,  1851,  the  Salt  Lake 
route  became  a  well-traveled  road,  over  which, 
up  to  the  completion  of  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road in  1869,  a  large  amount  of  freight  and  travel 
passed  between  the  City  of  the  Saints  and  the 
City  of  the  Angels.  By  this  route  came  a  num- 
ber of  the  pioneer  American  families  of  Los  An- 
geles. Among  others  may  be  named  the  Macys, 
Andersons,  \\  orkmans,  Ulyards,  Hazards,  Mon- 


San  Pedro  was,  in  1850,  as  it  had  been  for 
more  than  half  a  century  before,  the  entrepot 
through  which  the  commerce  of  the  Los  An- 
geles district  passed.  It  was,  next  to  San  I^an- 
cisco,  the  principal  seaport  of  the  coast.  In 
the  early  '50s  all  the  trade  and  travel  up  and 
down  the  coast  came  and  went  by  sea.  No  stage 
lines  had  been  established  in  the  lower  coast 
counties.  In  1848,  and  for  several  years  after, 
the  only  means  of  getting  to  the  city  from  the 
])ort  and  vice  versa  was  on  horseback.  A  cabal- 
iada  (band)  of  horses  were  kept  in  pasture  on 
the  Palos  Verdes.  When  a  ship  w-as  sighted  in 
the  offing,  the  vaqueros  rounded  up  the  nnis- 
tangs,  lassoed  them  and  had  them  saddled, 
ready  for  the  jiassengers  when  they  came  ashore. 
As  the  horses  were  half-broken  broncos,  and 
the  passengers  mostly  newcomers  from  the 
states,  unused  to  the  tricks  of  bucking  mus- 
tangs, the  tri])  usually  ended  in  the  passenger 
arriving  in  the  city  on  foot,  the  bronco  having 

landed  his  rider  at  some  point  most  convenient 
to  him  (the  bronco,)  not  the  passenger. 

In  1849  Temple  and  Alexander  had  a  general 
merchandise  store  at  San  Pedro,  and  did  about 
all  the  forwarding  business  of  the  port.  Goods 
were  freighted  to  Los  Angeles  in  carts  drawn 
by  two  yoke  of  oxen  yoked  by  the  horns.  The 
carts  were  similar  to  the  Alexican  carretas,  ex- 
cept that  they  had  spoked  and  tired  wheels  in- 
stead of  solid  ones.  A  regular  freight  train  was 
composed  of  ten  carts  and  forty  oxen.  Freight 
charges  were  $20  a  ton.  In  1852,  stages  were 
put  on  the  route  by  Banning  &  Alexander. 
Tomlinson  put  on  an  opposition  line,  and  in 
1853  ^-  ''^-  Townsend  was  running  an  acconmio- 
dation  line  between  the  city  and  the  port  and 
advertising  in  the  Star,  "Good  coaches  and  teams 
as  the  county  will  afford."  The  stage  fare  was 
at  first  $10,  then  $7.50,  dropped  to  $5,  and 
as  opposition  increased  went  down  to  $1,  and 
as  the  rivalry  grew  keener  passengers  were  car- 
ried free. 

The  first  steamer  that  ever  entered  the  bay  of 
San  Pedro  was  the  "Gold  Hunter,"  which  an- 
chored in  the  port  in  1849.  She  was  a  side- 
wheel  vessel  which  made  the  voyage  from  San 
Francisco  to  Mazatlan,  touching  at  way  ports. 

The  "Gold  Hunter"  was  followed  by  the 
steamers  "Ohio,"  "Southerner,"  "Sea  Bird"  and 
"Goliath"  in  1850  and  1851.  In  1853  the  "Sea 
Bird"  was  making  three  trips  a  month  between 
San  Francisco  and  San  Diego,  touching  at  Mon- 
terey, Santa  Barbara  and  San  Pedro.  The  price 
of  a  first-cabin  passage  from  San  Pedro  to  San 
Francisco  in  the  early  '50s  was  $55.  The  bill 
of  fare  consisted  of  salt  beef,  hard  bread,  pota- 
toes and  coffee  without  milk  or  sugar.  Freight 
charges  were  $25  a  ton.  It  cost  $10  to  transport 
a  barrel  of  flour  from  San  Francisco  to  Los 
Angeles.  The  trip  occupied  four  days.  The 
way  ports  w-ere  Santa  Barbara,  San  Luis  Obispo 
and  Monterey.  There  were  no  w'harves  or  ligiit- 
crs  on  the  route ;  passengers  and  freight  were 
landed  in  the  steamer's  boats.  If  the  sea  was 
very  rough,  the  passengers  were  carried  to  San 
Francisco  and  brought  back  on  the  return  trip. 
Sometimes  when  the  tide  was  low  they  had  to 
l)e  carried  from  the  boat  to  the  shore  on  the 
sailors'  backs.  The  sailor,  like  the  bronco,  some- 
times bucked,  and  the  passenger  waded  ashore. 
Both  man  and  beast  were  somewhat  uncertain 
"in  the  days  of  gold — the  days  of  '49." 

The  imports  by  sea  greatly  exceeded  the  ex- 
]iorts.  Cattle  and  horses,  the  i)rinc!]ial  |)roiiiK-ts 
of  the  county,  transported  themselves  to  market. 
The  vineyards  along  the  river  ])rincipally  within 
the  city  limits  were  immensely  profitable  in  the 
early  '50s.  There  was  hut  little  fiesh  fruit  in 
the  coiuitry.     Grapes,  in  San  Francisco,  retailed 



all  the  way  from  twenty-five  to  fifty  cents  a 
pound.  The  vineyards  were  cultivated  by  In- 
dian labor.  About  all  that  it  cost  the  vineyardist 
for 'labor  was  the  amount  of  aguardiente  that  it 
took  to  give  the  Indian  his  regular  Saturday 
night  drunk.  So  the  grape  crop  was  about  all 


The  first  state  census  of  California  was  taken 
in  1852.  According  to  this  census  the  county 
had  a  total  population  of  7,831,  divided  as  fol- 

Males  2,496 

Females    i  ,597 

Total 4,093 

Domesticated  Indians — 

Males    2,278 

Females   i  ,41 5 

The  cattle  numbered  113,475;  horses,  12,173; 
wheat  produced  34,230  bushels;  barley,  12,120 
bushels;  corn,  6,934  bushels.  Number  of  acres 
under  cultivation,  5,587 ;  grape  vines,  450,000, 
of  which  400,000  were  within  the  city.  This  was 
before  any  portion  of  tlie  county  had  been  segre- 
gated. Its  limits  extended  from  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano  on  the  south  to  the  Tulares  on  the  north, 
and  from  the  sea  to  the  Colorado  river ;  of  its 
32,000  square  miles,  less  than  nine  square  miles 
were  cultivated,  and  yet  it  had  been  settled  for 
three-quarters  of  a  century. 

During  the  '50s  the  county  grew  slowly.  Land 
was  held  in  large  tracts  and  cattle  raising  con- 
tinued to  be  the  principal  industry.  At  the  El 
Monte  several  families  from  the  southwestern 
states  had  formed  a  small  settlement  and  were 
raising  grain,  principally  corn.  The  Mormons, 
at  San  Bernardino,  were  raising  corn,  wheat, 
barley  and  vegetables,  and  selling  them  at  a  good 
price.  One  season  they  received  as  high  as  $5 
a  bushel  for  their  wheat. 


LOS   ANGELES   COUNTY— Continued. 


THE  famous  Kern  river  gold  rush  of  1855 
brought  an  influx  of  population.  Some 
of  that  population  was  very  undesirable. 
The  gold  rush  made  business  lively  for  a  time, 
but  when  the  reaction  came  it  left  a  number  of 
wrecks  financially  stranded.  This  mining  ex- 
citement had  one  good  effect :  it  called  the  at- 
tention of  the  Angeleiios  to  the  mineral  resources 
of  their  own  county  and  indirectly  brought 
about  their  development. 

Francisco  Lopez  discovered  gold  in  the  San 
Feliciano  canon  of  the  San  Fernando  moun- 
tains, March  9,  1841.  Gold  was  discovered  in 
several  other  canons  of  this  district  and  these 
placers  were  worked  in  a  desultory  sort  of  a 
way  up  to  1848.  When  the  news  of  Marshall's 
discovery  at  Coloma  reached  Los  Angeles,  all 
the  experienced  miners  left  for  the  northern 
mines,  and  the  gold  placers  of  Los  Angeles  were 
abandoned.  The  Kern  river  gold  rush  brought 
a  number  of  experienced  miners  to  the  county, 
and  the  San  Fernando  mines  were  again  opened 
and  a  considerable  amount  of  gold  dust  taken 
from  them.  It  is  reported  that  Francisco  Gar- 
cia, working  the  mines  with  a  .gang  of  Indians, 
took  out  $65,000  in  1855.  Gold  was  discovered 
on  the  headwaters  of  the  San  Gabriel  river  in 
1855.     In   1856  the  Santa  Anita  placers,  fifteen 

miles  from  Los  Angeles  city,  were  discovered 
and  mined;  the  miners  making  from  $5  to  $10 
a  day.  In  1858  the  Santa  Anita  Mining  Com- 
pany was  organized  with  a  capital  of  $50,000, 
hydraulic  works  constructed,  and  the  gulches 
mined.  The  mines  paid  well.  During  1858  and 
1859  the  cation  of  the  San  Gabriel  was  pros- 
pected for  forty  miles,  and  some  rich  placers 
located.  Two  hydraulic  companies  took  out 
$1,000  a  week  each.  Two  Mexicans  with  a  com- 
mon wooden  howl  or  batca  panned  out  $90  in 
two  days.  In  July,  1859,  300  men  were  at  work 
in  the  canon,  and  all  reported  doing  well.  The 
next  year,  i860,  was  a  prosperous  season  for  the 
miners.  Altogether  since  their  discovery,  over 
sixty  years  ago,  it  is  estimated  that  the  gold 
placers  of  Los  Angeles  have  yielded  not  less  than 

Notwithstanding  the  county  was  producing 
gold,  grain  and  cattle,  in  the  later  '50s  times  were 
hard,  money  scarce  and  rates  of  interest  exorbi- 
tant. "Eight,  ten  and  even  fifteen  per  cent  a 
month,"  says  the  Soiitlicrn  Ci\lifornian.  "is  freely 
paid  for  money,  and  the  supply  even  at  these 
rates  is  too  meager  to  meet  the  demand."  This 
state  of  affairs  was  caused  largely  by  the  reaction 
from  the  flush  times  of  the  early  '50s.  The  na- 
tive Californians,  the  principal  land-holders, 
were  bad  financiers.  When  times  were  good 
and  money  plentiful,  they  spent  lavishly.    When 



dry  years  came  or  the  price  of  cattle  fell  from 
over-production,  they  did  not  retrench  expenses, 
but  mortgaged  their  lands  to  procure  spending 
money.  \\'ith  such  usurious  rates  of  interest  pre- 
vailing, it  was  only  a  question  of  the  leniency 
of  their  creditors  when  they  would  be  compelled 
to  part  witii  their  ancestral  acres. 

THE  SECOND  DECADE,   1860-1870. 

The  years  1859,  i860,  1861-62  were  seasons  of 
abundant  rainfall.  Indeed,  the  fluvial  downpour 
of  1861-62  was  altogether  too  abundant.  Never 
before,  within  the  memory  of  the  oldest  inhab- 
itant, had  there  been  such  floods.  The  season's 
rainfall  footed  up  nearly  fifty  inches.  The  val- 
ley of  the  Sacramento  became  a  vast  inland  sea 
and  the  city  of  Sacramento  was  inundated  and 
almost  ruined.  Relief  boats  on  their  errands  of 
mercy,  leaving  the.  channels  of  the  rivers,  sailed 
over  submerged  ranchos,  past  floating  houses 
and  wrecks  of  barns,  through  vast  flotsams  made 
up  of  farm  products,  farming  implements  and  the 
carcasses  of  horses,  cattle  and  sheep,  all  drift- 
ing out  to  sea.  The  losses  in  the  Sacramento 
and  San  Joaquin  valleys  footed  up  into  the  mil- 
lions. In  Los  Angeles  county,  on  account  of 
the  smaller  area  of  the  valleys  and  the  shortness 
of  the  rivers,  there  was  but  little  loss  of  property. 
The  rivers  spread  over  the  lowlands,  but  the 
stock  found  safety  from  the  flood  on  the  hills. 
The  Santa  Ana  river  for  a  time  rivaled  the 
Father  of  Waters  in  magnitude.  In  the  town  of 
Anaheim,  four  miles  from  the  river,  the  water 
ran  four  feet  deep  and  spread  in  an  unbroken 
sheet  to  the  Coyote  hills,  three  miles  beyond. 
The  Arroyo  Seco,  swollen  to  a  mighty  river, 
brought  down  from  the  mountains  and  caiions 
great  rafts  of  driftwood,  which  were  scattered 
over  the  plains  Ijelow  the  city,  and  furnished  fuel 
to  the  poor  people  for  several  years.  It  l)eoan 
raining  DccendxT  24,  1861,  and  continued  fur 
thirty  days  with  Init  two  slight  interruptions. 


As  a  result  of  three  successive  years  of  abun- 
dant rainfall  and  consequent  luxuriant  pastur- 
age, the  ranchcros  allowed  their  stock  ranges 
to  become  overstocked.  •  \\'hen  the  famine  years 
of  1863  and  1864  came,  the  dry  feed  on  the 
ranges  was  soon  exhausted,  and  cattle  were 
slowly  dying  of  s'tarvation.  Herds  of  gaunt, 
skeleton-like  forms  moved  slowly  over  the  plains 
in  search  of  food.  Here  and  there,  singly  or  in 
small  groups,  poor  brutes,  too  weak  to  move  on, 
stood  motionless  with  drooping  heads,  dying. 
It  was  a  pitiful  sight.  The  loss  of  cattle  during 
the   famine  years  was  fearful.     The  plains  were 

strewn  with  their  carcasses.  In  marshy  places 
and  around  the  cienegas  where  there  was  a  ves- 
tige of  green  the  ground  was  covered  with  their 
skeletons ;  and  the  traveler  for  years  afterwards 
was  often  startled  by  coming  suddenly  upon 
a  veritable  Golgotha — a  place  of  skulls — the  long 
horns  standing  out  in  a  defiant  attitude,  as  if 
defending  the  fleshless  bones.  It  was  estimated 
that  50,000  head  of  cattle  died  on  the  Stearns' 
ranchos  alone.  In  i860  the  county  assessment 
was  $3,064,701;    in  1864,  $1,622,370. 

Don  Abel  Stearns,  one  of  the  greatest  of  the 
cattle  barons  of  Southern  California,  was  re- 
duced almost  to  the  verge  of  bankruptcy.  In 
1864  all  of  his  landed  possessions,  consisting  of 
seven  ranchos,  aggregating  over  one  hundred 
thousand  acres,  and  all  of  his  city  lots  and  lands 
were  advertised  for  sale  on  account  of  the  de- 
linquent taxes  of  1863,  the  total  amount  of  which 
was  a  little  over  $2,000.  The  lot  on  the  south- 
cast  corner  of  Spring  and  Second  streets,  now 
worth  a  quarter  of  a  million,  was  sold  in  1863 
for  $37.  Two  thousand  acres  in  East  Los  An- 
geles were  sold  in  1864  by  the  city  council  for 
fifty  cents  per  acre.  The  purchaser  took  it  under 
protest  because  the  council  would  not  sell  him 
less.  Never  before  had  the  people  of  the  county 
been  in  such  financial  straits.  To  add  to  the 
miseries  of  hard  times,  the  people  were  divided 
into  two  hostile  factions — Union  and  Secession. 
The  Civil  war  was  in  progress.  The  Confeder- 
ate sympathizers  were  largely  in  the  majority 
in  the  county.  While  there  were  no  active  hos- 
tilities between  the  factions,  there  was  a  great 
deal  of  ill  feeling.  The  Confederate  sympa- 
thizers were  loud  in  their  denunciations  of  the 
government  and  the  flag  under  which  they  were 
living  and  had  lived  all  their  lives.  However, 
beyond  a  few  arrests,  these  would-be  Confeder- 
ates were  not  banned. 

Los  Angeles  furnished  but  one  representative 
to  the  Union  army — that  is,  one  who  was  an 
actual  resident  of  the  city  at  the  breaking  out 
of  the  war — and  he  was  Charles  M.  Jenkins,  of 
the  California  Hundred.  One  company  of  the 
Native  California  Battalion  was  raised  in  Los 
Angeles  and  one  in  Santa  Barbara.  This  bat- 
talion did  service  against  the  Indians  in  Arizona. 
Camp  Latham  was  established  at  Ballona  in 
1861,  and  the  Fourth  California  Infantry  was 
stationed  there  for  a  time.  Camp  Dunn  was  es- 
tablished at  Wilmington  in  1862.  .\I1  [he  sup- 
plies for  the  soldiers  in  .Arizona,  Now  Mcxim 
and  LUah  passed  through  Wilmington.  .\  small 
force  was  kept  at  Camp  Dunn  during  the  war. 
.■\t  one  time  a  squad  of  soldiers  was  stationed  at 
Los  Angeles  to  keep  the  secessionists  in  check. 

The  gYeat  drought  of  1863  and  1864  sealed  the 
dnnm  of  cattle  raising  as  the  distinctive  industry 




of  Los  Angeles.  The  plentiful  rainfalls  of  1865- 
66  gave  abundant  feed,  but  the  ranchos  were 
thinly  stocked  and  their  owners  were  in  no  con- 
dition financially  to  add  to  their  depleted  herds. 
It  was  evident  that  the  dynasty  of  the  cattle 
kings  was  ended.  Hereafter  there  must  be  new 
industries,  new  methods,  new  men,  if  the  coun- 
try would  thrive. 


In  1868,  what  was  known  as  the  Stearns' 
ranchos,  an  immense  body  of  land,  containing 
about  150,000  acres,  and  lying  between  the  San 
Gabriel  and  Santa  Ana  rivers,  was  sold  to  a 
syndicate  of  San  Francisco  capitalists.  This 
tract  contained  the  original  ranchos  of  Los  Coy- 
otes, La  Habra,  San  Juan  Cajon  de  Santa  Ana, 
Las  Bolsas  y  Paredes,  La  Bolsa  Chica,  and  part 
of  the  Alamitos.  It  was  divided  into  sections 
and  subdivisions  of  sections  in  1868,  and 
put  on  sale  in  tracts  of  forty  ncres  and  upward. 
Immigration  began  to  drift  southward  in  1868 
and  1869  and  a  number  of  settlers  purchased 
farms  in  the  Stearns'  ranchos  and  in  others  that 
had  been  divided  or  partially  divided,  and  began 
raising  grain.  The  soil  was  rich  and  the  yield 
was  enormous.  As  yet  but  little  attention  had 
been  paid  to  fruit  culture.  The  decade  closed 
with  the  agricultural  transformation  of  the 
county  fairly  begun. 

THE  THIRD  DECADE— 1870-1880. 


The  third  decade  of  American  supremacy  in 
Southern  California  was  an  era  of  railroad  build- 
ing and  colony  founding.  The  first  railroad  line 
constructed  in  the  county  extended  from  Los 
.Vngeles  city  to  Wilmington.  It  was  completed 
October  26,  1869.  The  legislature,  in  1868, 
l)assed  bills  authorizing  the  board  of  supervisors 
of  the  county  to  subscribe  $150,000  to  the  capital 
stock  of  a  railroad  between  Los  Angeles  and 
Wilmington,  and  the  mayor  and  common  coun- 
cil to  subscribe  $75,000  to  the  same  object.  An 
election  was  held  and  the  bonds  carried.  Ground 
was  broken  at  Wilmington,  March  19,  1868,  and 
the  road  pushed  to  completion.  Freights  and 
fare  were  high.  It  cost  $6  to  get  a  ton  of  freight 
from  anchorage  to  Los  Angeles.  It  cost  a  pas- 
senger a  dollar  and  a  half  from  the  steamer  on 
one  of  I'.anning's  tugs  to  Wilmington  and  a  dol- 
lar more  on  the  railroad  to  reach  the  city.  Yet 
nobody  complainetl  and  the  people  clamored  for 
more  railroads.  The  Southern  Pacific  was  build- 
ing a  trans-continental  line  southeastward  and 
there  was  a  chance  for  Los  Angeles  on  a 
through  line.    After  considerable  negotiation  be- 

tween a  committee  of  the  people  of  Los  Angeles 
and  the  directors  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Rail- 
road, the  Southern  Pacific  people  proposed  to 
build  fifty  miles  of  their  main  trunk  line  through 
Los  Angeles  county,  twenty-five  miles  north 
from  the  city  and  twenty-five  east,  on  condition 
that  the  people  vote  a  subsidy  to  the  company 
of  five  per  cent  of  the  taxable  property  of  the 
county.  The  Los  Angeles  and  San  Pedro  Rail- 
road, valued  at  $225,000,  was  to  be  part  of  the 

An  election  was  called,  November  5,  1872,  and 
the  proposition  accepted  by  the  people.  The 
total  consideration,  bonds  and  lands,  given  the 
railroad,  amounted  to  $610,000.  To  appease  the 
people  of  the  southeastern  part  of  the  county  and 
secure  their  votes  for  the  bonds,  the  railroad 
company  agreed  to  build  a  branch  road  to  Ana- 
heim, twenty-seven  miles.  Work  on  the  road 
was  pushed  vigorously  and  trains  to  San  Fer- 
nando, the  northern  end,  and  to  Spadra,  the  east- 
ern end,  were  run  .'Vpril  24,  1874.  The  great 
tunnel,  6,964  feet  long,  under  a  spur  of  the  San 
Fernando  mountains,  twenty-seven  miles  north 
of  Los  Angeles,  delayed  the  early  completion 
of  the  road.  On  the  6th  of  September,  1876, 
the  northern  and  southern  ends  of  the  road 
were  united  at  Soledad  Station,  in  a  caiion  of  that 
name ;  the  golden  spike  was  driven  with  a  ham- 
mer of  silver,  and  a  train  bearing  the  dignitaries 
of  the  company  and  invited  guests  passed  over 
the  road  from  San  Francisco  to  Los  Angeles. 
A  grand  bancjuet  was  held  in  Union  hall,  fol- 
lowed by  a  grand  ball,  which  lasted  till  morning, 
when  the  San  Franciscans  returned  to  their 
home  city  on  the  first  through  train  over  the 
road  from  the  Los  Angeles  end.  The  road  was 
pushed  on  eastward,  and  in  1882  was  completed 
to  El  Paso,  where  it  united  with  the  eastern  end 
and  Los. Angeles  had  a  trans-continental  road. 
.  The  Anaheim  branch  was  coiupleted  to  that 
town  January  17,  1875. 

The  Los  Angeles  and  Independence  Rail- 
Ko.M)  Company  was  incorporated  in  January, 
T875.  The  purpose  of  the  company  was  to  build  a 
railroad  beginning  at  Santa  Monica  and  pass- 
ing through  Los  .\ngeles  and  San  Bernardino 
and  froiu  there  by  way  of  the  Cajon  Pass  to 
Independence,  Inyo  county.  Work  was  begun 
at  once  and  the  first  train  between  Los  Angeles 
and  Santa  Monica  passed  over  the  road  Decem- 
ber I,  1875.  A  long  wharf  was  built  at  Santa 
Monica  and  ocean  steamers  slopped  there  for 
passengers  and  freight.  The  financial  panic  of 
1875  and  the  dry  years  that  followed  put  an 
end  to  the  extension  of  the  road.  In  1878  it  was 
sold  to  the  Southern  Pacific  Company,  and  that 
coiupany  pulled  down  the  wharf  because  it  did 
not  pay  to  maintain  two  shipping  points. 




Among  the  earliest  colony  projects  of  this 
decade  was  the  San  Tasqual  plantation  scheme. 
Its  prospectus  was  published  in  the  city  papers 
during  April  and  May,  1870.  The  advertise- 
ments stated  that  "The  tract  of  land  selected  is 
a  portion  of  the  San  Pasqual  ranch  in  Los  An- 
geles county,  comprising  1,750  acres  of  the  finest 
quality.  A  ditch  which  forms  the  northern 
boundary  of  the  tract,  at  a  cost  of  $10,000,  has 
also  been  purchased.  The  ditch  furnishes  in 
the  driest  seasons  sufficient  water  to  irrigate 
the  entire  tract.  It  is  proposed  to  cultivate  this 
land  with  oranges,  lemons,  olives,  nuts,  raisins, 
grapes,  etc.,  and  to  conunencc  at  once.  For 
this  purpose  the  above  company  has  been 
formed,  with  a  capital  of  $200,000,  divided  into 
4,000  shares  of  $50  each.  Payments  to  be  made 
in  regular  and  easy  installments  as  follows : 
$10  per  share  at  date  of  subscription  and  $5 
each  year  afterward  till  the  whole  amount  is 
paid.  All  money  to  be  used  in  paying  for  the 
land  and  cultivating  the  same."  When  the  trees 
and  vines  should  come  into  bearing  it  was  pro- 
posed to  divide  the  lands  among  the  colonists 
on  the  plan  that  the  Anaheim  colony  lands  were 
divided  among  the  shareholders  in  1859.  The 
projectors  of  the  scheme  were  San  Francisco 
and  Los  Angeles  capitalists.  Subscription 
books  were  opened  at  the  office  of  R.  M.  Wid- 
ney  in  the  Ilelhnan  Bank  building.  Stock  in 
the  company  did  not  go  of?  like  the  proverbial 
hot  cakes.  The  scheme  was  a  failure.  Citrus 
fruit  culture  then  was  in  its  infancy,  and  a  very 
young  infant  at  that.  The  few  orange  orchards 
in  the  county  were  on  the  sandy  land  of  the 
river  bottom.  The  scheme  of  growing  oranges 
on  the  gravelly  lands  of  the  San  Pasqual  was 
laughed  to  scorn  by  the  wise  oldxtimers  who 
knew  it  all. 

The  most  successful  colony  scheme  of  the 
'70s  was  the  Indiana  Colony  of  California.  It 
had  its  inception  in  Ind'anapolis,  Ind.,  in  the 
winter  of  1872-73.  Dr.  T.  B.  Elliott  was  the 
originator  of  the  scheme,  and  he,  D.  M.  Berry, 
J.  H.  Baker  and  Calvin  Fletcher,  its  most  active 
]jromoters.  The  committee  sent  out  to  view 
tlie  land  decided  the  San  Pasqual  rancho  was 
the  best  location  ofTere<l.  An  incorporation  was 
effected  under  the  name  of  the  San  Gabriel 
Orange  Grove  Association.  The  capital  stock 
was  fi.xed  at  $25,000,  divided  into  100  shares  of 
$250  each.  In  December,  1873,  the  associa- 
tion purchased  Dr.  J.  S.  Griffin's  interest  in  the 
San  Pasqual  ranclio,  consisting  of  about  4,000 
acres;  1,500  acres  of  the  choicest  land  in  the 
tract  were  subdivided  into  lots  varying  in  size 
from  fifteen  to  sixtv  acres. 

January  27,  1874,  the  lands  were  distributed 
on  the  basis  of  fifteen  acres  to  a  share  of  stock, 
and  the  colonists  who  were  on  the  ground  im- 
mediately set  to  work  planting  their  lands  in 
oranges,  raising  grapes  and  deciduous  fruits. 
"It  is  a  singular  fact,"  says  Mrs.  Jeanne  C.  Carr, 
"that  there  was  not  a  professional  and  hardly 
a  iiractical  horticulturist  or  farmer  among  them." 
Nevertheless  they  made  a  success  of  fruit  cul- 
ture and  demonstrated  the  fact  that  oranges 
could  be  grown  on  the  mesa  lands.  April  22, 
1875,  the  settlement  ceased  to  be  the  Indiana 
Colony  and  officially  became  Pasadena.  To  Dr. 
T.  B.  Elliott,  the  originator  of  the  California 
Colony  scheme,  belongs  the  credit  of  conferring 
on  Pasadena  its  euphonious  name.  The  word  is 
of  Indian  origin,  Chippewa  dialect,  and  means 
"Crown  of  the  Valley." 

So  rapidly  were  the  Indiana  Colony  lands 
absorbed  by  settlers  that  in  four  years  after 
their  purchase  only  a  few  small  tracts  remained 
unsold.  In  1876,  B.  D.  Wilson  threw  on  the 
market  about  2,500  acres  lying  eastward  of 
h'air  C)aks  avenue.  This  was  the  Lake  \'ine- 
yard  Land  and  Water  Company  tract.  The  set- 
tlers on  this  tract  were  known  as  "east  siders." 
while  the  original  colonists  were  the  "west 
siders,"  Fair  Oaks  avenue  being  the  division 
line.  A  postoffice  had  been  established  March 
15,  1875,  but  had  been  discontinued  in  Decem- 
ber of  that  year  because  no  one  cared  to  serve 
as  postmaster  at  a  salary  of  a  dollar  a  month. 
September  21,  1876,  L.  D.  HoUingsworth,  who 
had  erected  a  building  and  opened  a  store  near 
the  corner  of  Fair  Oaks  avenue  and  Colora<lo 
street,  secured  the  re-establishment  of  the  ]iost- 
olfice,  and  the  office  was  kept  in  his  store.  Thus 
was  the  germ  of  the  city  of  Pasadena  planted, 
but  it  took  it  nearly  a  decade  to  germinate.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  decade  (1880)  the 
"town  consisted  of  a  store  and  postoffice  build- 
ing, a  blacksmith  shop,  a  meat  market  and  a 
sclioolhousc  at  the  crossroads  near  the  center 
of  the  settlement."  The  history  of  the  city  of 
Pasadena  and  a  record  of  its  wonderful  growth 
belong  in  the  fourth  decade. 

PoMON.A  is  a  child  of  the  colony  era.  While 
not  incorporated  as  a  colony,  like  Pasadena,  it 
owes  its  origin  to  a  co-operative  colony-promo- 
ting association.  Early  in  1875,  Louis  Phillips 
sold  to  P.  C.  Tonner,  Cyrus  Burdick  and  I'ran- 
cisco  Palomeres  2,700  acres  of  the  \'ejar  iiorlion 
of  the  San  Jose  rancho.  Tonner  and  his  asso- 
ciates sold  their  ]nirchase,  shortly  after  tlu-x 
made  it,  to  the  Los  Angeles  Immigration  and 
Land  Co-operative  .Association.  This  associa- 
tion was  incorporated  December  10,  1874,  with 
a  capital  stock  of  $250,000,  divided  into  2.500 
shares,  at   a  par  value  of  $100  per  share.     Its 


officers  were:  Thomas  A.  Garey,  president;  C. 
E.  While,  vice-president ;  L.  M.  Holt,  secretary  ; 
Milton  Thomas,  manager;  R.  M.  Town,  assist- 
ant manager,  and  H.  G.  Crow,  treasurer.  Its 
principal  object  was  the  subdivision  of  large 
land  holdings  and  the  placing  of  these  on  the 
market  in  small  tracts  for  settlement.  The  asso- 
ciation surveyed  and  subdivided  2,500  acres  of 
its  purchase.  The  town  of  Pomona,  located 
near  the  center  of  the  tract,  was  platted  and  640 
acres  adjoining  the  town  site  was  subdivided 
into  five-acre  lots.  The  remainder  of  the  2,500 
acres  was  cut  up  into  forty-acre  tracts.  In  No- 
vember, 1875,  the  town  had  a  hotel,  a  drug  store, 
a  dry  goeds  store,  two  groceries,  a  meat  market 
and  eight  or  ten  dwelling  houses.  February  22, 
23  and  24,  1876,  a  great  auction  sale  of  land  and 
town  lots  was  held  on  the  town  site.  The  first 
day's  sale  realized  $19,000,  which  was  a  big- 
thing  in  those  days.  The  farm  land  brought  an 
average  of  $64  per  acre.  A  nundjer  of  artesian 
wells  had  been  sunk  and  a  reservoir  holding- 
two  and  a  half  million  gallons  of  water  con- 
.'tructed.  The  Southern  Pacific  Railroad,  which, 
in  conformity  with  the  requirements  of  the  sub- 
sidy granted  by  the  county  in  1873,  had  been 
built  eastward  twenty-five  miles  to  Spadra,  was 
extended  to  Pomona  and  that  town  became  the 
railroad  shipping  point  for  Riverside,  another 
colony  of  the  early  '70s.  Pomona  seemed  to  be 
on  the  high  road  to  prosperity,  but  disaster 
struck  it.  First  the  dry  season  of  1876-77  dem- 
onstrated the  need  of  a  more  abundant  water 
supply,  and  ne.xt  a  disastrous  fire  on  the  night 
of  July  30,  1877,  swept  away  nearly  all  of  the 
town.  These  disasters  checked  the  growth  of 
the  town  and  settlement.  In  1880  the  popula- 
tion of  the  town  was  only  130.  The  next 
decade  saw  a  wonderful  growth  in  the  town  and 
country  around. 

Sant.x  Monica  was  another  town  that  was 
founded  in  this  decade.  Early  in  1875,  Senator 
J.  P.  Jones,  of  Nevada,  and  Col.  R.  S.  Baker 
subdivided  a  portion  of  the  Rancho  San  Vicente, 
lying  on  the  mesa  adjoining  the  bay  of  Santa 
Monica.  The  town  was  named  after  the  bay. 
July  16,  1875,  a  great  sale  of  lots  was  held  at 
the  town  site.  An  excursion  steamer  came  down 
from  San  Francisco,  loaded  with  lot  buyers, 
and  the  people  of  Los  Angeles  rallied  in  great 
numbers  to  the  site  of  the  "Zenith  City  by  the 
Sunset  Sea,"  as  the  silver-tongued  orator  of  the 
Pacific  slope,  Tom  Fitch,  named  it.  Lots  on 
the  barren  mesa  sold  at  prices  ranging  from 
$100  to  $500.  The  town's  growth  was  rapid. 
In  less  than  nine  months  after  its  founding  it 
had  160  houses  and  1,000  inhabitants.  The 
Los  Angeles  &  Independence  Railroad  had  been 
completed  to  Los  .'Xngclcs.     A  wharf  had  been 

built  and  Santa  Monica  was  becoming  a  ship- 
ping point  of  great  importance.  Then  a  financial 
blight  struck  the  fortunes  of  Senator  Jones. 
The  railroad  was  sold  to  the  Southern  Pacific 
Railroad ;  the  wharf  was  pulled  down,  and  the 
town  fell  into  a  decline.  In  1880  it  and  its  sub- 
urb. South  Santa  Monica,  had  only  350  inhab- 

The  decade  that  had  been  ushered  in  with 
a  boom  closed  in  gloom.  The  bank  fail- 
ures of  1875-76  brought  on  a  monetary  crisis. 
The  total  failure  of  the  Temple  &  Work- 
man Bank  swept  away  the  fortunes  of  many. 
The  dry  years  of  1876-77  supplemented  the  bank 
disasters  by  killing  the  sheep  industry  that  to 
a  certain  extent  had  taken  the  place  of  the  cattle 
industry  of  the  previous  decade.  The  railroad  to 
San  hrancisco  had  not  proved  a  blessing. 
Freighl  charges  were  high  and  the  price  of  grain 
low.  It  look  about  all  the  farmer  received  for 
his  grain  crop  to  pay  freight,  warehouse  and 
commission  charges.  Indeed,  he  was  lucky  if 
after  his  crop  was  sold  he  did  not  have  to  borrow 
money  to  pay  a  deficit — mortgage  his  farni  for 
the  privilege  of  farming  it.  San  Francisco  was 
his  only  market.  It  was  evident  that  the  South- 
ern California  farmer,  with  a  market  500  miles 
away,  could  not  compete  with  the  grain  growers 
of  the  central  part  of  the  state,  with  a  market 
at  their  doors.  Grain  growing  in  the  third 
decade  of  American  occupation  had  been  but 
little  less  disastrous  than  cattle  raising  in  the 
second.    What  could  the  people  do? 

THE  FOUKTII  DECADE— 1880-1890. 

The  third  decade  had  set  in  gloom.  No 
roseate  hues  irradiated  the  rise  of  the  fourth. 
The  season  of.  1S80-81  was  one  of  the  dreaded 
dry  years.  The  total  rainfall  was  only  5.32 
inches.  Crops  were  a  partial  failure.  There 
were,  however,  no  such  harrowing  sights  as 
were  seen  in  the  famine  years.  There  were  no 
cattle  on  a  thousand  hills,  no  sheep  in  the  val- 
leys, starving  to  death.  The  flocks  and  the  herds 
had  disappeared.  The  more  provident  husband- 
men who  now  possessed  the  ranchos,  once  the 
domain  of  the  cattle  kings  and  their  retainers, 
were  able  to  provide  sustenance  for  their  stock, 
though  the  former  and  the  latter  rains  came 
not.  Irrigation  had  been  made  to  rectify  the 
shortcomings  of  nature,  and  works  had  taken 
the  place  of  faith  in  novenas.* 

The  next  season  showed  a  decided  improve- 
n-ient.     Crops  were  fair  and  prices  good.     The 

*.A  term  of  nine  days  set  apart  for  prayers,  fre- 
quently resorted  to  during  dry  years  in  the  Spanish 
and    Mexican   eras. 


Soiitliern  Pacific  Railroad,  pushing  eastward, 
had  opened  a  market  for  Southern  Cahfornia 
products  in  the  mining  regions  of  Arizona.  Tlie 
completion  of  the  road  in  1882  gave  Los  Angeles 
a  trans-continental  route,  and  immigration 
began  to  drift  in — slowly  and  cautiously  at  first 
— then  with  more  confidence  and  in  larger  vol- 
ume. The  mortgaged  farmers  took  the  first 
opportunity  to  unload  on  the  newcomers  and 
chuckled  over  their  success.  lUit  when  they 
began  to  look  around  for  reinvestment  they 
found  there  had  been  a  sudden  rise  in  the  finan- 
cial temperature.  The  newcomers  brought 
money  with  them  to  develop  their  purchases 
and  the  wheels  of  industry  began  to  go  round. 
The  seasons  continued  good,  that  of  1884  being 
a  flood  year.  Rumors  came  of  a  railroad  on  the 
thirty-fifth  parallel,  building  westward— rumors 
that  later  became  a  certainty. 


In  1S85  the  Santa  Fe  system  leased  the  right 
to  run  trains  over  the  Southern  Pacific  road  from 
Deming  to  Los  Angeles.  Later  on  it  obtained 
an  interest  in  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  road  be- 
tween Albuquerque  and  Barstow.  From  Rar- 
stow  it  constructed  the  Southern  California  Rail- 
road through  the  Cajoii  Pass  to  San  Bernardino, 
and  thence  westward  to  Mud  Springs,  where  "it 
united  with  the  San  Gabriel  Valley  road,  which 
it  had  absorbed.  The  completion  of  this  road 
gave  Southern  California  two  complete  trans- 
continental lines,  and  then  the  boom  was  on  in 
earnest.  It  had  begun  in  1886  and  gathered 
volume  as  it  progressed.  There  had  been  a 
steady  advance  in  the  values  of  real  estate  from 
i8iS2,  when  the  upward  movement  began,  to 
i88Ci,  but  no  inflation.  Additions  and  subdivi- 
sions had  been  made  in  the  older  cities  and 
towns,  but  no  new  towns  created.  Early  in  1887 
town-making  I)egan  and  it  went  with  a  rush,  a 
boom  when  once  begun.  As  the  Southern  Cali- 
fornia Railway  approached  completion,  town- 
making  seemed  to  become  ei)idemic.  Within 
the  first  six  months  of  1887,  between  the  eastern 
limits  of  Los  Angeles  city  and  the  western  line 
of  San  Bernardino  county,  a  distance,  by  way  of 
the  Southern  California  Railway,  of  thirty-six 
miles,  there  were  twenty-five  cities  and  towns 
located — an  average  of  one  to  every  mile  and 
a  half  of  the  road.  On  the  Southern  Pacific 
there  were  eight  and  thrown  in  between  the 
l)arallel  railroads  there  were  three  more — mak- 
ing a  grand  total  of  thirty-six  cities  and  towns 
in  the  San  Gabriel  valley.  Tiie  only  limit  to 
the  greatness  of  a  city  was  the  lioumlary  lines 
of  the  adjoining  cities. 

Other  parts  of  the  county  were  keeping  i)ace 
with    the    San    Gabriel    vallex    in    town-making 

Up  on  the  mountains,  down  in  the  desert,  and 
out  on  the  arid  mesa,  town  sites  were  located  and 
town  lots  sold.  What  was  to  support  these 
towns,  the  lot  purchaser  did  not  stop  to  con- 
sider. He  hoped  to  find  an  easier  dupe  than 
himself,  and  sell  at  an  advance.  The  more  inac- 
cessible a  town,  the  better  the  lots  in  it  seemeij 
to  sell.  Romberg's  twin  cities,  Manchester  and 
Border  City,  were  located  on  the  steep  sides 
of  the  Sierra  Madre  mountains,  overlooking  the 
Mojave  desert.  The  sites  of  the  twin  cities 
could  be  seen  through  a  field  glass  on  a  clear 
day,  and  the  easiest  way  to  reach  them  was  l)y 
a  balloon.  Yet  Flomberg  sold  about  all  of  the 
4,000  lots  that  he  carved  out  of  two  quarter 
sections  of  government  land,  and  realized  about 
$50,000  by  the  operation.  Chicago  Park  was 
located  in  the  wash  of  the  San  Gabriel  river, 
where  the  rocks  were  so  thick  that  it  was  im- 
possible to  drive  a  corner  stake,  yet  its  2,300 
lots  changed  hands.  Santiago,  with  its  2,000 
lots,  was  out  on  a  \\aterless  desert,  where  even 
the  coyotes  had  to  carry  canteens  when  they 
crossed  it.  Yet  fojls  rushed  in  w-here  coyotes 
feared  to  tread,  and — bought  lots. 

And  yet  the  boom  was  not  all  bilk.  There 
was  legitimate  speculation  and  there  were  honest 
real-estate  agents.  The  fellows  who  blew  the 
bubble  to  its  greatest  inflation  were  professional 
boomers,  who  had  learned  the  tricks  of  their 
trade  in  the  I)oom  cities  of  the  w^est.  They  came 
here  not  to  build  up  the  country,  but  to  make 
money — honestly  if  they  could  make  it  no  other 
way.  It  is  needless  to  say  they  made  it  the  other 

The  magnitude  of  our  great  real-estate  boom 
can  be  more  accurately  measured  bv  a  monev 
standard  than  any  other.  The  total  considera- 
tion named  in  the  instruments  filed  for  recortl 
with  the  county  recorder  in  1887  reached  the 
enormous  sum  of  $98,084,162.  Yet  this  does 
not  tell  half  the  story.  Thousands  of  agreements 
and  contracts  of  sale  were  never  recordeil.  Cnn- 
tracts  were  often  transferred  anywhere  from  one 
to  half  a  dozen  times  as  the  property  was  resold, 
but  when  the  deed  was  given  the  consideration 
named  would  be  that  of  the  first  sale,  although 
the  last  might  be  a  hundred  or  a  thousand  i)er 
cent  above  the  first.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  the 
total  consideration  of  all  the  sales  made  in  1887 
in  Los  Angeles  county  alone  reached  $2(X).ooo,- 

The  great  booms  of  fornu'r  times  jiale  into 
insignificance  when  comjiared  with  ours.  The 
capital  slock  of  John  Law's  National  P.ank  of 
I'"rance,  with  his  Mississippi  grants  thrown  in, 
only  figured  up  about  $15,000.000 — a  sum  equal 
to  our  real-estate  transfer  for  one  month,  yet  the 
bursting  of  the  Mississippi  bubble  very  nearly 



bankrupted  the  Frencli  empire.  The  capital  in- 
vested in  the  Darien  colonization  scheme,  which 
bankrupted  Scotland  and  came  near  plunging- 
all  Europe  into  war,  was  only  220,000  pounds 
sterling,  a  stmi  about  equal  to  our  real-estate 
transfers  for  one  day.  We  ought  to  feel  proud 
of  our  boom. 

The  collapse  began  in  the  fall  of  1887.  Specu- 
lators had  loaded  up  for  the  eastern  dupes  who 
were  reported  coming  by  thousands  to  the  land 
of  promise.  The  dupes  did  not  come  in  great 
numbers  and  the  visitors  who  came  refused  to 
be  duped.  Then  the  real-estate  craze  began  to 
subside.  Those  who  had  loaded  for  profit  tried 
to  unload  at  cost.  Some  refused  to  believe  the 
boom  was  over,  and  held  on  till  their  burthens 
crushed  them.  Others  let  go  at  once  and  saved 
something  out  of  the  crash  that  followed.  Dur- 
ing 1888,  the  adjusting  process  was  going  on. 
Huilding  was  active  and  people  still  hopeful. 
In  1889  the  outlook  was  gloomy.  Even  the 
most  sanguine  began  to  realize  that  the  boom 
was  over.  The  contraction  in  values  was  even 
more  rapid  than  had  been  the  expansion.  Choice 
business  lots  and  the  s^tes  of  palace  hotels  in 
the  new  cities,  that  had  been  valued  by  the  front 
foot,  were  now  offered  by  the  acre,  and  there 
were  no  takers.  The  fourth  decade,  like  the 
third,  closed  in  gloom. 

THE    FIFTH    DECADE— 1890-1900. 

The  financial  depression  in  which  the  fourth 
decade  closed  did  not  last  long.  The  energy  and 
the  push  that  had  been  evolved  during  the  boom 
had  received  a  momentary  check,  but  they  were 
not  dead.  There  was  no  time  to  indulge  in  whin- 
ing or  repining.  Adversity  had  followed  closely 
on  the  heels  of  prosperity  and  the  necessity  for 
bread  and  butter  was  more  pressing  than  the 
need  of  new  towns.  The  millionaire  of  a  boom 
metropolis,  when  the  doom  of  his  phantom  city 
had  been  pronounced,  looked  out  upon  a  ghostly 
array  of  white  stakes,  often  the  only  visible  evi- 
dence of  the  city  that  was  to  be.  If  his  city  was 
not  hopelessly  buried  under  a  mortgage,  he 
plowed  under  business  streets  and  the  sites  of 
tourist  hotels  and  planted  them  with  fruit  trees 
or  sowed  them  in  grain. 

The  professional  boomers — the  fellows  of  the 
baser  sort — when  the  collapse  came,  betook 
themselves  to  pastures  new.  Retributive  jus- 
tice overtook  a  few  of  them  and  they  did  en- 
forced service  to  the  country  in  striped  uniforms. 
When  the  county  at  large,  in  1890,  took  an  in- 
ventory to  ascertain  the  profit  or  loss  of  the 
previous  decade,  there  was  a  good  showing  of 
assets  on  the  credit  side.  Los  Angeles  city  had 
increased   its  population  from    11,150  to  50,395 

in  ten  years,  and  its  assessed  wealth  from  six 
to  fifty  million  dollars.  Pasadena,  from  a  cross- 
roads grocery,  had  grown  to  a  city  of  5,000  in- 
habitants, with  its  banks,  daily  newspapers  and 
palatial  business  blocks.  Pomona,  from  130 
people  in  1880,  had  increased  to  3,634  in  1890. 
The  county  at  large  had  raised  the  number  of 
its  people  from  33,881  in  1880  to  101,454  in  1890, 
with  13.589  taken  off  to  form  Orange  county. 
Its  wealth  had  increased  from  $18,000,000  to 

As  Pasadena  had  soared  highest  in  the  balloon 
of  inflation,  when  the  drop  came  she  struck  bot- 
tom the  hardest.  iHer  orange  groves,  once  her 
pride  and  boast,  had  been  mostly  sacrificed  on 
the  altar  of  town  lots ;  and  what  the  boomer  had 
left  the  cottony  scale  had  devastated.  But  the 
boomer  departed  or  ceased  to  boom,  and  the 
cottony  scale  met  its  Nemesis  in  the  Australian 
lady-bug.  Then  tl.e  work  of  rehabilitation 
began ;  and  it  is  remarkable  what  perseverance, 
coupled  with  energy  and  intelligence,  did  in  a 
short  time.  In  less  than  two  years  Pasadena  was 
on  the  high  road  to  prosperity,  and  she  has  kept 
pattering  along  that  road  at  a  rapid  rate  ever 
since.  The  reaction  throughout  the  county  was 
equally  rapid.  After  the  entanglements  in  real- 
estate  titles,  that  the  boom  had  made,  were 
readjusted  the  people  pursued  the  even  tenor 
of  their  ways,  building  up  the  real  cities,  plant- 
ing orange  groves,  increasing  irrigating  facili- 
ties and  promoting  new  schemes  for  developing 
the  country. 

In  1893  c-anie  the  bank  panic,  when  nearly 
every  bank  in  the  county  closed  its  doors,  but 
in  a  few  weeks  all  except  two  were  doing  busi- 
ness at  the  old  stands. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Spanish  war,  Los  An- 
geles county  furnished  five  companies  of  the 
Seventh  Regiment  California  Volunteers,  three 
from  Los  Angeles  city,  one  from  Pasadena  and 
one  from  Pomona.  This  regiment,  which  was 
made  up  of  volunteers  from  Southern  Califor- 
nia, took  its  departure  for  San  Francisco,  May 
5,  1898,  amidst  the  plaudits  of  an  immense  mul- 
titude. It  remained  encamped  there  until  the 
close  of  the  war,  when  the  volunteers  were  dis- 
charged. Company  D,  California  Light  Artil- 
lery, made  up  of  volunteers  from  the  southern 
counties,  was  sent  to  Manila  and  saw  consider- 
able active  service. 

The  most  prominent  event  of  the  closing  years 
of  the  fifth  decade  was  the  free  harbor  fight, 
a  contest  in  which  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad 
and  a  few  of  its  local  auxiliaries  were  arrayed 
against  the  people  of  the  county  in  regard  to 
the  location  of  a  harbor.  The  Southern  Pacific 
Company,  in  1891.  had  built  a  long  wharf  in 
the  bay  of  Santa  Monica  at  Port  Los  Angeles. 



When  the  question  of  a  free  harbor  came  up, 
Colhs  P.  Huntifigton,  then  the  president  of  the 
road,  used  all  liis  powerful  influence  in  congress 
to  secure  an  appropriation  for  a  harbor  at  Port 
Los  Angeles.  As  this  would  be  virtually  con- 
trolled by  him  and  would  defeat  an  appropria- 
tion for  a  harbor  at  San  Pedro,  the  people,  with 
a  few  exceptions,  opposed  his  scheme.  The  fight 
was  a  protracted  one,  but  the  people  won.  In 
1898  congress  voted  an  appropriation  of  $3,900,- 
000  for  the  construction  of  breakwaters  in  the 
bay  of  San  Pedro.  The  contract  for  their  con- 
struction was  let  to  Heldmaier  &  Neu,  of  Chi- 
cago, for  $1,303,198.54.  The  Free  Harbor  Jubi- 
lee, which  was  celebrated  at  San  Pedro,  April 
27,  and  at  Los  Angeles  April  28  and  29,  1899, 
was  one  of  the  great  events  of  the  decade.  On 
that  occasion  the  first  boatload  of  rock  from  the 
Catalina  quarries  was  dumped  on  the  site  of  the 
breakwater.  Misfortune  overtook  the  con- 
tractors. Neu  was  killed  in  a  runaway  at  Los 
Angeles  before  work  was  begun,  and  Held- 
maier failing  to  push  the  work,  his  contract  was 
cancelled  by  the  government.  May  14,  1900, 
a  contract  was  let  to  the  California  Construction 
Company,  of  San  Francisco,  for  $2,375,546.05, 
over  a  million  dollars  above  the  former  con- 

The   three  dry  vears  with   which   the  decade 

and  the  century  closed  were  not  accompanied  by 
the  disasters  which  overtook  the  county  in  for- 
mer years  of  drought.  Except  in  a  few  locali- 
ties, the  people  thrived  and  prospered,  and  tlie 
county  increased  in  population  during  the 
decade  70,000. 




TO     THE     CENSUS  OF  1900. 

Founded.        Population. 

Alhambra  1SS4  808 

Avalon    1887  178 

Azusa   1887  863 

liurbank    1887  366 

Clarejuont    1887  ISO 

Covina 1887  255 

Compton   1809  636 

Downey   1873  700 

El    Monte 1853  266 

Glendale   1883  200 

Glcndora    1SS7  492 

Hollywood     1887  200 

Inglewood    1887  200 

Irvindale    1894  141 

Lordsburg   1887  500 

Long    Beach 1884  2.252 

Los     Angeles 1781  102,479 

Monrovia     : 1886  1,205 

Pasadena    1875  9,117 

Pomona    1875  5,526 

Norwalk    1873  596 

Newhall    1877  202 

Redondo    1887  855 

San    Gabriel 1775  737 

San   Fernando 1873  200 

San    Pedro 1851  1,787 

Santa    Monica 1875  3,057 

South  Pasadena 1885  1,001 

Whittier    1887  1,590 

Wilmington    1858  500 

Only  towns  whose  population  exceeds  one  hundred   are  in- 
cluded in   the  above   list. 





PIFTY  years  after  its  founding,  Los  An- 
geles was  like  the  earth  on  the  murning 
of  creation,  "without  form."  It  had  no 
plat  or  plan,  no  map  and  no  official  survey  of 
its  boundaries.  The  streets  were  crooked,  ir- 
regular and  undefined.  The  houses  stood  at 
different  angles  to  the  streets,  and  the  house 
lots  were  of  all  geometrical  shapes  and  forms. 
No  man  held  a  written  title  to  his  land  and  pos- 
session was  ten  parts  of  the  law;  indeed,  it  was 
all  the  law  he  had  to  protect  his  title.  Not  to 
use  his  land  was  to  lose  it. 

With  the  fall  of  the  missions  a  spasm  of  terri- 
torial expansion  seized  upon  the  colonists.  In 
1834,  the  territorial  legislature,  by  an  enactment, 
fixed  the  boundaries  of  the  pueI)lo  of  Los  An- 
geles at  "two  leagues  to  each  of  the  four  winds, 
measuring  from  the  center  of  the  plaza."  This 
gave  the  pueblo  an  area  of  sixteen  square  leagues 
or  over  one  hundred  square  nii!es.  Next  year 
(1835)  Los  .Angeles  was  made  the  capital  of  Alta 

California  by  the  Mexican  congress  and  rai-^ed 
to  the  dignity  of  a  city ;  and  then  its  first-<real- 
estate  boom  was  on.  There  was  an  increased 
demand  for  lots  and  lands,  but  there  were  no 
maps  or  plats  to  grant  by;  and  no  additions  or 
subdivisions  of  the  pueblo  lands  on  the  market. 
All  the  unoccupied  lands  belonged  to  the  munic- 
ipality and  when  a  citizen  wanted  a  house  lot 
to  build  on,  he  petitioned  the  ayuntamiento  for 
a  lot,  anil  if  the  piece  asked  for  was  vacant  he 
was  granted  a  lot,  large  or  small,  deep  or  shal- 
low, on  the  street  or  off  it,  just  as  it  happened. 
With  the  growth  of  the  town,  the  confusion 
and  irregularity  increased.  The  disputes  arising 
from  overlapping  grants,  conflicting  property 
lines  and  indefinite  descriptions  intluced  the 
ayuntamiento  of  1836  to  appoint  a  commission 
to  investigate  anil  report  upon  the  manner  of 
granting  house  lots  and  agricultural  lands.  The 
commissioners  reported  "that  they  had  con- 
sulted with  several  of  the  founders  and  with  old 
settlers,  who  declared  that  from  the  founding 
of   the   town   the   concession   of   lots  and   lands 



had  been  made  verbally  without  any  other  for- 
mality than  locating  and  measin-ing  the  extent 
of  the  land  the  fortunate  one  siiould  occupy." 

"In  order  to  present  a  fuller  report  your  com- 
mission obtained  an  'Instruction,'  signed  by  Don 
Jose  Francisco  de  Ortega,  dated  at  San  Gabriel 
February  2,  1782,  and  we  noted  tliat  Articles 
3,  4  and  17  of  said  Instruction  provides  that  con- 
cession of  said  agricultural  lands  and  house  lots 
must  be  made  by  the  government,  which  shall 
issue  the  respective  titles  to  the  grantees.  Ac- 
cording to  the  opinion  of  the  city's  advisers,  said 
"Instruction'  or  at  least  the  three  articles  re- 
tired to,  have  not  been  observed,  as  there  is 
no  property  owner  who  can  show  a  legal  title  to 
liis  property." 

The  connnissioners  can  not  do  otherwise  but 
call  attention  of  the  Most  Illustrious  Ayuntami- 
ento  to  the  evil  consequence  which  may  result  by 
reason  of  said  abuses  and  recommend  that  some 
means  may  be  devised  that  they  may  be  avoided. 
"God  and  Liberty." 

Abel  Ste.-vrns, 
Cacilio  V.\ldez, 
Jose  M.  Herrera, 


Angeles,  March  8,  1836. 

Acting  on  the  report  of  the  connnissioners, 
the  ayuntamiento  required  all  holders  of  prop- 
erty to  apply  for  written  titles.  But  the  poco 
ticmpo  ways  of  the  pobladores  (colonists)  could 
not  be  altogether  overcome.  We  find  from  the 
records  that  in  1847  the  land  of  Mrs.  Carmen 
Navarro,  one  of  the  founders  of  the  town,  was 
denounced  (filed  on)  because  she  could  not  show 
a  written  title  to  it.  The  ayuntamiento  decided 
"that  as  she  had  always  been  allowed  to  hold  it 
lier  claim  should  be  respected,  because  she  was 
one  of  the  founders,  which  makes  her  entitled 
to  a  lot  on  which  to  live." 

March  17,  1836,  "a  commission  on  streets, 
plazas  and  alleys"  was  appointed  to  report  a  plan 
for  repairing  "the  monstrous  irregularity  of  the 
streets  brought  about  by  ceding  house  lots  and 
erecting  houses  in  this  pueblo." 

The  conmiission  reported  in  favor  of  "formu- 
lating a  plat  of  the  city  as  it  actually  exists,  on 
which  shall  be  marked  the  names  of  tlie  streets, 
alleys  and  plazas ;  also,  the  house  lots  and  com- 
mon lands  of  the  pueblo."  But  nothing  came 
of  the  report,  no  plat  was  made  and  the  ayun- 
tamiento went  on  in  the  same  old  way,  granting 
lots  of  all  shapes  and  forms. 

In  March,  1846,  another  connnission  was  ap- 
pointed to  locate  the  bounds  of  the  pueblo  lands. 
All  that  was  done  was  to  measure  two  leagues 
"in  the  direction  of  the  four  winds  from  the  plaza 
church"  and  set  stakes  to   mark   the  boundarv 

lines.  Then  came  the  .American  conquest  of 
California  and  the  da)S  of  poco  tiempo  were 
numbered.  In  1847,  after  the  conquest,  another 
attempt  was  made  to  straighten  and  narrow  the 
streets.  A  commission  was  appointed  to  try  to 
bring  order  out  of  the  chaos  into  which  the 
streets  had  fallen.  The  commissioners  reported, 
July  22,  1847,  ''s  follows:  "Your  commissioners 
could  not  but  be  amazed  seeing  the  disorder  and 
the  manner  how  the  streets  run.  More  particu- 
larly the  street  which  leads  to  the  cemetery, 
whose  width  is  out  of  proportion  to  its  length  ; 
and  whose  aspect  offends  the  sense  of  the  beauti- 
ful which  should  prevail  in  the  city.  When 
discussing  this  state  of  affairs  with  the  syndic 
(city  attorney),  he  informed  us  that  on  receiving 
his  instructions  from  the  ayuntamiento  he  was 
ordered  to  give  the  streets  a  width  of  fifteen 
varas  (about  42  feet).  This  he  found  to  be  in  con- 
flict witli  the  statutes.  The  law  referred  to  is  in 
r.iHilx-  4.  ChapUr  7,  Statute  10  (probably  a  com- 
pilatinu  ijf  the  "Law  of  the  Indies,"  two  or  three 
centuries  old  and  brought  from  Spain  to  Mex- 
ico and  from  there  to  California).  The  law  reads  : 
"In  cold  countries  the  streets  shall  be  wide  and 
in  warm  countries  narrow ;  and  when  there  are 
horses  it  would  be  convenient  to  have  wide 
streets  for  purpose  of  an  occasional  defense  or  to 
widen  them  in  the  form  above  mentioned,  care 
being  taken  that  nothing  is  done  to  spoil  the 
looks  of  the  buildings,  weaken  the  points  of  de- 
fense or  encroach  upon  the  comfort  of  the  peo- 

"The  instructions  given  the  syndic  by  the 
ayuntamiento  are  absolutely  opposed  to  this 
law  and  therefore  illegal." 

It  probably  never  occurred  to  the  connnission 
to  question  the  wisdom  of  so  senseless  a  law ; 
it  had  been  a  law  in  Spanish-America  for  centur- 
ies, and  therefore  must  be  venerated  for  its  an- 

A  iDlind,  unreasoning  faith  in  the  wisdom  of 
church  and  state  has  been  the  undoing  of  the 
Spanish  people.  Apparently  the  commission  did 
nothing  more  than  report.  California  being  a 
warm  country,  the  streets  perforce  must  be  nar- 

The  same  \ear  a  connnission  was  appointed 
to  "square  the  plaza."  Through  carelessness 
some  of  the  houses  fronting  on  the  square  had 
l)cen  allowed  to  encroach  upon  it ;  others  were 
set  back  so  that  the  boundary  lines  of  the  plaza 
zigzagged  back  and  forth  like  a  Virginia  rail 
fence.  The  neighborhood  of  the  plaza  was  the 
aristocratic  residence  quarter  of  the  city  then, 
and  a  plaza  front  was  considered  high-toned. 
The  commissioners  found  tJie  squaring  of  the 
plaza  as  difificult  a  problem  as  the  squaring  of 
a  circle.     After  nianv  trials  and  tribulations  the 



commissioners  succeLcled  in  overcoming  most  of 
the  irregularities  by  reducing  the  area  of  the 
plaza.  The  houses  that  protruded  were  not  torn 
down,  but  the  property  lines  of  the  house  owners 
moved  forward.  The  north,  south  and  west  lines 
each  measured  134  varas  and  the  east  line  112 
varas  after  "squaring." 

The  ayuntamiento  attempted  to  open  a  street 
from  the  plaza  north  of  the  church  (now  West 
Marchessault  street),  but  Pedro  Cabrera,  who 
had  been  granted  a  lot  which  fell  in  the  line 'of 
the  street,  refused  to  give  up  his  plaza  front  for 
a  better  lot  without  that  aristocratic  appendage 
which  the  council  offered  him.  Then  the  city 
authorities  offered  him  as  compensation  for  the 
difference  a  certain  number  of  days'  labor  of  the 
chain  gang  (the  treasury  was  in  its  usual  state  of 
collapse),  but  Pedro  could  not  be  traded  out  of  a 
plaza  front  and  thus  sidetracked  in  his  social 
status,  so  the  street  took  a  twist  around  Pedro's 
lot,  a  twist  that  fifty  years  has  not  straightened 
out.  The  irregularities  in  granting  portions  of 
the  unapportioned  city  lands  still  continued  and 
the  confusion  of  titles  increased. 

In  May,  1849,  the  territorial  governor,  Gen. 
Bennet  Riley,  sent  a  request  to  the  ayuntamiento 
for  a  city  map  and  information  in  regard  to  the 
manner  of  granting  city  lots.  The  ayuntamiento 
replied  that  there  was  no  map  of  the  city  in 
existence  and  no  surveyor  here  wdio  could  make 
cne.  The  governor  was  asked  to  send  a  sur- 
veyor to  make  a  plan  or  plat  of  the  city.  He  was 
also  informed  that  in  making  land  grants  within 
"the  perimeter  of  two  leagues  square"  the  city 
acted  in  the  belief  that  it  is  entitled  to  that  much 
land  as  a  pueblo. 

Lieut.  E.  O.  C.  Ord  of  the  United  States  Army 
was  sent  down  by  the  governor  to  plat  the  city. 
July  18,  1849,  ^1*^  submitted  two  propositions  to 
the  ayuntamiento :  "He  would  make  a  map  of 
the  city,  marking  boundary  lines  and  points  of 
the  municipal  lands  for  $1,500  coin,  ten  lots  se- 
lected from  among  the  defined  lots  on  the  map 
and  vacant  lands  to  the  extent  of  1,000  varas  to 
be  selected  in  sections  of  200  varas  wherever 
he  may  choose  it ;  or  he  would  make  a  map  for 
$3,000  in  coin." 

The  ayuntamiento  chose  the  last  proposition — 
the  president  prophetically  remarking  that  the 
time  might  come  in  the  future  when  the  land 
alone  might  be  worth  $3,000.  The  money  to 
pay  for  the  survey  was  borrowed  from  Juan 
Temple  at  the  rate  of  one  per  cent  per  month 
and  lots  pledged  as  security  for  payment. 

The  ayuntamiento  also  decided  that  there 
should  be  embodied  in  the  map  a  plan  of  all  the 
lands  actually  under  cultivation  from  the  princi- 
pal dam  down  to  tlic  last  cultivated  field  below. 
'As  to  the  lots  that  should  be  shown  on  the  map 

they  should  begin  at  the  cemetery  (Calvary)  and 
end  with  the  house  of  Botiller  (near  Twelfth 
street).  As  to  the  commonalty  lands  of  this  city 
the  surveyor  should  determine  the  four  points 
of  the  compass,  and,  taking  the  parish  church  for 
a  center,  measure  two  leagues  in  each  cardinal 
direction.  These  lines  will  bisect  the  four  sides 
of  a  square  within  which  the  lands  of  the  mu- 
nicipality will  be  contained,  the  area  of  the  same 
being  sixteen  square  leagues  and  each  side  of  the 
square  measuring  four  leagues.*  The  United 
States  claims  commission  rejected  the  city's 
claim  to  sixteen  square  leagues,  and  in  1856 
confirmed  its  title  to  four  square  leagues,  the  di- 
mensions of  the  old  pueblo  under  the  rule  of 

Lieut.  Ord,  assisted  by  William  R.  Hutton, 
completed  his  Plan  de  la  Ciudad  de  Los  An- 
geles, August  29,  1849.  He  divided  into  blocks 
all  that  portion  of  the  city  bounded  north  by 
First  street  and  the  base  of  the  first  line  of  hills, 
east  by  i\Iain  street,  south  by  Twelfth  street  and 
west  by  Figueroa  street ;  and  into  lots  all  of  the 
above  to  Eighth  street ;  also  into  lots  and  blocks 
that  portion  of  the  city  north  of  Short  street  to 
College  street  and  west  of  Upper  Main  (now  San 
Fernando)  street  to  the  base  of  the  hills.  On  the 
"plan"  the  lands  between  Main  street  and  the 
river  are  designated  as  "plough  grounds,  gar- 
dens, corn  and  vine  lands."  The  streets  in  the 
older  portion  of  the  city  are  marked  on  the  map, 
but  not  named.  The  blocks,  except  the  tier  be- 
tween First  and  Second  streets,  are  each  600  feet 
in  length  and  are  divided  into  ten  lots,  each  120 
feet  front  by  165  feet  deep. 

Ord  took  his  compass  course  for  the  line  of 
Main  street,  south  24°  43'  west  from  the  corner 
opposite  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo's  house,  which 
stood  where  the  Pico  house  now  stands.  On  his 
map  Main,  Spring  and  I'^ort  (now  Broadway) 
streets  ran  in  parallel  straight  lines  southerly 
to  Twelfth  street.  Travel,  regardless  of  street 
surveys,  persisted  in  keeping  on  the  mesa  and 
thus  Main  street,  the  principal  thoroughfare  to 
the  south,  was  made  to  bend  to  the  westward 
below  Fifth,  cutting  off  the  lower  ends  of  Spring 
and  Fort  streets. 

The  names  of  the  streets  on  Ord's  plan  are 
given  in  both  Spanish  and  English.  Beginning 
with  Main  street  they  are  as  follows :  Calle  Prin- 
cipal, Main  street ;  Calle  Primavcra.  Spring 
street  (named  for  the  season,  spring) ;  Calle  For- 
tin.  Fort  street  (so  named  because  the  street  ex- 
tended northward  would  pass  through  the  old 
fort  on  the  hill);  Calle  Loma,  Hill  street;  Calle 
.\ccytuna,  Olive  street ;  Calle  de  Caridad,  Street 
of  Charity   (now  Grand  avenue)  ;  Calle  de  La 

♦City  archive 



Espranza,  the  Street  of  Hope ;  Calle  de  Las 
Flores,  the  Street  of  Flowers ;  Calle  de  Los 
Chapules,  the  Street  of  Grasshoppers  (now  South 
Figueroa  street).  Above  the  plaza  church,  the 
north  and  south  streets,  were  the  Calle  de  Eter- 
nidad,  Eternity  street  (so  named  because  it  had 
neither  beginning  or  end,  or  rather  because  each 
end  terminated  in  steep  hills).  Calle  del  Toro, 
Bull  street  (so  named  because  the  upper  end  of 
the  street  terminated  at  the  Corrida  de  Toro,  the 
bull  ring,  where  bull  fights  were  held;  it  is  now 
Castelar  street) ;  Calle  de  Las  Avispas,  Street  of 
Hornets,  or  Wasps  ;  Calle  de  Los  Adobes,  Adobe 
street.  The  east  and  west  streets  were :  Calle 
Corta,  Short  street ;  Calle  Alta,  High  street ; 
Calle  de  Las  Virgines,  Street  of  Virgins,  and 
Calle  del  Colegio,  College  street.  This  street,  so 
named  because  the  ayuntamiento  had  given  the 
Catholic  Church  a  grant  of  a  tract  of  land  for  a 
college,  is  the  oidy  street  north  of  the  plaza  that 
retains  its  original  name. 

Spring  street  was  known  as  Calle  de  Caridad 
(Street  of  Charity)  at  the  time  of  the  American 
conquest.  The  town  then  was  centered  around 
the  plaza  and  the  present  Spring  street  was  well 
out  in  the  suburbs.  Its  inhabitants  were  of  the 
poorer  classes,  who  were  largely  dependent  on 
the  charity  of  their  wealthier  neighbors  around 
the  plaza ;  hence  the  name,  Calle  de  Caridad. 
North  Spring  is  part  of  an  old  road  made  a  cen- 
tury ago.  It  led  around  the  base  of  the  hills 
out  to  the  brea  beds,  where  the  inhabitants  ob- 
tained the  crude  asphaltum  used  for  roofing.  Ord 
evidently  transferred  Spring  street's  original 
name.  La  Caridad,  to  one  of  his  western  streets 
which  was  a  portion  of  the  old  road. 

Main  street,  from  its  junction  with  Spring 
south,  in  1846  was  known  as  Calle  de  La  Alle- 
gria.  Junction  street.  Los  Angeles  street  was 
the  Calle  Principal.  Whether  the  name  had 
been  transferred  to  the  present  Main  streetbefore 
Ord's  survey  I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain. 
In  the  early  years  of  the  century  Los  Angeles 
street  was  known  as  Calle  de  La  Zanja,  Ditch 
street.  Later  on  it  was  sometimes  called  Calle 
de  Los  Vinas,  Street  of  Vineyards ;  and  with  its 
continuation  Calle  de  Los  Huertos,  Street  of 
Orchards  (now  San  Pedro),  formed  the  principal 
highway  southward  to  the  Embarcedaro  of  San 

Ord's  survey  or  plan  left  some  of  the  houses, 
in  the  old  parts  of  the  city,  in  the  middle  of  the 
streets  and  others  were  cut  ofT  from  street  front- 
age. The  city  council  labored  long  and  ardu- 
ously to  satisfy  complainants  and  to  satisfac- 
torily adjust  property  lines  to  the  new  plan  of  the 
city.  Finally  in  1854,  an  ordinance  was  passed 
allowing  property  owners  with  no  street  outlet 
to  claim    frontage  to  the  streets    nearest  their 

houses.  Gradually  the  city  took  the  form  that 
Ord  had  planned,  and  the  "monstrous  irregular- 
ity" that  had  amazed  the  old  regidores  disap- 
peared, but  the  streets  widened  instead  of  nar- 
rowing, as  they  should  have  done  to  accord 
with  the  Spanish  street  laws. 


Although  the  decree  of  the  Mexican  congress 
making  Los  Angeles  a  city  was  published  in 
California  in  1836,  ten  years  later,  when  the 
Americans  took  possession  of  it,  it  was  still 
known  as  El  Pueblo,  the  town.  Only  in  official 
records  and  communications  did  it  rise  to  the 
dignity  of  a  ciudad  (city).  American  writers  of 
the  decade  previous  to  the  conquest  all  refer  to 
it  as  the  "pueblo;"  and  one  of  them,  Hastings, 
who  came  to  California  overland  in  1843,  3"<^' 
wrote  a  book  describing  the  country  and  telling 
how  to  get  there,  seems  not  to  have  heard  its  real 
name,  but  calls  it  "Poabola,  below;"  and  San 
Jose  "Poabola,  above."  The  act  incorporating  it 
as  a  city  of  the  American  regime  was  passed  by 
the  legislature  April  4,  1850.  Its  area,  according 
to  that  act,  was  four  miles.  Why  the  "legisla- 
ture of  a  thousand  drinks"  pared  down  its  do- 
main of  four  square  leagues  that  for  seventy 
years,  under  monarchy,  empire  and  republic,  it 
had  possessed  without  dispute,  does  not  appear 
in  the  act  nor  in  the  city  records. 

As  the  members  of  that  legislature  were 
mostly  "tenderfeet,"  recently  the  "plains  across," 
they  may  not  have  known  the  difference  between 
an  English  mile  and  a  Spanish  ligua  (league), 
but  the  most  charitable  conclusion  is,  that  they 
deemed  four  square  miles  area  enough  for  a  city 
of  sixteen  hundred  people.  Why  incorporate 
chaparral-covered  hills  and  mustard-grown  me- 
sas, inhabited  by  coyotes,  jack  rabbits  and 
ground  squirrels?  So  they  made  it  a  mile  each 
way  from  the  plaza;  and  the  city  of  Los  An- 
geles half  a  century  ago  ended  at  Fifth  street 
on  the  south ;  on  the  north  at  the  Catholic  ceme- 
tery ;  its  eastern  boundary  just  included  the  river 
and  its  western  was  hopelessly  lost  in  the  hills. 
No  one  on  that  side  knew  just  where  the  city 
ended  and  the  country  began,  and  nobody  cared, 
for  the  land  was  considered  worthless. 

Two  difTerent  nations  by  legislative  decree 
had  raised  Los  Angeles  to  the  dignity  of  a  city. 
And  yet  it  was  not  much  of  a  city  after  all.  With- 
in its  bounds  there  was  not  a  graded  street,  a 
sidewalk,  a  street  lamp,  a  water  pipe  or  a  public 
building  of  any  kind  belonging  to  the  munici- 

The  first  city  election  under  its  American  in- 
corporation was  held  July  i,  1850.  The  officers 
elected  were :  A.  P.  Hodges,  mayor  (who  also 
held    the  office   of   county  coroner) ;   Francisco 



Figueroa,  treasurer;  A.  F.  Coronel,  city  asses- 
sor (also  county  assessor)  ;  Samuel  Whiting,  city 
marshal  (also  county  jailer). 

The  first  common  council  met  July  3,  1850, 
and  the  first  record  of  its  doings  reads :  "Messrs. 
David  W.  Alexander,  Alexander  Bell,  Manuel 
Requena,  Juan  Temple,  Morris  L.  Goodman, 
Cristobal  Aquilar  and  Julian  Chavez  took  the 
oath  of  office  in  conformity  with  Section  3,  Arti- 
cle XI,  of  the  state  constitution,  before  Jona- 
than R.  Scott  (justice  of  the  peace),  and  entered 
upon  the  discharge  of  their  duties  as  members 
of  the  common  council  of  this  city,  to  which 
oftke  they  had  been  elected  by  the  people  on  the 
first  day  of  this  month."  David  W.  Alexander 
was  elected  president  and  Vicente  del  Campo 
secretary.  The  members  had  been  sworn  to 
support  the  constitution  of  the  state  of  Califor- 
nia, and  yet  there  was  no  state.  California  had 
not  been  admitted  as  a  state  of  the  Union.  It 
had  taken  upon  itself  the  functions  of  a  state. 
The  legislature  had  made  counties  and  cities 
and  provided  for  their  organization  and  govern- 
ment, and  a  governor  elected  by  the  people  had 
approved  the  acts  of  the  k'g;islalure.  The  state 
government  was  a  political  nondescript.  It  had 
sloughed  ofif  its  territorial  condition,  but  it  could 
not  become  a  state  until  congress  admitted  it 
into  the  Union  and  the  slave-holding  faction  of 
that  body,  headed  by  Jeff'erson  Davis,  would  not 
let  it  in. 

The  first  common  council  of  the  city  was  patri- 
otic and  self-denying.  The  first  resolution  passed 
was  as  follows :  "It  having  been  observed  that  in 
other  places  the  council  members  were  drawing 
a  salary,  it  was  unanimously  resolved  that  the 
members  of  this  council  shall  receive  neither 
salary  nor  fees  of  whatsoever  nature  for  dis- 
charging their  duties  as  snch."  But  some  of  them 
wearied  of  serving  an  ungrateful  public  and  tak- 
ing their  pay  in  honor.  Before  sixty  days  had 
passed  two  had  resigned,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
year  only  two  of  the  original  memlicrs,  David 
W.  Alexander  and  Manuel  Rcqucna,  were  left. 
There  had  been  six  resignations  in  eight  months  ; 
and  the  first  council  had  thirteen  different  mem- 
bers during  its  short  existence. 

The  process  of  Americanizing  (he  people  was 
no  easy  undertaking.  The  population  of  the  city 
and  the  laws  were  in  a  chaotic  condition.  It 
was  no  easy  task  that  these  municipal  legislators 
entered  upon,  that  of  evolving  order  out  of  the 
chaos  left  by  the  change  of  nations.  The  native 
population  neither  understood  the  language  nor 
the  customs  of  their  new  rulers,  and  the  new- 
comers among  the  Americans  had  very  little  tol- 
eration for  the  Mexican  ways  and  methods  they 
found  prevailing  in  the  cily.  To  keep  jicacc  be- 
tween   Ihc    f.iclions     rcciuired     more     tact     than 

knowledge  of  law  in  the  legislator.  Fortunately 
the  first  council  was  made  up  of  level-headed 

What  to  do  with  the  Indian  was  the  burning 
issue  of  that  day,  not  with  the  wild  ones  that  stole 
the  rancheros'  horses  and  cattle.  For  them  when 
caught  there  was  but  one  penalty  for  their  of- 
fense, death. 

It  was  the  tame  Indians,  the  Christianized  ne- 
ophytes of  the  missions,  that  worried  the  city  fa- 
thers. The  Mission  Indians  constituted  the  labor 
element  of  the  city  and  country.  When  sober 
they  were  harmless,  but  in  their  drunken  orgies 
they  became  veritable  fiends,  and  the  usual  re- 
sult of  their  Saturday  night  revels  was  a  dead 
Indian  or  two  on  Sunday  morning;  and  all  the 
others,  old  and  young,  male  and  female,  were 
dead  drunk. 

They  were  herded  in  a  corral  and  worked  in 
gangs  on  the  streets,  but  the  supply  became  too 
great  for  city  purposes ;  so  the  council,  ^Vugust 
16,  T850,  passed  this  ordinance  :  "When  the  city 
has  no  work  in  which  to  employ  the  chain  gang, 
the  recorder  shall,  by  means  of  notices  conspicu- 
ously posted,  notify  the  public  that  such  and  such 
a  number  of  prisoners  will  be  auctioned  of¥  to  the 
highest  bidder  for  private  service ;  and  in  that 
manner  they  shall  be  disposed  of  for  a  sum 
which  shall  not  be  less  than  the  amount  of  their 
fine  for  double  the  time  which  they  were  to 
serve  at  hard  labor."  It  would  have  been  a  right- 
eous retribution  on  the  white  wretches  who  suj)- 
plied  the  Indians  with  intoxicants  if  they  could 
have  been  sold  into  perpetual  slavery. 

Evidently  auctioning  off  Indians  to  the  highest 
bidders  paid  the  city  quite  a  reveiuie,  for  at  a 
subsequent  meeting  of  the  council  "the  recorder 
was  authorized  to  pay  the  Indian  alcaldes  (chiefs) 
the  sum  of  one  real  (12}  cents)  out  of  every  fine 
collected  from  Indians  the  said  alcaldes  may 
bring  to  the  recorder  for  trial."  A  month  or  so 
later  the  recorder  presented  a  bill  for  $15,  the 
amount  of  money  he  had  paid  the  alcaldes  out  ol 
fines.  At  the  rate  of  eight  Indians  to  the  dollar, 
the  alcaldes  had  evidently  gathered  up  a  hundred 
and  twenty  poor  Los. 

Usually  poor  Lo  paid  a  higher  penalty  for  sin- 
ning than  his  white  brother,  but  there  was  one 
city  ordinance  in  which  this  was  reversed.  ".\r- 
ticle  14 — For  playing  cards  in  the  streets  regard- 
less of  the  kin<l  of  game;  likewise  for  playing 
any  other  game  of  the  kind  as  is  played  in  houses 
that  are  paying  a  license  for  the  privilege,  the  of- 
fender shall  be  fined  not  less  than  $10  nor  more 
than  $25,  which  shall  be  paid  on  the  spot ;  other- 
wise he  shall  be  sent  to  the  chain  gang  for  ten 
days.  If  he  be  an  Indian  then  he  shall  be  fined 
not  le^s  Ihan  $3  nor  more  than  $5  or  sent  to  the 
chain  eight  davs."    .Vt  first  glance  this 



ordinance  might  seem  to  have  been  drafted  in  the 
interest  of  morality,  but  a  closer  inspection  will 
show  that  it  is  for  revenue  only.  The  gambling 
houses  paid  a  license  of  $ioo  a  month.  So  for 
their  benefit  the  council  put  a  protective  tariff 
on  all  kinds  of  gambling. 

The  whipping  post,  too,  was  used  as  a  reforma- 
tory agent  to  instill  lessons  of  honesty  and  mor- 
ality into  the  Indians.  One  court  record  reads : 
"Chino  Valencea  ^,Indian)  was  fined  $50  and 
twenty-five  lashes  for  stealing  a  pair  of  shears ; 
the  latter  fine  (the  lashes)  was  paid  promptly  in 
full ;  for  the  former  he  stands  committed  to  the 
chain-gang  for  two  months,  unless  it  is  sooner 
paid."  At  the  same  session  of  the  court  a  white 
man  was  fined  $30  for  selling  liquor  to  the  In- 
dians; "fine  paid  and  defendant  discharged." 
Drunkenness,  immorality  and  epidemics — civili- 
zation's gifts  to  the  aborigines — finally  settled 
the  Indian  question — settled  it  by  exterminating 
the  Indian. 


The  post-ofifice  at  Los  Angeles  was  established 
April  9,  1850,  nearly  four  years  after  California 
had  passed  into  the  possession  of  the  United 
States.  J.  I'ugh  was  the  first  postmaster.  There 
had  been  a  mail  service  in  the  territory  and  possi- 
bly a  post-ofifice  in  tlie  pueblo  under  Spanish 
rule.  Once  a  month  military  couriers  picked  up 
at  presidios,  pueblos  and  missions  from  San 
Francisco  to  San  Diego,  their  little  budgets  of 
mail  and  carried  them  down  the  coast  of  Lower 
California  to  Loreto,  where  the  mail  was  taken 
in  sailing  vessels  across  the  gulf  to  San  Bias. 
The  couriers  made  the  round  trip  in  a  month. 
The  habilitados  (paymaster)  acted  as  postmas- 
ters at  the  presidios.  At  the  pueblos  the  alcalde 
or  some  officer  detailed  for  that  purpose  acted  as 
administrador  de  correos  (postmaster).  As  but 
few  could  read  or  write  and  there  were  no  news- 
papers taken  the  revenue  of  La  casa  6  adminis- 
tracion  de  correos  la  estafeta  (post-ofifice)  was 
not  large,  and  it  did  not  require  nuich  of  a  \)o- 
litical  pull  to  secure  the  office  of  postmaster  in 
Los  Angeles  a  century  ago. 

Under  Mexican  rule  there  was  an  irregular 
land  service,  but  most  of  the  mail  was  carried 
by  sailing  vessels.  There  was  a  route  by  the 
Colorado  River  and  Sonora  much  shorter  than 
the  Lower  California  post  road,  but  the  Indians 
had  a  bad  habit  of  distributing  the  mail,  and  the 
mail  carriers  along  the  road,  and  it  was  used  only 
when  a  military  force  made  the  trip.  After  the 
conquest,  in  1847,  the  military  authorities  estab- 
lished a  regular  service  between  San  Francisco 
and  San  Diego.  Soldier-carriers  starting  from 
each  end  of  the  route  met  at  Dana's  Ranch, 
half  way,  and,  exchanging  mail  pouches,  each 

then  returned  to  his  starting  point.  It  took 
a  fortnight  for  them  to  go  and  return.  After  the 
soldiers  were  discharged,  in  the  latter  part  of 
1848,  the  land  service  was  discontinued  and  the 
mail  was  carried  up  and  down  the  coast  between 
San  Francisco  and  San  Diego  in  sailing  vessels. 
Wind  and  weather  permitting,  a  letter  might 
reach  its  destination  in  a  few  days ;  with  the  ele- 
ments against  it,  it  might  take  a  month  to  get 

In  1849,  Wilson  &  Packard,  whose  store  was 
on  Main  street  where  the  Farmers  &  Merchants' 
Bank  now  stands,  were  the  custodians  of  the  let- 
ters received  at  Los  Angeles.  A  tub  stood  on 
the  end  of  a  counter.  Into  this  the  letters  were 
dumped.  Anyone  expecting  a  letter  was  at  lib- 
erty to  sort  over  the  contents  of  the  tub  and 
take  away  his  mail.  The  office  was  conducted  on 
a  free  delivery  system  and  every  man  was  his 
own  postmaster.  Col.  John  O.  Wheeler,  who 
had  clerked  for  the  firm  in  1849,  bought  out  the 
business  in  1850,  and  still  continued  the  laundry 
post-ofifice.  After  the  establishment  of  the  post- 
office  an  officious  postal  agent  from  San  Fran- 
cisco found  fault  with  the  tub  post-office  and  free 
and  easy  delivery  system,  and  the  colonel,  who 
had  been  acconmiodating  the  public  free  of 
charge,  told  the  agent  to  take  his  postal  matter 

The  coast  mail  was  carried  by  steamers  after  a 
regular  line  was  established  in  185 1,  but  the 
service  was  not  greatly  improved.  Tlie  Lo^  An- 
geles Star  of  October  i,  1853,  under  the  head  of 
"Information  Wanted,"  sends  forth  this  doleful 
wail :  "Can  anybody  tell  us  what  has  become  of 
the  United  States  mail  for  this  section  of  the 
world?  Some  four  weeks  since  the  mail  actually 
arrived  here.  Since  that  time  two  other  mails  are 
due.  The  mail  rider  comes  and  goes  regularly 
enougli,  but  the  mail  bags  do  not.  One  time  he 
says  the  mail  is  not  landed  at  San  Diego.  Another 
time  there  was  so  much  of  it  his  donkey  could 
not  bring  it  and  he  sent  it  to  San  Pedro  on  the 
steamer  'T.  Flunt,'  which  carried  it  to  San 
Francisco.  Thus  it  goes  wandering  up  and  down 
the  ocean."  According  to  the  Star,  one  mail  was 
fifty-two  days  in  transmission  from  San  Fran- 
cisco to  Los  Angeles. 

The  first  regular  mail  service  Los  Angeles  ob- 
tained was  by  the  Butterfield  stage  line.  This 
was  the  longest  mail  stage  line  ever  organized 
and  the  best  managed.  Its  eastern  termini 
were  St.  Louis  and  Memphis ;  its  western  term- 
inus San  Francisco.  Its  lenglh  was  2,881  miles. 
It  began  operation  in  September,  1858,  and  the 
first  stage  from  the  east  carrying  mail  reached 
Los  Angeles,  October  7,  1858.  The  first  service 
was  two  mail  coaches  each  way  a  week,  for  which 
the  government  paid  the  stage  company  a  sub- 



sidy  of  $600,000  a  year.  The  schedule  time  be- 
tween San  Francisco  and  St.  Louis  was  twenty- 
four  days.  The  Butterfield  route  southward  from 
San  Francisco  was  by  the  way  of  San  Jose,  Gil- 
roy,  Pacheco's  Pass,  Visalia  and  Fort  Tejon  to 
Los  Angeles.  Eastward  from  Los  Angeles  it  ran 
by  way  of  El  Monte,  Temecula  and  Warner's 
ranch  to  Yuma.  From  there  it  followed  about 
the  present  route  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Rail- 
road to  El  Paso ;  then  northward  to  St.  Louis, 
branching  at  Fort  Smith  for  Memphis.  Los  An- 
geles never  has  had  a  mail  service  more  prompt 
and  reliable.  The  Star,  in  lauding  it,  says :  "The 
arrival  of  the  overland  mail  is  as  regular  as  the 
index  on  the  clock  points  to  the  hour,  as  true  to 
time  as  the  dial  to  the  sun."  The  best  time  that 
it  ever  made  between  St.  Louis  and  Los  Angeles 
was  nineteen  days.  In  1861  the  Confederates  at 
the  eastern  end  and  the  Indians  at  the  western 
destroyed  the  stations  and  got  away  with  some 
of  the  stock.  The  coaches  were  transferred  to 
the  Central  Overland  route  via  Omaha  and  Salt 
Lake  City  to  San  Francisco.  After  the  discontin- 
uance of  the  Butterfield  stage  line  Los  Angeles 
got  her  eastern  mail  by  way  of  San  Francisco, 
and  had  the  old  irregularities  and  delays  until  the 
railroad  was  completed  in  1876.  In  1882  the  com- 
pletion of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  gave 
direct  mail  service  east. 

The  first  location  of  the  post-office  was  on  Los 
Angeles  street,  near  the  plaza.  In  fifty  years  it 
has  wandered  up  and  down  foifr  dififerent  streets 
from  the  plaza  on  the  north  to  Eighth  street  on 
the  south.  In  June,  1893,  it  was  moved  into  the 
building  erected  for  it  on  the  corner  of  Main  and 
Winston  streets  and  removed,  March,  1901,  to 
the  corner  of  Eighth  and  Spring,  while  the  gov- 
ernment building  undergoes  the  slow  process  of 

The  postmasters  in  the  order  of  their  appoint- 
ment are  as  follows :  J.  Pugh,  W.  T.  B.  Sanford, 
William  B.  Osburn,  James  S.  Waite,  J.  D. 
Woodworth,  T.  J.  White,  William  G.  Still,  Fran- 
cisco P.  Ramirez,  Russell  Sackett,  George  J. 
Clarke,  H.  K.  W.  Bent,  Isaac  R.  Dunkelberger, 
John  W.  Green,  E.  A.  Preuss,  J.  W.  Green,  H. 
V.  Van  Dusen,  John  R.  Mathews  and  Lewis  A. 


The  only  school  of  which  there  is  any  record 
in  the  Spanish  era  of  Los  Angeles  history  is  one 
taught  by  Maximo  Pefia,  an  invalid  soldier,  in 
1817  and  1818.  His  yearly  salary  was  $140.  The 
first  school  of  the  Mexican  regime  mentioned 
in  the  archives  was  taught  by  Luciano  Valdez, 
beginning  in  1827.  His  school  was  kept  open 
at  varying  intervals  until  the  close  of  183 1.  On 
account  of  "the  lack  of  improvement  in  the  ptib- 

lic  school  of  the  pueblo,"  the  ayuntamiento  dis- 
charged him  and  employed  Vicente  Morago,  who 
had  the  necessary  qualifications  for  "civilizing 
and  morally  training  the  children,"  *  *  *  "al- 
lowing him  $15  monthly,  the  same  as  was  paid  the 
retiring  citizen,  Luciano  Valdez."  February  12, 
1833,  Morago  was  appointed  secretary  of  the 
ayuntamiento  at  $30  per  month  and  resigned  his 
position  as  teacher.  Francisco  Pontoja  was  ap- 
pointed preceptor  of  the  pueblo  school.  He 
taught  to  January,  1834,  when  he  demanded  $20 
per  month ;  the  ayuntamiento,  "seeing  certain 
negligence  and  indolence  in  his  manner  of  ad- 
vancing the  children,"  discharged  him  and  em- 
ployed Cristoval  Aquilar  at  $15  per  month.  He 
taught  a  year,  and  then  asked  for  an  increase  in 
his  salary.  "After  discussion  it  was  decided  that 
his  fitness  for  the  position  was  insufficient."  He 
was  discliarged.  In  1835  Vicente  Morago  again 
took  charge  of  the  school.  As  he  was  satisfied 
with  $15  per  month  his  fitness  was  evident.  In 
1838  Don  Yznacio  Coronel  taught  the  school. 
He  received  $15,  and  the  parents,  according  to 
their  means,  paid  certain  amounts.  His  daughter, 
Soledad,  assisted  him,  and  she  was  the  first  laily 
teacher  of  Los  Angeles. 

January,  1844,  Ensign  Guadalupe  Medina,  an 
officer  of  Micheltorena's  army,  opened  a  primary 
school  on  the  Lancastrian  plan,  wdiich  attained 
an  attendance  of  103  pupils  and  was  the  most 
successful  school  of  the  RIexican  era.  The  Lan- 
castrian plan  was  an  educational  fad  once  popu- 
lar, but  dead  for  fifty  years.  The  gist  of  the  sys- 
tem was  the  nearer  the  teacher  was  in  education 
to  the  level  of  the  pupil,  the  more  successful 
would  he  be  in  imparting  instruction.  So  the 
preceptor  taught  the  more  advanced  pupils ; 
these  taught  the  next  lower  grades,  and  so  down 
the  scale  to  the  lowest  class.  Lieut.  Medina's 
school  was  closed  because  the  school-house  was 
needed  for  army  headquarters.  Los  Angeles 
was  in  the  throes  of  a  revolution.  It  could  get 
along  without  a  school,  but  a  political  eruption 
it  must  have  about  so  often  or  die.  Next  year 
the  gringos  came,  and  when  school  opened  again 
another  nation  was  in  charge  of  afYairs.  In  the 
seventy  years  the  pueblo  was  under  Spanish  and 
Mexican  rule  it  never  built  or  owned  a  school- 
house ;  nor  was  there  a  public  school  buildhig 
in  California. 

The  first  school  under  American  rule  in  Cali- 
fornia was  taught  by  Dr.  William  B.  Osburn  in 
Los  Angeles  during  the  year  1847.  It  was  under 
the  auspices  of  Col.  Stevenson,  the  military  com- 
mander of  the  southern  district. 

When  the  council  was  organized  July  3,  1850, 
Francisco  Bustamente,  employed  by  the  ayun- 
tamiento, was  in  charge  of  the  public  school  at 
$60  per  month  and  an  allowance  of  $20  for  house 



rent.  He  taught  until  near  the  close  of  the  year, 
when,  on  account  of  his  large  family,  whom  he 
could  not  support  out  of  his  meager  salary,  he 
asked  for  $ioo  per  month.  The  council  dis- 
charged him,  but  whether  for  unfitness  or  for  too 
much  family,  records  do  not  state. 

In  July,  1850,  Hugh  Overns  petitioned  the 
council  to  establish  a  school  in  which  he  would 
teach  the  English,  French  and  Spanish  lan- 
guages. The  council  allowed  him  from  the  pub- 
lic funds  $50  per  month  for  the  privilege  of  send- 
ing to  the  school  "six  orphan  boys  or  others 
whose  parents  are  poor."  January  4,  185 1,  Rev. 
Henry  Weeks  and  his  wife  opened  a  school, 
Weeks  teaching  the  boys  and  his  wife  the  girls. 
They  received  $150  a  month  and  furnished  their 
own  school  rooms.  The  first  school  ordinance 
was  adopted  by  the  council  July  9,  185 1.  It  pro- 
vided for  an  allowance  of  $50  per  month  to  any 
educational  institution  in  the  city  teaching  the 
rudiments  of  English  and  Spanish  languages. 

August  13,  1852,  by  ordinance,  ten  cents  on 
the  $100  of  the  municipal  tax  was  set  apart  for 
the  support  of  public  schools.  July  25,  1853,  an 
ordinance  was  passed  for  the  establishment  and 
government  of  the  city's  schools.  It  provided 
for  the  appointment  of  three  commissioners,  who 
shall  constitute  a  board  of  education,  the  chair- 
man of  which  shall  be  superintendent  of  schools. 
J.  Lancaster  Brent,  Lewis  Granger  and  Stephen 
C.  Foster  were  appointed  a  board  of  education, 
J.  L.  Brent  becoming  ex-officio  school  superin- 

May  20,  1854,  an  amended  ordinance  was 
passed  and  Stephen  C.  Foster,  then  mayor,  was 
made  the  first  superintendent,  and  three  mem- 
Ijers  of  the  council  constituted  the  board  of  edu- 
cation. That  year  school  house  No.  i,  a  brick 
two-story  building,  was  built  on  the  northwest 
comer  of  Spring  and  Second  streets,  where  the 
Bryson  block  now  stands.  School  was  opened 
in  it  March  19,  1855,  with  William  A.  Wallace  in 
charge  of  the  boys  and  Miss  Louisa  Hayes  in 
charge  of  the  girls.  Co-education  was  not  al- 
lowed in  those  days.  School  house  No.  2  was 
built  in  1856.  It  was  on  Bath  street,  north  of  the 
plaza,  now  North  Main  street.    These  two  school 

houses  supplied  the  needs  of  the  city  lor  ten 

During  the  '60s,  on  account  of  sectional  ha- 
treds growing  out  of  the  Civil  war,  the  public 
schools  in  Los  Angeles  were  unpopular.  They 
were  regarded  as  Yankee  institutions  and  were 
hated  accordingly  by  the  Confederate  sympathiz- 
ers, who  made  up  a  majority  of  the  city's  popula- 
tion. In  1865-66  the  number  of  school  census 
children  in  the  city  was  1,009.  Of  these  only 
331  were  enrolled  in  the  public  schools  during 
the  year.  The  average  attendance  in  the  pri- 
vate schools  was  fifty  per  cent  greater  than  in 
the  public  schools.  Twenty-one  negro  children 
were  enrolled  in  a  separate  school.  The  educa- 
tion of  these  twenty-one  little  negroes  was  re- 
garded as  a  menace  to  the  future  ascendancy  of 
the  white  race.  Out  of  such  mole  hills  does  po- 
litical bigotry  contract  impassable  mountains. 
The  northern  immigration  that  began  to  drift 
into  Los  Angeles  in  the  early  '70s  changed  pub- 
lic opinion  in  regard  to  the  common  schools. 
The  Los  Angeles  high  school,  the  first  in  South- 
ern California,  was  established  in  1873.  From 
this  onward  the  schools  of  the  city  have  steadily 
progressed.  The  city  school  superintendents,  in 
the  order  of  their  service,  are  as  follows  :  J.  Lan- 
caster Brent,  ex-officio;  Stephen  C.  Foster,  Dr. 
William  B.  Osborn,  Dr.  John  S.  Griffin,  J.  Lan- 
caster Brent,  E.  J.  C.  Kewen,  Rev.  W.  E.  Board- 
man,  A.  F.  Heinchman,  G.  L.  Mix,  Dr.  R.  F. 
Flayes,  Rev  E.  Birdsell,  Joseph  Huber,  Sr. ;  H. 
D.  Barrows,  A.  Glassell,  Dr.  T.  FI.  Rose,  A.  G. 
Brown,  Dr.  W.  T.  Lucky,  C.  H.  Kimball,  Mrs. 
C.  B.  Jones,  J.  M.  Guinn,  L.  D.  Smith,  W.  M. 
Freisner,  Leroy  D.  Brown,  P.  W.  Search  and 
J.  A.  Foshay. 

The  ofifice  of  superintendent  in  earlier  years 
was  filled  by  lawyers,  doctors,  ministers  and 
business  men.  It  was  not  until  1869  that  a  pro- 
fessional teacher  was  chosen  superintendent ; 
since  then  professional  teachers  have  filled  the 

The  State  Normal  school  building  at  Los  An- 
geles was  completed  in  1882,  and  the  school 
opened  August  29,  of  that  year.  It  is  now  next 
to  largest  Normal  School  in  tlie  state. 




THE    CITY    OF    LOS   ANGELES— Continued. 


LOS  ANGELES  was  a  turbulent  city  in  its 
youth.  During  the  Spanish  and  Mexican 
eras  of  its  history  it  was  not  the  scene 
of  many  capital  crimes,  but  during  Mexican 
domination  it  became  a  storm  center  of  political 
revolutions.  These  rarely  resulted  in  bloodshed, 
and  were  more  famous  for  noise  than  for  physical 

The  first  vigilance  committee  on  the  Pacific 
coast  of  North  America  had  its  origin  in  Los 
Angeles  in  1836,  twenty  years  before  the  world- 
famous  vigilance  committee  of  1856  was  formed 
at  San  Francisco.  Its  story  briefly  told  runs 
thus :  The  wife  of  Domingo  Feliz,  part  owner 
of  the  Los  Feliz  rancho,  who  bore  the  poetical 
name  of  Maria  del  Rosario  Villa,  became  infat- 
uated with  a  handsome  Init  disreputable  Sonoran 
vaquero,  Gervacio  Alispaz  by  name.  She  de- 
serted her  husband  and  lived  with  Alispaz  as  his 
mistress  at  San  Gabriel.  Feliz,  failing  to  reclaim 
his  erring  wife,  sought  the  aid  of  the  authorities. 
A  reconciliation  was  effected,  ami  the  husljand 
and  wife  started  on  horseback  for  the  rancho. 
On  their  way  they  met  Alispaz.  An  altercation 
occurred  and  Feliz  was  stabbed  to  death  by  his 
wife's  paramour.  The  body  was  dragged  into  a 
ravine  and  covered  with  brush  and  leaves.  Next 
day  the  body  was  found  and  the  guilty  pair  ar- 
rested. The  people  were  filled  with  horror  and 
indignation,  and  there  were  threats  of  summary 
vengeance,  but  better  counsel  prevailed.  It  was 
the  beginning  of  holy  week,  and  all  efforts  to 
bring  them  to  punishment  were  deferred  until 
after  Easter.  Monday  morning,  April  7,  a  large 
number  of  citizens  assembled  at  the  house  of 
Juan  Tcmi)lc.  An  organization  was  effected. 
Victor  I'rudon,  a  native  of  Breton,  France,  but 
a  naturalized  citizen  of  California,  was  made 
president,  M^muel  Arzaga,  secretary,  and  Fran- 
cisco Arunjo,  a  retired  army  ofificer,  commander 
of  the  vigilantes.  Fifty-five  persons  were  en- 
rolled in  a  vigilance  committee.  The  organiza- 
tion was  named  Junta  Defensora  dc  La  Seguri- 
dad  Publico — Ihiited  Defenders  of  the  Public 
Safety.  An  address  to  the  people  and  the  au- 
thorities was  formulated,  setting  forth  the  ne- 
cessity of  the  organization  and  demanding  the 
immediate  execution  of  the  assassins.    The  ayun- 

taniicnto,  alarmed  at  tlie  threatening  attitude  of 
the  people,  assembled  in  extraordinary  session. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  enroll  the  militia  to  put 
down  the  uprising,  but  it  was  given  up.  A  de- 
mand was  made  on  the  authorities  for  Alispaz 
and  the  woman.  This  was  refused.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  Junta  Defensora,  all  armed,  marched 
in  a  body  to  the  jail.  The  guard  refused  to  give 
up  the  keys.  They  were  secured  by  force  and 
Gervacio  Alispaz  taken  out  and  shot  to  death. 
-A  demand  was  then  made  for  the  key  to  the 
apartment  (in  a  private  house)  where  the  woman 
was  incarcerated.  The  alcalde  refused  to  give  it 
up.  The  key  was  secured.  The  wretched  Maria 
was  taken  to  the  place  of  execution  on  a  carreta 
and  shot.  The  bodies  of  the  guilty  pair  were 
brought  back  to  the  jail  and  the  following  com- 
munication sent  to  the  alcalde,  Manuel  Requena  : 

"Junta  of  the  Defenders  of  the  Public  Safety — 
To  the  b'irst  Constitutional  Alcalde: 
The  dead  bodies  of  Gervacio  Alispaz  and  Ma- 
ria del  Rosario  Villa  are  at  your  disposal.  W'c 
also  forward  you  the  jail  keys  that  you  may  de- 
liver them  to  whomsoever  is  on  guard.  In  case 
you  are  in  need  of  men  to  serve  as  guards  we  are 
at  your  disposal. 

God  and  Liberty.  Angeles,  .Xpril  7,  1836. 
Victor  Prudon,  President. 
Manuel  Arzaga,  Secretary. 

A  few  days  later  the  Junta  Defensora  de  La 
Seguridad  Publico  disbanded,  and  so  ended  the 
only  instance  in  the  seventy-five  vears  of  Span- 
ish and  Mexican  rule  in  California  of  the  people 
by  popular  tribunal  taking  the  administration  of 
justice  out  of  the  hands  of  the  legally  constituted 

\\'\i\\  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California  began 
the  era  of  crime.  In  the  decade  following  that 
event,  to  paraphrase  one  of  the.Junta  Defensora's 
nieta]ihors,  "the  dike  of  legal  restraint  was  swept 
away  by  a  torrent  of  atrocious  infamy."  Gold  al- 
lured to  California  the  law-defying  as  well  as  the 
law-abiding  of  many  countries.  They  came  from 
Europe,  from  South  America  and  from  Mexico. 
From  Australia  and  Tasmania  came  the  escajie  1 
convict  and  the  lickef-of-leave  man;  from  .Asia 
came  tlio  "hcnlhen  Cliincr:"  and  the  I'nited 
States  usually  furnished  the  heavy  villain  in  all 



the  tragedies.  These  conglomerate  elements  of 
society  found  the  Land  of  Gold  practically  with- 
out law  and  the  vicious  among  them  were  not 
long  in  making  it  a  land  without  order. 

The  American  element  among  the  gold  seek- 
ers soon  adjusted  a  form  of  government  to  suit 
the  exigencies  of  the  times  and  the  people.  There 
may  have  been  too  much  lynching,  too  much 
vigilance  conmiittee  in  it,  and  too  little  respect 
for  lawfully  constituted  authorities,  but  it  was 
effective  in  controlling  the  criminal  element  and 
was  suited  to  the  social  condition  existing.  Los 
Angeles  was  far  removed  from  the  gold  fields, 
but  from  some  cause,  or  rather  from  several 
causes,  it  furnished  more  villains,  vigilance  com- 
mittees and  lynchings  than  any  other  city  in  the 
state.  San  Francisco  in  its  two  famous  commit- 
tees, that  of  185 1  and  that  of  1856,  executed  ten 
men  and  then  gave  up  the  business  to  the  legal 
authorities.  Los  Angeles  city  and  county  be- 
tween 1851  and  1871  hanged  thirty-five,  con- 
demned by  popular  tribunal  and  executed  by  vig- 
ilantes. From  1850,  for  at  least  two  decades  the 
city  was  seldom  or  never  without  some  form 
of  a  people's  tribunal  of  last  resort.  The  gal- 
lows tree  in  early  times  stood  on  Fort  Hill.  The 
first  execution  there  was  in  1852,  when  three  na- 
tive Californians  were  hanged  for  the  murder 
of  two  young  cattle  buyers  on  the  banks  of  the 
San  Gabriel  river,  December  4,  1852;  threemore 
were  hanged,  two  for  complicity  in  the  murder 
of  Gen.  Bean,  and  one  for  stabbing  his  friend  to 
death  on  some  slight  provocation.  One  of  the 
sus])ects  for  the  murder  of  Bean,  a  poor  cobbler 
by  the  name  of  Sandoval,  died  declaring  his 
innocence.  Years  afterwards  one  of  the  real 
murderers  on  his  death  bed  confessed  that  the 
cobbler  was  innocent. 

January  T2,  1855,  David  Brown,  for  the  mur- 
der of  his  companion,  Clifford,  was  taken  from 
the  jail  and  hanged  to  the  gateway  of  a  corral 
on  .Spring  street  opposite  the  prison.  During 
1855  and  1856  lawlessness  increased.  There  ivas 
an  organized  band  of  about  one  hundred  Mexi- 
cans who  patroled  the  highways,  robbing  and 
murdering.  On  the  night  of  January  22,  1857, 
Sheriff  James  R.  Barton,  with  a  posse  consisting 
of  William  H.  Little,  Charles  K.  Baker,  Charles 
F.  Daley,  Alfred  Hardy  and  Franl-  Alexander, 
left  Los  Angeles  in  pursuit  of  this  banditti,  who 
under  their  leaders,  Pancho  Daniel  and  Juan 
Flores,  had  been  robbing  and  committing  out- 
rages in  the  neighborhood  of  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano.  On  the  road  near  San  Juan  they  encoun- 
tered a  detachment  of  the  bandits.  A  short, 
sharp  engagement  took  place.  Barton,  Baker, 
Little  and  Daley  were  killed.  Hardy  and  Al- 
exander escaped  by  the  fiectness  of  their  horses. 
This  tragedy  aroused  the  people  to  a  determi- 

nation to  exterminate  the  murderous  gang.  Sev- 
eral military  companies  were  organized.  The 
country  was  scoured,  suspicious  characters  ar- 
rested and  known  criminals  hanged  without 
judge,  jury  or  the  benefit  of  a  priest.  Flores 
was  hanged  on  Fort  Hill  and  Pancho  Daniel 
eighteen  months  later  was  found  one  morning 
hanging  to  a  beam  across  the  gate  of  the  jail 
yard.  The  vigilantes,  exasperated  at  the  law's 
delays,  hanged  him.  Tiburcio  Vasquez's  gang- 
were  the  last  banditti  to  terrorize  the  southern 
counties.  After  committing  a  scries  of  crimes, 
the  leader  was  captured  in  a  canon  of  the  Calui- 
enga  mountains  May  15,  1874,  by  a  sheriff's 
posse  under  Deputy  Sheriff  Albert  Johnson. 
Vasquez  was  hanged  March  19,  1S75,  at  San 
Jose  for  murder  committed  in  Santa  Clara 
County.  His  band  was  broken  up  and  disap- 
peared from  the  county. 

October  24,  1871,  occurred  one  of  the  most 
disgraceful  afTairs  that  ever  occurred  in  Los  An- 
geles. It  is  known  as  the  Chinese  massacre.  It 
grew  out  of  one  of  those  interminable  feuds 
between  rival  tongs  or  companies  of  highbinders 
over  the  possession  of  a  woman.  In  attempting 
to  quell  the  disturbance,  Robert  Thompson  was 
shot  and  killed  by  a  bullet  fired  through  the 
door  of  a  Chinese  house.  A  mob  soon  gathered 
and  attacked  the  Chinese  dens,  and  dragging 
frjrth  the  wretched  occupants,  hanged  nineteen  of 
them  to  wagon  boxes,  awnings  and  beams  of  a 
corral  gate.  The  mob  plundered  the  Chinese 
quarters,  stealing  everything  of  value  they  could 
lay  their  hands  on.  The  rioting  had  begun  about 
dark  and  continued  until  9  r^o  in  the  evening, 
when  the  law-abiding  citizens,  under  the  lead  of 
Henry  T.  Hazard,  R.  M.  Widney,  IT.  C.  .'Vustin, 
Sheriff  Burns  and  others,  had  gathered  in  suffi- 
cient force  to  put  a  stop  to  the  mob's  wild  work. 
Finding  determined  opposition,  the  murderous 
miscreants  quickly  dispersed.  Of  the  nineteen 
Chinamen  hanged,  shot  or  dragged  to  death, 
only  one.  Ah  Clioy,  was  implicated  in  the  high- 
binder war  that  gave  the  mob  an  excuse  for  rob- 
l)cry  and  pillage.  One  hundred  and  fifty  indict- 
ments were  found  by  the  grand  jury  against  per- 
sons implicated  in  the  riot.  Only  six  were  con- 
victed and  these  after  serving  a  short  time  in 
the  state's  prison  were  released  on  a  tech- 

The  last  execution  by  a  vigilance  conunittee 
in  Los  .'\ngelcs  occurred  on  the  morning  of  De- 
cember 17.  1870.  The  victim  was  Michael  Lach- 
cnias,  a  French  desperado,  who  murdered  his 
neighbor,  Jacob  Bell,  an  inoffensive  little  man. 
without  provocation.  Laclienias,  who  had  the 
reputation  of  having  killed  five  or  six  men,  af- 
ter shooting  Bell  rode  in  from  his  ranch  south  of 
town  boasting  of  his  deed.    He  gave  himself  up 


and  was  placed  in  jail.  A  vigilance  committee, 
three  hundred  strong,  was  formed  and,  march- 
ing to  the  jail  in  broad  daylight,  took  Lachenias 
out,  then  proceeded  to  Tomlinson's  corral  on  the 
corner  of  Temple  and  New  High  streets  (where 
the  Law  Building  now  stands),  and  hanged  him 
to  the  beam  over  the  gate.  During  the  Chinese 
massacre  five  Chinamen  were  hanged  to  the 
same  beam.  No  attempt  was  made  to  prosecute 
the  vigilantes  that  executed  Lachenias. 


In  our  American  colonization  of  the  Great 
West  the  newspaper  has  kept  pace  with  immigra- 
tion. It  was  not  so  in  Spainsh  colonization  ;  in  it 
the  newspaper  came  late  if  it  came  at  all.  There 
were  no  newspapers  published  in  California  dur- 
ing the  Spanish  and  Mexican  eras. 

Seventy  years  elapsed  between  the  founding 
of  Los  Angeles  and  the  founding  of  its  first 
newspaper.  October  i6,  1850,  Theodore  Fos- 
ter petitioned  the  city  council  "for  a  lot  situated 
at  the  northerly  corner  of  the  jail  for  the  pur- 
pose of  erecting  thereon  a  house  to  be  used  as 
a  printing  establishment."  The  council,  "taking 
in  consideration  the  advantages  which  a  print- 
ing house  offers  to  the  advancement  of  public 
enlightenment,  resolved  for  this  once  only  that  a 
lot  from  amongst  those  that  are  marked  on  the 
city  map  be  given  to  Mr.  Theodore  Foster  for 
the  purpose  of  establishing  thereon  a  printing- 
house,  and  the  donation  be  made  in  his  favor 
because  he  is  the  first  to  inaugurate  this  public 
benefit."  Foster  selected  a  lot  "back  of  John- 
son's fronting  on  the  corral."  The  corral  or  zanja 
madre  (mother  ditch)  ran  along  Los  Angeles 
street.  Foster's  lot,  "forty  varas  each  way," 
granted  him  by  the  council,  was  directly  in  the 
rear  of  where  the  St.  Charles  now  stands.  On 
this  lot  Foster  built  a  two-story  building.  The 
lower  story  was  used  for  a  printing  office  and  the 
upper  for  a  living  room  for  the  proprietors  and 

The  first  number  of  the  pioneer  paper  was 
issued  May  17,  185 1.  It  was  named  La  Estrella 
dc  Los  Angeles — the  Star  of  Los  Angeles,  or  the 
Los  Angeles  Star.  It  was  a  four-page,  five-col- 
umn paper;  size  of  page,  12x18  inches.  Two  of 
its  pages  were  printed  in  English  and  two  in 
Spanish.  The  subscription  price  was  $10  a  year, 
payable  in  advance.  Advertisements  were  in- 
serted at  the  rate  of  $2  per  square  for  the  first 
insertion  and  $1  for  each  subsequent  insertion. 
The  publishers  were  John  A.  Lewis  and  John 
McElroy.  Foster  had  transferred  his  interest 
in  the  printing  house  before  the  issue  of  the  pa- 
per. In  September,  1853,  he  committed  suicide 
by  drowning  himself  in  the  Fresno  river. 

Between  1851  and  1856  the  Star  had  a  number 

of  different  proprietors  and  publisJK-rs.  It  was 
not  a  very  profitable  investment,  so  it  was  passed 
along  from  one  to  another,  each  proprietor  imag- 
ining that  he  knew  how  to  run  a  paper  to  make 
it  pay.  In  June,  1856,  Henry  Hamilton  bought 
it.  He  continued  its  publication  until  October 
12,  1864,  when,  having  fallen  under  the  ban  of 
the  Federal  government  for  his  outspoken  sym- 
pathy with  the  Southern  Confederacy,  he  was 
forced  to  discontinue  its  publication,  and  the  Star 
set  for  a  time.  May  16,  1868,  he  resumed  its 
publication.  In  1870  the  Daily  Star  was  issued 
by  Hamilton  &  Barter,  liarter  retired  from 
the  firm  in  a  short  time  and  Hamilton  con- 
tinued its  publication.  Ben.  C.  Truman  leased  it 
in  1S73,  and  continued  its  publication  until,  July, 
1877,  Hamilton  sold  the  paper  to  Paynter  &  Co. 
It  passed  from  one  publisher  to  another  until 
finally  the  sheriff  attached  the  plant  for  debt  in 
the  latter  part  of  1879,  ''"'^'  t^'^^  ■^''"'  ^^  Los  An- 
geles ceased  to  shine. 

The  second  paper  founded  in  Los  Angeles  was 
the  Southern  Californian.  The  first  issue  ap- 
peared Jul)  JO,  1S54,  L".  N.  Richards  &  Co.,  pub- 
lishers ;  William  Butts,  editor.  November  2, 
1854,  William  Butts  and  John  O.  Wheeler  suc- 
ceeded Richards  &  Co.  in  the  proprietorship.  The 
paper  was  ably  conducted  and  large  in  size.  It 
died  in  January,  1856,  from  insufficient  support. 

El  Clomor  Publico  was  the  first  Spanish  paper 
published  in  Los  Angeles.  The  first  issue  ap- 
peared June  8,  1855;  its  last  December  31,  1859. 
Francisco  P.  Ramirez  was  the  editor  and  proprie- 
tor. The  Southern  Vineyard  was  founded  by 
Col.  J.  J.  Warner  March  20,  1858.  It  was  at  first 
a  weekly  and  later  on  a  semi-weekly.  It  ceased 
to  exist  June  8,  i860. 

The  Los  Angeles  News  was  established  by  C. 
R.  Conway  and  Alonzo  Waite,  January  18,  i860. 
It  was  at  first  a  semi-weekly ;  then  changed  to 
a  tri-wcekly  and  back  again  to  a  semi-weekly. 
January  i,  1869,  tinder  the  management  of  King 
&  Oflfutt  it  appeared  as  the  Los  Angeles  Daily 
A'C7Vs.  It  was  the  first  daily  paper  published  in 
Los  Angeles.  Subscription  price  was  $12  a  year, 
six  numbers  a  week.     Its  publication  ceased  in 


1  hesc  enumerated  above  were  pioneers  in  the 
field  of  journalism.  Of  the  modern  papers  (those 
that  have  ai)pcarcd  since  i860)  their  nunil)er  is 
legion  and  the  journalistic  graveyard  of  unfell 
wants  is  well  filled  with  their  remains.  I  have  not 
space  even  lo  cnumeralc  thcni.  The  oldest  paper 
now  published  in  Los  Angeles  is  the  E':'eiiing 
Express.     It  was  established  March  27,  1871. 


During  the  first  decade  (1850  to  iS6o~)  of 
.•\niericnn    government    of    the    city    it    made    a 



steady  growth.  Wood  and  brick  to  a  consider- 
able extent  had  supplanted  adobe  in  building. 
The  first  brick  were  made  in  1S52  by  Jesse 
Hunter,  and  the  first  brick  building  erected  in 
the  city  was  built  on  the  northwest  corner  of 
Main  and  Third  streets. 

The  population  of  the  city  in  1850  was  1,610; 
in  i860,  4.399.  The  growth  of  the  city  has  been 
irregular,  by  fits  and  starts,  or  booms,  as  they 
are  now  called.  In  1849  and  1850  the  city  had 
one  of  its  spasms  of  expansion  that  astonished 
the  old-timers.  Houses  already  framed  for  put- 
ting together  were  shipped  around  the  Horn 
from  Boston  and  New  York  and  even  from  Lon- 
don. Some  of  these  were  sheet-iron  buildings. 
Again  in  1858  and  1859  the  city  had  another 
building  boom.  The  Arcadia  block,  on  the  corner 
of  Arcadia  and  Los  Angeles  streets,  was  built 
by  Don  Abel  Stearns.  It  is  said  to  have  cost 
$80,000.  The  Angeleiios  pointed  to  it  with 
pride  and  claimed  that  it  was  the  finest  business 
block  south  of  San  Francisco.  In  1859  Juan 
Temple  erected  for  a  city  market  the  building 
that  was  afterward  used  for  a  court  house.  The 
upper  story  was  designed  for  and  used  several 
years  as  a  theater.  It  cost  $30,000.  Ten  years 
later  it  was  sold  at  $25,000  to  the  county  for  a 
court  house.  During  the  year  1859,  thirty-one 
brick  buildings  and  a  considerable  number  of 
wooden  ones  were  built  in  the  city.  It  was  the 
biggest  building  boom  in  the  history  of  the  city 
up  to  that  time.  In  January,  1858,  the  first  train 
of  pack  camels  appeared  in  Los  Angeles.  For 
a  year  or  more  afterwards  it  was  no  unconnnon 
sight  to  see  a  caravan  of  these  hump-backed 
burden-bearers  solemnly  wending  their  way 
single  file  through  the  city.  In  1857,  through 
the  efforts  of  JciTerson  IDavis,  then  secretary 
of  war,  seventy-five  camels  were  imported  fnim 
Egypt  and  Arabia  to  Texas  for  army  service  in 
the  arid  plains  of  the  southwest.  One  detach- 
ment from  the  main  body  was  used  in  packing 
supplies  from  Los  Angeles  to  Fort  Tej(Mi ; 
others  were  used  in  transporting  military  sup- 
plies to  the  forts  in  Utah,  Arizona,  New  Mexico 
and  Texas.  But  the  experiment  proved  a  fail- 
ure. The  perversity  of  the  camel  and  the  im- 
possibility of  transforming  an  American  mule 
whacker  into  an  Arabian  camel  driver  destroyed 
all  hopes  of  utilizing  the  camel  in  America,  and 
these  "ships  of  the  desert"  were  left  finally  to 
drift  in  their  native  element  at  will.  It  is  said  that 
some  of  the  survivors  of  the  experiment  or  their 
descendants  are  still  running  loose  in  the  deserts 
of  Arizona  and  Northern  Alcxico. 

In  i860  the  telegraph  line  between  San  Fran- 
cisco and  Los  Angeles  was  completed  and  the 
first  message  over  the  wires  was  sent  by  Henry 
Melius,  the  mayor  of  Los  Angeles,  at  10  o'clock 

P.  M.,  October  8,  to  H.  F.  Teschemacher,  presi- 
dent of  the  board  of  supervisors  of  San  Fran- 
cisco. The  Salt  Lake  trade,  begun  in  1855,  had 
grown  to  considerable  proportions.  In  one 
month  as  high  as  sixty  wagons  had  been  loaded 
in  Los  Angeles  for  Salt  Lake.  May  25,  1861, 
a  grand  Union  demonstration  was  held  in  the 
city.  The  Civil  war  had  split  the  citizens  into 
two  hostile  factions;  the  larger  number  were 
Confederate  sympathizers.  The  Union  men, 
taking  advantage  of  the  presence  of  a  company 
of  the  First  United  States  Dragoons,  got  up  a 
grand  procession  and  marched  around  the  plaza, 
down  Main  and  up  Spring  to  the  court  house, 
where  the  national  colors  were  unfurled.  The 
United  States  military  band  struck  up  the  "Star- 
Spangled  Banner,"  thirty-four  guns  were  fired, 
one  for  each  state  in  the  Union,  and  patriotic 
speeches  were  made  by  Gen.  Drown,  Major 
Carlton  and  Capt.  (afterwards  Gen.)  W.  S.  Han- 

January,  1862,  was  noted  for  the  greatest  flood 
in  the  history  of  California.  It  began  raining 
December  24,  1861,  and  kept  it  up  almost  with- 
out cessation  for  a  month.  New  Year's  day  the 
valleys  were  like  inland  seas  and  all  communica- 
tion with  the  city  from  the  south  and  east  was 
cut  of?.  The  Arroyo  Seco  brought  down  im- 
mense rafts  of  driftwood,  but  as  there  were  no 
bridges  then  across  the  river  these  did  but  little 
harm.  They  supplied  the  poor  people  of  the 
city  with  firewood.  During  the  early  part  of 
1862  there  were  about  4,000  troops  at  Wilming- 
ton en  route  for  Arizona  and  New  Mexico.  One 
regiment  was  stationed  at  Camp  Latham  on  the 
La  Ballona  rancho.  This  camp  was  broken  up 
in  tb.e  summer  and  the  troops  removed  to  Wil- 

The  year  1863  was  one  of  disasters.  Sniall]iox 
was  raging  among  the  Mexicans  and  Indians 
and  they  were  dying  so  fast  that  it  was  difficult 
to  find  persons  to  bury  them.  The  great  drouth 
had  set  in  and  cattle  on  the  overstocked  ranges 
were  dying  by  droves.  There  was  a  feud  be- 
tween the  Unionist  and  secessionist  so  bitter 
that  a  body  of  troops  had  to  be  stationed  in  the 
city  to  protect  the  Unionists,  who  were  in  the 
minority.  Times  were  hard  and  money  almost 
an  unknown  quantity.  The  property  of  several 
of  the  richest  men  in  the  city  was  advertised  for 
sale  on  account  of  delinquent  taxes.  No  assess- 
ment for  citv  taxes  was  made  for  the  fiscal  vear 
of  1863-64.  ' 

The  year  1864  was  a  cominnati.m  of  the  evil 
days  of  1863.  The  drouth  continued  and  many 
of  the  cattle  carried  over  from  the  previous  year 
died  before  grass  grew.  The  secession  element 
was  still  rampant  and  a  number  of  arrests  were 
made  by  the  government. 


In  1S65  the  war  was  over  and  those  on  both 
sides  who  hail  fought  valiantly  with  their  tongues 
sheathed  their  weapons  and  cried  peace.  April 
19,  public  obsequies  were  held  in  respect  to  the 
memory  of  President  Lincoln.  Rev.  Elias  Bird- 
sell  delivered  the  funeral  oration.  The  4th  of 
July  was  celebrated  for  the  first  time  since  the 
beginning  of  the  war.  The  church  of  the  First 
Protestant  Society,  the  erection  of  which  had 
been  begun  in  1859,  under  the  ministry  of  Rev. 
William  E.  Boardman,  a  Presbyterian  minister, 
was  this  year  turned  over  to  the  Episcopalians  in 
an  unfinished  condition.  It  was  completed  and  oc- 
cupied by  Rev.  Elias  Birdsell,  an  Episcopal  min- 
ister. It  was  advertised  for  sale  by  the  sheriff 
in  1864,  but  nobody  wanted  a  church,  and  so  it 
was  not  sold.  It  stood  on  the  southwest  corner 
of  Temple  and  New  High  streets,  where  the 
steps  leading  up  to  the  court  house  now  are.  It 
was  the  pioneer  Protestant  church  of  the  city. 

The  year  1868,  like  that  of  1862,  was  ushered 
in  by  a  great  flood,  which  left  a  lasting  impress 
on  the  physical  contour  of  the  county.  It  formed 
a  new  river,  or  rather  an  additional  channel  for 
the  San  Gabriel  river.  Several  thousand  acres  of 
valuable  land  were  washed  away  by  the  San  Ga- 
briel river  cutting  a  new  channel  to  the  sea,  from 
three  to  five  miles  southeast  of  the  old  river. 
The  damage  by  loss  of  land  was  more  than  offset 
by  the  increased  facilities  for  irrigation  afforded 
by  having  two  rivers  instead  of  one.  The  flood 
in  the  Los  .Angeles  river  swept  away  the  dam 
of  the  water-works  and  cut  off  the  city"s  water 
supply,  leaving  the  inhabitants  very  much  in 
the  condition  of  Coleridge's  Ancient  Mariner, 
"Water,  water  everywhere,  and  not  a  drop  to 
drink."  The  disastrous  years  of  1863  and  1864 
had  stopped  all  growth  and  improvement  in  the 
city.  In  1868  the  city  began  to  take  on  a  new 
growth.  The  subdivision  of  some  of  the  large 
ranchos  and  their  sale  in  small  tracts  brought  in 
home-seekers.  In  the  city,  old-timers  who  had 
been  holding  on  for  years  to  town  property  took 
the  first  opportunity  to  imload  on  the  new- 
comers; and  lots  that  to-day  are  valued  in  the 
hundred  thousands  each  changed  hands  in  1868 
with  the  thousands  left  off. 

.\  mimber  of  new  enterprises  were  inaugurateil 
this  year.  \\'ork  was  begun  on  the  Los  Angeles 
&  San  Pedro  Railroad.  The  City  Water  Com- 
]iany  was  organized  and  water  pijied  in  iron  pijies 
to  the  houses.  The  first  bank  was  organized 
by  Alvinza  Hay  ward  and  John  G.  Downey,  capi- 
tal $100,000.  The  new  Ma.sonic  Hall  on  Spring 
street  was  dedicated  September  29th.  The  city 
was  lighted  with  gas. 

In  1869  immigration  was  coming  by  boatloads. 
Real  estate  was  advancing  in  value  rapidly. 
There  was  a  great  demand  for  houses  and  new 

buildings  were  springing  up  all  over  the  city. 
The  Los  .\ngeles  <&  San  Pedro  Railroad  was 
completed  October  26  and  then  the  old  stage 
coaches  that  for  nearly  two  decades  had  raced 
and  rattled  over  the  road  between  city  and  port 
were  relegated  to  obscurity. 

In  February,  1870,  the  houses  in  the  business 
l)ortion  of  the  city  were  numbered  systematically 
for  the  first  time.  The  first  city  directory  was 
compiled  this  year,  but  was  not  published  until 
1871.  There  were  no  places  where  liquor  was 
retailed.  The  Federal  census  gave  the  popula- 
tion of  the  city  5,614,  which  was  an  increase  of 
1,215  '"  t^"  years.  The  assessed  value  of  prop- 
erty in  the  city  was  $2,108,061. 

The  railroad  bond  issue  was  the  live  question 
of  1872.  The  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  Com- 
pany had  made  an  offer  to  build  twenty-five 
miles  north  and  twenty-five  east  from  Los  An- 
geles city  of  its  trans-continental  line  that  it  was 
building  up  the  San  Joaquin  valley.  The  Texas 
Pacific  met  this  with  an  offer  to  build  frotii  San 
Diego  (the  prospective  terminus  ol  its  trans- 
continental line)  a  railroad  up  the  coast  to  Los 
Angeles,  giving  the  county  si.xty  miles  of  rail- 
road. The  Southern  Pacific  countered  this  offer 
by  agreeing  to  build,  in  addition  to  the  fifty 
miles  of  its  previous  offer,  a  branch  to  Anaheim, 
making  in  all  seventy-seven  miles.  The  recom- 
pense for  this  liberality  on  the  part  of  the  roads 
was  that  the  people  should  vote  bonds  equal  to 
five  per  cent  of  the  total  taxable  property  of  the 
county.  The  bond  question  stirred  up  the  peo- 
ple as  no  previous  issue  had  done  since  the  Civil 
war.  The  contest  was  a  triangular  one.  South- 
ern Pacific,  Texas  Pacific  or  no  railroad.  Each 
company  had  its  agents  and  advocates  abroad 
enlightening  the  people  on  the  superior  merits 
of  its  individual  offer,  while  "Taxpaxer"  and 
"Pro  Bono  Publico,"  through  the  newsi^apers, 
bewailed  the  waste  of  the  people's  money  and 
bemoaned  the  increase  of  taxes.  .\t  the  election. 
November  5,  the  Southern  Pacific  won. 

The  city  reached  the  high  tide  of  its  prosperity 
tUiring  the  '70s  in  1874.  Building  was  active.  It 
was  estimated  that  over  $300,000  was  expended 
in  the  erection  of  business  houses  and  fully  that 
amount  in  residences.  The  Spring  and  Sixth 
street  horse  railroad,  the  street  car  line  in 
the  city,  was  completed  this  year. 

The  year  1875  was  one  of  disasters.  The  great 
financial  panic  of  1873,  ])resaged  by  that  mone- 
tary cyclone,  "Black  Friday  in  Wall  street."  had 
no  innnediate  effect  upon  business  in  California. 
The  years  1873  and  1874  were  among  the  most 
prosperous  in  our  hi.-tory.  The  panic  reached 
California  in  September,  1875,  begimiing  with 
the  suspension  of  the  Bank  of  Cali'ornia  in  San 
Francisco  and  the  tragic  death  of  its  president, 



William  C.  Ralston.  In  a  few  days  nearly  every 
bank  in  California  closed  its  doors.  The  two  in 
Los  Angeles — the  Temple  &  Workman  and 
Hellman's — closed.  The  latter  resumed  busi- 
ness in  a  few  days.  The  former  made  an  at- 
tempt to  stem  the  current  of  its  financial  diffi- 
culties, failed,  and  went  down  forever,  carrying 
with  it  the  fortune  of  many  an  unfortunate  de- 
positor. One  of  the  bankers,  William  Work- 
man, an  old  and  highly  respected  pioneer,  from 
brooding  over  the  failure,  went  insane  and  com- 
mitted suicide.  Temple  died  a  few  years  later, 
a  poor  man. 

The  hard  times  following  the  bank  failures 
were  intensified  by  the  drought  of  1877,  which 
brought  disaster  to  the  sheep  industry  of  South- 
ern California.  There  was  no  business  reaction 
during  the  remainder  of  the  decade.  The  Fed- 
eral census  of  1880  gave  the  city's  population  at 
11,183,  an  increase  of  almost  one  hundred  per 
cent  in  ten  years.  The  greater  part  of  the  gain 
was  made  in  the  first  half  of  the  decade.  Rail- 
road connection  with  San  Francisco  and  Sacra- 
mento was  made  in  September,  1876,  but  it 
opened  up  no  new  market  for  Los  Angeles. 
Times  continued  hard  and  money  close.  The 
adoption  of  the  new  constitution  of  the  state  in 
1879  did  not  improve  matters.  The  capitalists 
were  afraid  of  some  of  its  radical  innovations. 

In  1881  times  began  to  improve.  The  rail- 
road had  penetrated  into  the  mining  regions  of 
Arizona  and  opened  up  a  market  for  the  prod- 
ucts of  Southern  California.  Its  completion  next 
year  gave  Los  Angeles  direct  connection  with 
the  east  and  brought  in  eastern  investors.  Dur- 
ing 1883  and  1884  the  city  grew  rapidly.  In 
JMay,  1883,  the  school  lot  on  the  northwest  cor- 
ner of  Spring  and  Second  streets  was  sold  for 
$31,000;  two  years  before  it  was  valued  at 
$12,000.  The  board  of  education  purchased 
from  part  of  the  proceeds  of  that  sale  the  present 
site  of  the  Spring  street  school,  near  Si.xth  street, 
for  $12,500.  The  school  building  was  erected 
in  1884,  at  a  cost  of  about  $40,000.  In  the  spring 
of  1886  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  and  its  connecting 
roads — the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  and 
Southern  California — precipitated  a  rate  war 
with  the  Southern  Pacific.  Round-trip  tickets 
from  Missouri  river  points  to  Los  Angeles  were 
sold  as  low  as  $15.  Thousands  of  eastern  peo- 
ple, taking  advantage  of  the  low  rates,  visited 
Southern  California. 

The  country  was  looking  its  loveliest.  East- 
ern people,  shivering  in  the  "bleak  winds  of 
March"  when  they  left  their  homes,  in  three  or 
four  days  were  in  a  land  where  the  plains  and 
hills  were  green  with  verdure,  flowers  bloom- 
ing and  the  fragrance  of  orange  bloom  perfuming 
the  air.    The  result  was  that  manv  of  the  tourists 

invested  in  land  and  lots  and  others  went  home 
to  sell  their  possessions  and  return  to  the  prom- 
ised and  promising  land.  Real-estate  values 
went  up  rapidly  in  1886,  but  in  1887  came  that 
event  that  marks  the  turning  point  in  the  city's 
history — the  Boom. 

In  the  historical  sketch  of  Los  Angeles 
county  some  of  the  extravagant  as  well  as  the 
ludicrous  features  of  the  boom  are  portrayed. 
Speculation  in  city  property  was  mostly  legiti- 
mate, but  values  were  inflated  to  the  burstmg 
point.  After  a  lapse  of  fifteen  years  and  a  popu- 
lation three  times  as  great  as  that  of  1887,  very 
little  of  the  property  that  changed  hands  during 
the  boom,  outside  of  that  on  three  business 
streets,  could  be  sold  to-day  at  the  figures  at 
which  it  changed  hands  during  the  height  of  the 
boom  ;  and  many  of  the  outlying  lots  in  the  east- 
ern part  of  the  city  could  not  be  disposed  of  for 
the  amount  of  the  commission  the  real-estate 
agent  received  for  making  the  sale  fifteen  years 

In  1889  work  was  begun  on  the  cable  railway 
system.  A  line  was  extended  on  Broadway  to 
Seventh  and  west  on  Seventh  to  West  Lake 
Park.  Another  line  extended  from  Seventh  on 
Grand  avenue  to  Jefiferson  street.  From  First 
and  Spring  a  line  ran  on  East  First  to  Boyle 
Heights  and  from  the  same  point  another  ran  on 
North  Spring,  Upper  Main  and  Downey  avenue 
to  East  Los  Angeles.  A  million  and  a  half  dol- 
lars were  expended  in  tracks,  power  houses  and 
machinery.  All  but  the  tracks  were  discarded  a 
few  years  later,  when  electricity  was  substituted 
for  steam  and  the  trolley  for  the  cable.  The 
Los  Angeles  electric  railway  system  was  begun 
in  1892.  The  first  line  constructed  was  that  on 
West  Second,  Olive,  First  and  other  streets  to 
Westlake  Park.  The  traction  system  was  begun 
in  1895. 

In  February,  1892,  Messrs.  Doheny  and  Con- 
non,  prospecting  for  petroleum,  dug  two  wells 
with  pick  and  shovel  on  West  State  street,  in  the 
resident  portion  of  the  city.  .\t  the  depth  of 
150  feet  oil  was  found.  From  this  small  begin- 
ning a  profitable  industry  has  grown  up.  The  oil 
belt  extends  diagonally  across  the  northwestern 
part  of  the  city.  The  total  number  of  wells 
drilled  within  the  city  limits  up  to  June,  1900, 
was  1,300,  and  the  yield  of  these  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  oil  development  was  estimated  at 
7,000,000  barrels,  worth  in  round  numbers  about 

In  the  spring  of  1900  the  oil  industry  took  on 
.some  of  the  wild-cat  characteristics  of  the  great 
real-estate  boom.  For  a  time  it  was  no  uncom- 
mon feat  to  incorporate  half  a  dozen  oil  com- 
panies in  a  day.  The  capital  of  some  of  these  ran 
u])  into  the  millions.    Oil  stocks  could  be  bought 



all  the  way  from  one  cent  up;  and  later  on,  when 
the  excitement  began  to  subside,  in  bunches 
of  five  for  a  cent.  Thousands  of  dollars  were 
invested  in  oil  slock,  not  wild-cat,  from  which 
there  will  be  no  return.  Many  an  investor  to-day 
has  a  nicely  lithographed  certificate  of  oil  stock 
that  has  cost  hininiore  than  would  an  oil  paint- 
ing bv  one  of  the  <ild  masters.    At  several  elec- 

tions called  at  dififerent  times  between  1896  and 
1899  the  city  area  was  increased  by  annexations 
on  the  southw'est  and  northeast  from  twenty- 
seven  to  thirty-seven  square  miles.  The  popu- 
lation of  the  city,  according  to  the  census  of 
1900,  was  102,298.  The  assessed  value  of  city 
property  was  $67,576,047. 




WHEN  Cabrillo  explored  the  Santa  Bar- 
bara channel  in  1542  he  named  only  a 
few  of  the  prominent  points  of  the 
main  land  and  the  islands  that  mark  the  chan- 
nel; but  few  of  the  names  he  gave  have  been 

Sixty  years  later  Sebastian  Viscaino's  ships 
sailed  through  the  channel.  Padre  de  La  As- 
cension, one  of  the  three  Carmelite  friars  ac- 
companying the  expedition,  December  4,  1602, 
writing  a  letter  descriptive  of  the  mainland 
and  the  islands  of  the  channel,  headed  it  Santa 
Barbara,  in  honor  of  Santa  Barbara,  virgin  and 
martyr,  whose  day  in  the  Catholic  calendar  is 
December  4. 

Santa  Barbara  was  born  in  Nicomedia,  Asia 
Minor,  and  suffered  martyrdom,  December  4, 
A.  D.  218,  during  the  persecution  of  the  Chris- 
tians under  the  Emperor  Maximum.  She  is  said 
to  have  been  decapitated  by  her  father,  a  Roman 
officer  serving  under  the  Emperor.  One  hun- 
dred and  sixty-seven  years  after  Viscaino's  ex- 
plorations. Portala's  expedition  passed  up  the 
coast  and  through  the  valley  where  the  city  of 
Santa  Barbara  now  stands.  Through  all  these 
years  the  channel  still  retained  the  name  given 
it  by  Padre  de  La  .Ascension,  although  so  far  as 
we  know  no  ship's  keel  had  cut  its  waters  since 
\'iscaino's  time. 

When  the  presidio  was  founded.  April  21, 
1782,  the  name  of  the  fort,  and  of  the  mission 
that  was  to  be,  had  already  been  determined.  To 
Padre  de  La  .Xscension  belongs  the  honor  of 
naming  the  channel  from  which  caiue  the  name 
of  the  presidio,  the  mission  and  the  pueblo  that 
grew  up  around  these.  When  the  county  was 
formed  naturally  it  took  the  name  so  long 
borne  by  the  i)ucblo  and  the  district  over  which 
it  exercised  jurisdiction. 

0Rr,.\NIZ.\TI0N   OK  Till-:   COUNTY. 

Santa  Barbara  is  one  of  the  original  twenty- 
seven  counties   into   which  the  state,  or  rather 

the  territory,  of  California  (for  it  had  not  yet 
been  admitted  as  a  state  of  the  Union)  was  di- 
vided by  an  act  of  the  legislature.  Approved 
February  18,  1850. 

Section  4  of  that  act  created  the  county  of 
Santa  Barbara.  The  boundaries  as  given  in  the 
act  are  as  follows:  "Beginning  on  the  sea  coast 
at  the  mouth  of  the  creek  called  Santa  Maria, 
and  running  up  the  middle  of  said  creek  to  its 
source;  thence  due  northeast  to  the  summit  of 
the  Coast  Range,  the  farm  of  Santa  Maria  fall- 
ing within  Santa  Barbara  county;  thence  fol- 
lowing the  summit  of  the  Coast  Range  to  the 
northwest  corner  of  Los  Angeles  county;  thence 
along  the  northwest  boundary  of  said  county 
to  the  ocean  and  three  English  miles  therein; 
and  thence  in  a  northerly  direction  parallel  with 
the  coast  to  a  point  due  west  of  the  mouth  of 
Santa  Maria  creek;  thencedue  east  to  the  mouth 
of  said  creek,  which  was  the  place  of  beginning; 
including  the  islands  of  Santa  Barbara,  San 
Nicolas,  San  Miguel.  Santa  Rosa,  Santa  Cruz 
and  others  in  the  same  vicinity.  The  seat  of 
justice  shall  be  at  Santa  Barbara."  By  an  act 
of  the  legislature  of  1851-52  the  boundaries  of 
the  county  were  more  clearly  defined  and  some 
slight  changes  made  in  the  lines. 

The  legislature  passed  acts  creating  county 
organizations  and  providing  for  the  election  of 
county  officers.  The  old  system  of  numicipal 
government  that  had  been  in  force  under  Span- 
ish and  Mexican  rule  and  under  the  .\iuerican 
rule  from  the  time  of  the  conquest  swept  out 
of  existence.  In  place  of  ayuntamientos  and 
courts  of  first,  second  and  third  instance,  and  of 
offices  of  alcaldes,  prefects,  sub-prefects,  regi- 
dores  and  sindicos  were  substituted  district 
courts,  courts  of  sessions,  county  courts,  justices 
of  the  peace,  common  councils,  mayors,  sheriffs, 
district  attorneys,  treasurers,  assessors,  record- 
ers, surveyors,  coroners  and  constables.  To  the 
natives  who  had  been  reared  under  the  simple 
forms  of  early  years  the  .American  system  of 
government  was  complicated  and  confusing.  .An 
election    for    countv   officers    was    ordered   held 


throughout  the  state  on  the  first  JMonday  o'i 
April,  1850;  and  the  machinery  of  county  gov- 
ernment was  put  into  operation  as  speedily  as 
possible.  The  transition  from  the  old  form  to 
the  new  took  place  in  Santa  Barbara  in  Au- 

Henry  A.  Tefft  was  appointed  judge  of  the 
second  judicial  district,  which  consisted  of  the 
counties  of  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Luis  Obispo. 
John  ]\L  Huddars  acted  as  clerk  of  the  court. 
.\t  the  April  election  Pablo  de  la  Guerra,  who 
had  represented  the  Santa  Barbara  district  in 
the  constitutional  convention,  was  chosen  state 
senator  and  J.  j\L  Covarrubias  and  Henry  S. 
Carnes  the  first  assemblymen. 

Joaquin  Carriflo  was  the  first  county  judge 
and  by  virtue  of  his  office  presiding  justice  of 
the  court  of  sessions.  This  court  consisted  of  the 
county  judge  and  two  justices  of  the  peace,  who 
acted  as  associate  justices.  Besides  its  judicial 
duties  it  also  fulfilled  the  functions  of  county 
government  now  performed  by  boards  of  super- 
visors. The  first  meeting  of  the  court  of  ses- 
sions was  held  October  21.  1850,  and  its  first 
recorded  act  was  the  ordering  of  a  county  seal. 
The  design  of  the  seal  is  described  as  follows: 
"Around  the  margin  the  words,  county  court  of 
Santa  Barbara  county,  with  the  following  device 
in  the  center:  A  female  figure  holding  in  her 
right  hand  a  balance  and  in  her  left  a  rod  of 
justice;  above,  a  figure  of  a  rising  sun;  below, 
CAL.  The  associate  justices  at  the  first  meet- 
ing of  the  court  of  sessions  were  Samuel  Barney 
and  William  A.  Streeter. 

Jose  A.  Rodriguez,  the  first  sheriff  of  the 
county,  was  killed  in  the  fall  of  1850  on  the 
present  site  of  the  oil  wells  of  Summerland 
while  leading  a  party  in  pursuit  of  the  murderers 
of  the  Reed  family  at  San  Miguel  Mission.  Ro- 
driguez was  recklessly  brave.  The  murderers 
had  been  surrounded.  The  members  of  the 
sherifif's  posse  hesitated  to  close  in  on  them. 
Rodriguez,  to  inspire  his  men  with  courage, 
rushed  in  upon  the  murderers  and,  seizing  one 
of  them,  pulled  him  from  his  horse.  In  the 
scuffle  the  fellow  shot  and  killed  the  sheriff.  One 
of  the  desperadoes,  endeavoring  to  escape,  swam 
out  to  sea  and  was  drowned.  Three  of  them, 
Lynch,  Raymond  and  Quin,  were  captured, 
taken  to  Santa  Barbara  and  shot. 

The  first  assessment  of  property  was  made 
by  Lewis  T.  Burton,  county  assessor.  The  total 
value  of  all  property  in  the  county,  real  and 
personal,  was  placed  at  $992,676.  Cattle  were 
assessed  at  $8  per  head,  sheep  at  $3  per  head 
and  land  at  twenty-five  cents  per  acre.  The 
assessment  list  of  Don  Jose  de  la  Guerra  y  No- 
riega is  a  good  illustration  of  how  the  lands 
of    the    county    had    been    monopolized    by    a 

few  men.  Noriega  owned  the  Cone  jo  ran- 
cho,  which  contained  53.880  acres;  the  Simi, 
containing  acres ;  Las  Pasas,  containing 
26,640  acres ;  San  Julian,  20,000 ;  the  Salsipu- 
edes,  35,200  acres;  a  total  of  243,120  acres;  the 
assessed  value  of  which  was  about  $60,000. 

It  took  the  new  officers  some  time  to  become 
acquainted  with  the  duties  of  the  several  offices. 
There  was  a  disposition  to  mix  American  and 
]Mexican  law.  In  the  county  as  in  the  city  gov- 
ernment there  were  frequent  resignations,  and 
the  officers  changed  from  one  official  position 
to  another.  County  officers  held  city  offices  and 
vice  versa,  sometimes  by  appointment  and 
sometimes  by  election.  Joaquin  Carrillo.  in 
1852,  was  county  judge  and  mayor  of  Santa 
Barbara  city  at  the  same  time.  J.  W.  Burroughs 
breaks  the  record  as  champion  officeholder.  He 
was  elected  sheriff  in  1857;  appointed  recorder 
September  3,  185 1 ;  justice  of  the  peace  Septem- 
ber 16,  1857;  acted  as  county  clerk  January  23, 
1852,  and  was  appointed  treasurer  April  14, 
1852.  January  29,  1851,  he  had  been  elected 
a  member  of  the  common  council.  He  held  six 
distinct  offices  within  a  little  more  than  a  year. 

The  frequent  recurrence  of  the  same  family 
name  in  the  lists  of  city  and  county  officials 
might  give  rise  to  the  charge  of  nepotism  or  a 
family  political  ring.  The  de  la  Guerras  and  the 
Carrillos  were  ruling  families  in  Santa  Barbara 
before  the  conquest  and  they  continued  to  be 
for  some  time  after.  The  first  mayor  of  the  city 
was  a  de  la  Guerra  (Francisco).  The  first  state 
senator  was  also  a  de  la  Guerra  (Pablo).  Don 
Pablo,  although  a  bitter  opponent  to  the  Amer- 
icans during  the  war,  after  the  conquest  be- 
came thoroughly  Americanized.  He  held  many 
offices.  He  was  a  member  of  the  constitutional 
convention,  state  senator,  acting  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor, mayor  of  Santa  Barbara,  councilman,  su- 
pervisor and  district  judge.  At  a  meeting  of 
the  court  of  sessions  December  6,  1852,  the 
judges  of  the  court  were  Joaquin  Carrillo,  coun- 
ty judge:  Pedro  Carrillo  and  Jose  Carrillo,  asso- 
ciate justices. 

In  earlv  davs  politics  had  very  little  to  do 
with  the  selection  of  county  officers.  Fitness 
and  family  (particularly  family)  were  the  chief 
oualifications.  It  was  urged  against  Don  Pablo 
de  la  Guerra  when  he  was  a  candidate  for  dis- 
trict judge  that  in  a  great  many  cases  which 
would  come  before  him  if  elected  he  would  be 
barred  from  sitting  as  judge  because  about  half 
of  the  population  of  Santa  Barbara  county  was 
related  to  him  bv  blood  or  marriage.  In  1852 
District  Judge  Henry  A.  Tefft  was  drowned  at 
Port  San  Luis  while  attempting  to  land  from 
the  steamer  to  hold  court  at  San  Ltiis  Obispo. 
Joaquin    Carrillo   was   elected   district   judge   U> 



fill  the  vacancy.  He  held  office  by  appointment 
and  election  fourteen  years.  He  did  not  under- 
stand English  and  all  the  business  of  the  court 
was  conducted  in  the  Spanish  language.  Although 
not  a  lawyer  his  decisions  were  seldom  over- 
ruled by  the  higher  courts.  Charles  Fernakl  was 
appointed  county  judge  to  fill  the  vacancy 
caused  by  the  promotion  of  Joaquin  Carrillo. 
The  first  county  building,  a  jail,  was  completed 
December  i.  1853.  In  1853  the  county  was  di- 
vided into  three  townships  of  about  equal  area. 
Township  No.  i,  elections  held  at  San  Buenaven- 
tura; No.  2  at  Santa  Barbara,  and  No.  3  at 
Santa  Ynez.  By  act  of  the  legislature  of  1852-3 
a  board  of  supervisors  was  created  for  each 
county.  This  relieved  the  court  of  sessions  of 
the  legislative  part  of  its  duties.  The  first  board 
of  supervisors  of  Santa  Barbara  consisted  of 
Pablo  de  la  Guerra,  Fernando  Pico  and  Ramon 

Up  to  1856  Santa  Barbara  was  solidly  Demo- 
cratic in  politics.  The  Whig  party  seems  not 
to  have  gained  a  foothold.  In  local  politics,  fam- 
ily, as  I  have  said  before,  was  one  of  the  chief 
requisites.  So  one-sided  was  the  county  politi- 
cally that  at  the  state  election  of  1855  the  super- 
visors in  canvassing  the  vote  recorded  only  the 
Democratic.  Tlie  opposition  vote  seems  not  to 
have  risen  to  the  dignity  of  scattering. 

November  27,  1855,  the  supervisorspurchased 
the  house  of  John  Kays  for  a  court  house,  pay- 
ing for  it  and  the  grounds  $6,000.  The  county 
was  now  equipped  with  a  court  house  and  jail. 
The  prisoners,  who  were  mostly  Indians,  were 
not  doomed  to  solitary  confinement.  Tlie  jail 
was  not  capacious  enough  to  hold  them.  They 
were  given  employment  outside.  We  find  among 
the  proceedings  of  the  board  of  supervisors  in 
1856  an  order  to  the  sheriff  to  sell  the  adobes 
made  by  the  prisoners  at  the  county  jail  at  not 
less  than  $2. 50  per  hundred. 


During  the  early  '50s  the  coast  counties  were 
the  scenes  of  many  deeds  of  violence.  The 
.Argonauts  who  came  to  the  state  by  the  south- 
ern routes  and  the  Sonorian  migration  traveled 
the  coast  road  on  their  way  to  the  mines.  The 
cattle  buyers  coming  south  to  the  cow  coun- 
ties to  buy  stock  came  by  this  route.  The  long 
stretches  of  unsettled  country  in  Santa  Bar- 
bara and  San  Luis  Obispo  counties  gave  the 
banditti  who  infested  the  trail  an  opportunity 
to  rob  and  nnirdcr  with  but  little  fear  of  detec- 

The  Scjjomon  Pico  l^and  of  outlaws  was  the 
first  organized  gang  that  terrorized  the  coast 
counties.  Their  victims  were  mostly  cattle  buy- 
ers.    This  gang  was   finally  hunted   down   and 

most  of  them  died  "with  their  boots  on."  Sonic 
of  the  remnants  of  this  gang  that  escaped  jus- 
tice and  others  of  the  same  kind  were  gathered 
up  by  Jack  Powers,  who  became  the  recognized 
leader  of  a  band  of  robbers  and  desperadoes. 
Powers  came  to  the  coast  as  a  member  of  Ste- 
venson's regiment.  After  his  discharge  from 
.-ervice  he  turned  gambler  and  robber.  .\1- 
thougli  it  was  known  that  he  was  implicated 
in  a  numl)cr  of  robberies  and  several  mur- 
ders, he  escaped  punishment.  He  was  arrested 
in  1856  when  the  vigilance  committee  was  dis- 
posing of  his  kind.  Although  he  was  released 
he  felt  safer  to  be  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
committee.  He  went  to  Sonora,  Mexico,  where 
he  stocked  a  ranch  with  stolen  cattle.  In  a  quar- 
rel with  one  of  his  men  he  was  shot  and  killed. 
His  body  when  found  was  half  eaten  by  hogs. 

Fear  of  the  vigilance  committee  drove  out 
of  San  Francisco  in  1856  a  number  of  undesir- 
able citizens.  Among  those  who  fled  from  the 
city  was  Ned  McGowan,  a  notorious  and  dis- 
reputable politician,  who,  with  several  others  of 
liis  kind,  had  been  indicted  by  the  grand  jury  of 
San  P^rancisco  county  as  accessory  before  the 
fact  of  the  murder  of  James  King  of  William. 
JMcGowan  made  his  escape  to  Santa  Barbara, 
where  he  was  assisted  and  befriended  by  Jack 
Powers  and  some  others  whose  sympathies 
were  with  the  criminal  element.  The  vigilantes 
chartered  a  vessel  and  sent  thirty  of  their  men, 
under  the  command  of  one  of  their  captains,  to 
capture  him.  McGowan's  Santa  Barbara  friends, 
some  of  whom  were  wealthy  and  influential, 
kept  him  concealed  until  the  vigilantes  left. 
After  the  disbanding  of  the  vigilance  commit- 
tee McGowan's  friends  in  the  legislature  se- 
cured the  passage  of  a  bill  giving  him  a  change 
of  venue  from  San  Francisco  to  Napa  county. 
He  was  tried  and  acquitted  mainly  on  the  evi- 
dence of  one  of  the  twenty-two  doctors  who  at- 
tended King  after  he  was  shot.  This  physicia'n 
testified  that  King  was  killed  by  the  doctors 
and  not  by  Casey. 

Local  vigilance  committees,  between  1855 
and  i860,  in  Los  Angeles,  San  Luis  Obispo, 
Monterey  and  Santa  Cruz  to  a  considerable  ex- 
tent purified  the  moral  atmosphere  of  these 
coast  counties;  but  Santa  Barbara,  judging  from 
a  grand  jury  report  made  to  the  court  of  ses- 
sions in  1859,  seems  to  have  been  immune  from 
outbreaks  of  vigilantes.  Says  this  report: 
"Thieves  and  villains  of  every  grade  have  been 
from  time  to  time  upheld,  respected,  fostered 
and  pampered  by  our  influential  citizens,  and,  if 
need  be,  aided  and  assisted  in  escaping  from 
merited  i)unishnient  due  their  crimes.  *  *  * 
OfTenses.  thefts  and  villainies  in  defiance  of  the 
law.    (if   every    grade   and    character,    from    the 



horse  and  cattle  thief  to  the  highway  robber 
and  midnight  assassin,  have  dwelt,  to  our 
knowledge,  for  the  last  five  years  in  our  very 

For  a  decade  and  a  half  after  the  discovery 
of  gold  in  California  the  owners  of  the  great 
ranches  of  Santa  Barbara  continued,  as  they 
had  been  in  the  past,  the  feudal  lords  of  the  land. 
Their  herds  were  more  profitable  than  gold 
mines  and  their  army  of  retainers  gave  them 
unlimited  political  power,  which  they  did  not 
always  use  wisely  or  well. 

The  high  price  of  cattle,  the  abundant  rain- 
fall of  the  years  1860-61-62  and  the  consequent 
luxuriant  growth  of  grass  led  to  an  overstock- 
ing of  the  cattle  ranges.  When  the  terrible  dry 
years  of  1863  and  1864  came,  the  stockmen 
were  in  no  condition  to  carry  their  numerous 
herds  through  the  drought.  "The  county  assess- 
ment roll  of  1863  showed  over  200,000  head 
of  cattle  in  Santa  Barbara  county.  This  prob- 
ably was  100,000  less  than  the  true  number. 
When  grass  started  in  the  winter  of  1864-65  less 
than  5,000  head  were  alive.  The  great  herds 
were  gone,  and  the  shepherd  kings  were  kings 
no  more,  for  their  ranchos  were  mortgaged  be- 
yond redemption,  and  in  the  next  five  years 
passed  entirely  out  of  their  hands."* 

Tlie  downfall  of  these  feudal  lords  was,  in- 
deed, pathetic.  For  nearly  a  century  their  an- 
cestors and  they  themselves  had  ruled  the  land. 
The  transition  of  the  country  from  the  domina- 
tion of  Spain  to  that  of  Mexico  had  not  afifected 
their  rule.  The  conquering  Saxon  had  come, 
but  his  advent  had  only  increased  their  wealth 
without  lessening  their  power;  at  least  such  was 
the  case  in  the  coast  counties.  The  famine 
years  and  their  own  improvidence  had  at  last 
undone  them.  In  the  days  of  their  affluence 
they  had  spent  lavishly.  If  money  was  needed, 
it  was  easy  to  negotiate  a  loan  on  their  broad 
acres.  Rates  of  interest  in  early  times  were 
usurious,  ruinous.  Five,  ten  and  even  fifteen  per 
cent  a  month  were  no  uncommon  rates.  Present 
needs  were  pressing  and  pay  day  was  manaiia 
(tomorrow).  The  mortgage,  with  its  cancerous 
interest,  was  made  and  the  money  spent.  So 
when  the  "famine  years"  swept  away  the  herds 
and  flocks  there  was  nothing  to  sell  or  mort- 
gage to  pay  interest  and  the  end  came  quickly. 
It  was  with  the  stoicism  of  fatalists  that  the  great 
ranch  owner  viewed  their  ruin.  They  had  be- 
sought the  intercession  of  their  patron  saints 
for  the  needed  rain.  Their  prayers  had  been 
luianswered.     It  was  the  will  of  God,  whv  com- 

•s  Hisl. 

of   Sant;i    P.arl>aia. 

plain?  Thus  do  Faith  and  Fatalism  often  meet 
on  a  common  plane. 

During  the  next  four  or  five  years  several 
uf  the  great  ranchos  were  subdivided,  or  segre- 
gated portions  cut  up  into  small  tracts.  When 
immigration  began  to  drift  into  the  coast  coun- 
ties in  the  early  '70s  many  of  these  small  tracts 
in  Santa  Barbara  were  bought  by  eastern  immi- 
grants and  the  transition  from  cattle-raising  to 
grain-growing  and  fruit  culture  wrought  a  great 
change  not  only  in  the  character  of  the  prod- 
ucts, but  in  the  character  of  the  population  as 

The  write-up  of  the  climate  and  agricultural 
possibilities  of  the  coast  counties  by  NordhofT 
and  others,  the  judicious  advertising  of  the  re- 
sources of  the  county  by  J.  A.  Johnson,  editor 
of  the  Santa  Barbara  Press  (a  paper  established 
in  1868),  increased  steamer  communication,  and 
the  prospects  of  a  railroad  down  the  coast,  all 
combined,  attracted  settlers  from  Northern  Cali- 
fornia and  the  eastern  states.  The  price  of  land 
advanced  and  in  1874  the  city  and  the  county 
experienced  their  first  boom.  The  dry  year  of 
1876-77  checked  the  rising  wave  of  prosperity, 
and  disastrously  afifected  the  sheep  industry, 
which  since  the  "famine  years"  had  to  a  consid- 
erable extent  taken  the  place  of  cattle-raising. 
Business  revived  in  the  early  '80s,  and  the 
county  made  good  progress.  The  completion 
to  Santa  Barbara  in  1887  of  the  southern  end  of 
the  Southern  Pacific  Coast  Railroad,  and  the 
prospect  of  an  early  closing  of  the  gap  between 
the  northern  and  southern  ends  of  that  road 
gave  the  city  and  county  their  second  boom. 
Real  estate  values  went  up  like  a  rocket.  In 
1886  the  count V  assessment  roll  footed  up 
$8,585,485;  in  1887  it  went  up  to  $15,035,982, 
an  increase  of  seventy-five  per  cent  in  one  year. 
When  railroad  building  ceased  the  reaction 
came.  Land  values  dropped,  but  the  county 
continued  to  grow,  notwithstanding  the  long 
and  discouraging  delay  of  fourteen  years  in  clos- 
ing the  gap  in  direct  railroad  communication 
between  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Barbara. 
March  31,  1901,  the  first  through  trains  from 
the  north  and  the  south  passed  over  the  com- 
pleted coast  line  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Rail- 
road. The  event  was  not  heralded  by  any  great 
demonstration,  nor  was  it  followed  by  a  land 
boom,  as  in  1887,  yet  there  can  be  no  doubt  but 
that  it  marks  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  the 
growth  and  development  of  the  city  and  county 
of  Santa  Barbara. 


In  August.  1874.  the  Lompoc  Valley  Com- 
jianv,  an  incorporation,  bought  the  ranchos 
Lompoc   and    Mission    Vieja    de    La    Purisima. 



containing  a  total  of  45,644.49  acres.  A  consid- 
erable portion  of  these  lands  was  divided  into 
5,  10,  20,  40  and  80  acre  tracts.  One  square 
mile  about  the  center  of  the  Lompoc  valley  and 
nine  miles  from  the  coast  was  reserved  for  a 
town  site.  The  sale  of  the  lands  began  No- 
vember 9,  1874.  It  had  been  widely  advertised 
and  attracted  a  large  crowd.  The  capital  stock 
of  the  company  was  divided  into  100  shares  oi 
$5,000  each.  While  the  sale  was  in  progress 
shares  rose  to  a  premium  of  $1,000.  During 
the  sale  about  $700,000  worth  of  land  and  lots 
were  disposed  of.  The  average  price  of  the 
farm  land  was  $60  per  acre.  Some  of  the  corner 
lots  in  the  town  site  sold  as  high  as  $1,200. 

Lompoc  was  founded  as  a  temperance  colony, 
and  like  all  such  colonies  has  had  its  battles 
with  the  liquor  traffic.  The  first  engagement 
was  with  a  druggist,  who  was  carrying  on  an 
illicit  traffic  in  forbidden  liquids.  His  place  was 
invaded  by  a  number  of  citizens  and  a  Mrs. 
Pierce  plied  an  ax  on  a  40-gallon  cask  of  whis- 
key and  flooded  the  store  with  the  fiery  liquid. 
The  druggist  drew  a  pistol  and  threatened  to 
shoot  the  destroyers  of  his  intoxicants,  but,  con- 
fronted by  two  hundred  crusaders,  he  concluded 
that  discretion  was  the  better  part  of  valor  and 
put  up  his  gun.  Another  engagement,  which 
scored  a  "knock-out"  for  the  opponents  of  the 
liquor  traffic,  took  place  on  the  evening  of  May 
20,  1 88 1.  A  bomb  was  thrown  into  the  saloon 
of  George  Walker.  Nobody  was  hurt,  but  the 
saloon  and  its  contents  were  completely  de- 
molished. The  Lompoc  Record,  commenting 
on  the  ''earthquake"  (as  the  people  facetiously 
called  it),  said:  "Any  one  looking  for  a  location 
for  a  saloon  had  better  not  select  a  community 
founded  on  temperance  principles  where  the 
land  is  sold  on  express  conditions  that  no  liquor 
shall  be  made  or  sold  thereon,  where  public  sen- 
timent is  so  nearly  unanimous  against  saloons 
and  where  "earthquakes'  are  so  prevalent  and 
destructive."  The  seismic  disturbances  that 
shook  up  saloons  in  the  early  days  of  the  colony 
have  ceased.  The  crusaders  have  buried  their  lit- 
tle hatchets,  but  not  in  the  heads  of  whiskey 
barrels.  The  report  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Cham- 
ber of  Commerce  for  1901  says  of  Lompoc: 
"The  liquor  traffic  is  confined  by  license  of  $73 
per  month  each  to  two  saloons." 

Lompoc  is  an  incorporated  city  of  the  sixth 
class.  It  has  a  grammar  school  building,  cost- 
ing $15,000;  a  union  high  school  that,  with  its 
furnishings,  cost  $12,000;  the  North, 
Methodist  South.  Baptist,  Christian,  Presby- 
terian. Roman  Catholic  and  Episcopal  have  each 
its  own  church  l)uilding.  A  bank,  mercantile 
houses,  hotels,  restaurants,  blacksmith  shops, 
creamery,  livery  stable,  warehouses,   fruit  pack- 

ing houses,  etc.,  make  up  the  business  establish- 
ments of  the  town.  Two  weekly  newspapers  are 
published  in  the  town,  the  Record  and  the  Jour- 
nal. The  Lompoc  Record  was  established  April 
10,  1875,  and  is  one  of  the  oldest  newspapers  in 
the  county. 


ibis  town  is  ninety-five  miles  northwesterly 
from  Santa  Barbara  on  the  Southern  Pacific 
Railroad.  In  1872  John  Dunbar  opened  a  store 
at  this  point  and  was  appointed  postmaster 
wlien  the  post-office  was  established  here.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  the  town.  In  1874  it  had 
grown  to  be  a  village  of  100  houses.  In  1875  a 
newspaper,  the  Guadalupe  Telegraph,  was  es- 
tablished. It  has  now  a  bank,  a.  hotel  and  sev- 
eral mercantile  establishments.  A  spur  of  the 
Southern  Pacific  Railroad  runs  to  the  Union 
Sugar  Factory  at  Batteravia. 


The  Union  Sugar  Factory  at  Batteravia  was 
built  in  1898  at  a  cost  of  $1,000,000.  It  em- 
ploys during  the  sugar-making  season  500  men 
and  works  up  500  tons  per  day.  The  lime  used 
in  the  manufacture  of  sugar  from  beets  is 
burned  and  prepared  for  use  at  the  factory.  Last 
season  the  factory  used  8,000  tons  of  lime.  The 
company  has  a  store,  shops  and  boarding- 
houses  at  Batteravia. 


Santa  Maria,  situated  near  the  center  of  the 
Santa  Maria  valley  on  the  Pacific  Coast  Rail- 
road, was  founded  in  1876.  It  is  the  business 
center  of  a  rich  agricultural  district.  A  branch 
line  of  railroad,  five  miles  long,  extends  to  the 
sugar  factory  on  Guadalupe  Lake.  The  town 
has  a  grammar  school  employing  five  teachers 
and  a  union  high  school.  It  has  a  bank,  three 
large  mercantile  establishments  and  several 
smaller  ones.  The  community  supports  two 
weekly  newspapers,  the  Santa  Maria  Times, 
founded  in  1872,  and  the  Graphic. 

Lo.s  Oliv.\.s.  founded  in  1880,  is  the  present 
terminus  of  the  Pacific  Coast  Railroad  and  is  a 
shipping  point  of  considerable  importance. 

Lo.s  At. AMOS,  founded  in  1878,  situated  on 
the  Pacific  Coast  Railway,  midway  between 
Santa  Ynez  and  Santa  Maria,  has  a  population 
of  about  300.  It  is  the  commercial  outlet  of  an 
agricultural  district  of  about  150,000  acres,  most 
of  which  is  grazing  land. 


The  village  of  Santa  Ynez  is  situated  in  the 
midst  of  the  Rancho  Canada  de  Los  Finos  or 


]  03 

College  ranch.  The  College  ranch  or  grant  was 
given  to  the  padres  in  1843  to  found  a  college, 
hence  the  name.  The  town  of  Santa  Ynez  has 
an  excellent  hotel,  a  grammar  school,  a  high 
school,  stores,  shops,  etc.;  also  a  weekly  news- 
paper, Tlic  Santa  Vncc  Argus.  It  is  surrounded 
by  a  large  area  of  farming  and  grazing  lands. 

GoLETA  is  a  small  village  eight  miles  to  the 
northwest  of  Santa  Barbara.  The  country 
around  to  a  considerable  extent  is  devoted  to 
walnut-growing  and  olive  culture. 

El  Montecito  (the  Little  Forest)  is  prop- 
erly a  suburb  of  Santa  Barbara.  It  is  about 
four  miles  eastward  of  the  city.  The  valley  is 
nearly  oval,  and  opens  to  the  southwest  on  the 
sea.  It  contains  an  area  of  about  nine  square 
miles.  It  is  divided  into  small  tracts,  and  is 
a  favorite  place  for  the  suburban  residences  of 
persons  doing  business  in  the  city.  The  Santa 
Barbara  Country  Club's  grounds  are  here.  The 
cottages  are  built  on  a  level  bluff  above  the 
ocean.  The  club  has  its  golf  links,  tennis  courts, 
bath  house,  wharf  for  boating  and  other  acces- 
sories tor  pleasure  and  amusement. 

SuiMMERLAND,  six  miles  below  Santa  Bar- 
bara, on  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad,  is  the 
principal  petroleum  district  of  Santa  Barbara 
county.  Oil  was  struck  here  in  1893.  The  oil 
belt  is  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  wide  and  a  mile 
long.  Most  of  the  wells  are  sunk  in  the  ocean 
beyond  low-water  mark.  Wharves  are  run  out 
and  the  wells  bored  beside  the  wharves.  Some 
of  these  wharves  are  1.500  feet  long.  The 
output  of  the  oil  wells,  of  which  there  are  about 
300,  is  about  15,000  barrels  a  month.  A  railroad 
station,  post-office,  several  business  places, 
boarding  houses  and  residences  of  oil  operators 
constitute  the  village  of  Summerland. 

Carpinteria  valley  is  about  fifteen  miles 
due  east  from  Santa  Barbara.  It  is  sheltered 
by  mountains  on  three  sides  and  opens  to  the 
sea.  Its  area  is  about  ten  square  miles,  and  its 
width  between  the  mountains  and  the  ocean 
varies  from  one  to  three  miles.  It  is  one  of  the 
oldest  settled  valleys  in  the  county.  It  bears 
the  name  given  it  by  the  soldiers  of  Portola's 
expedition  in  1769.  They  found  the  Indians 
here  manufacturing  canoes,  and  they  named  the 
place  Carpinteria  (carpenter  shop).  The  village 
is  located  near  the  center  of  the  valley  on  the 
Southern  Pacific  Railroad. 


Three  of  the  Channel  islands  are  included  in 
the  area  of  Santa  Barbara  county,  namely  San 
Miguel,  Santa  Rosa  and  Santa  Cruz.  These 
islands  are  mainly  devoted  to  sheep  and  cattle- 

San  Miguel,  the  most  westerly  of  the  group, 

is  seven  and  one-half  miles  long,  with  an  average 
width  of  two  and  one-half  miles.  The  principal 
landing  place  is  Cuyler's  Harbor.  At  this  land- 
ing Cahrillo,  the  discoverer  of  California,  is 
buried.  The  island  is  now  owned  by  the  San 
Miguel  Island  Company. 

Santa  Rosa  Island  is  nine  and  three-fourths 
miles  long,  with  an  average  width  of  seven  and 
one-half  miles,  and  contains  53,000  acres.  It 
was  granted  by  the  Mexican  government  to  Don 
Carlos  Carrillo  after  his  failure  to  secure  the 
governorship  of  California  in  1837.  He  gave  it 
in  1842,  as  a  marriage  portion,  to  his  two 
daughters,  who  were  married  on  the  same  day, 
one  to  J.  C.  Jones,  United  States  consul  to  the 
Sandwich  Islands,  and  the  other  to  Capt.  A.  B. 
Thompson.  It  now  belongs  to  the  heirs  of  A. 
P.  More. 

Santa  Cruz  Island  is  twenty-two  and  one- 
half  miles  long  by  five  and  one-half  wide,  and 
contains  52,760  acres.  It  lies  almost  opposite 
the  city  of  Santa  Barbara  and  twenty-five  miles 
distant.  The  surface  is  uneven,  the  hills  at  one 
point  rising  to  the  height  of  1,700  feet.  The 
Mexican  government  at  one  time  attempted  to 
utilize  the  island  for  a  penal  colony.  About  a 
dozen  convicts  were  landed  on  the  island  with 
live  stock  and  provisions,  with  the  expectation 
that  they  would  become  self-supporting.  They 
remained  on  the  island  long  enough  to  eat  up 
the  provisions  and  the  live  stock.  Then  they 
constructed  a  raft,  crossed  the  channel  to  Santa 
Barbara  and  quartered  themselves  on  the  ■Mis- 
sion fathers.  They  served  out  their  sentences 
in  irons.  The  island  once  had  a  large  Indian 
population.  It  is  a  favorite  hunting  ground  for 
Indian  relic  hunters.  It  is  now  owned  by  the 
Santa  Cruz  Island  Company. 

PUBLIC  schools. 

The  first  public  school  opened  in  Santa  Bar- 
bara was  taught  by  a  young  sailor  named  Jose 
Manuel  Toca.  He  taught  from  October,  1795, 
to  June,  1797.  Jose  Medina,  another  sailor  of 
the  Spanish  navy,  succeeded  him  and  trained 
the  young  ideas  until  December,  1798.  Manuel 
de  \'argas,  a  retired  sergeant  of  the  army,  who, 
in  1794  taught  at  San  Jose  the  pioneer  public 
school  of  California,  was  teaching  at  Santa  Bar- 
bara in  1799.  How  long  he  continued  to  wave 
the  pedagogical  birch,  or,  rather,  ply  the  cat- 
o'nine-tails,  which  was  the  schoolmaster's  in- 
strument of  punishment  then,  is  not  known. 
With  the  departure  of  Governor  Borica,  the 
schools  of  California  took  a  vacation.  During 
the  closing  years  of  Spanish  rule,  it  seems  to 
have  been  mostly  vacation  in  them. 

The  first  school  under  Mexican  rule  in  Santa 
Barbara  that  we  have  any  report  of  was  in  1829, 


TtTSTOKK  AL    AND    ):iui,RArUlL Al 

when  a  primary  school  of  sixty-seven  pupils 
was  conducted  at  the  presidio.  Governor 
Echeandia  was  a  friend  to  education,  and  made 
a  vigorous  effort  to  establish  public  schools. 
But  "unable,"  says  Bancroft,  "to  contend 
against  the  enmity  of  the  friars,  the  indifference 
of  the  people  and  the  poverty  of  the  treasury, 
he  accomplished  no  more  than  his  predecessors. 
Reluctantly  he  abandoned  the  contest,  and  the 
cause  of  education  declined."  And  it  might  be 
added,  the  cause  of  education  continued  in  a 
state  of  decline  during  the  remaining  years  of 
I\Iexican  rule.  The  curriculum  of  the  Spanish 
and  Mexican  schools  was  like  the  annals  of  the 
poor — "short  and  simple."  To  paraphrase  Pete 
Jones'  alliterative  formula,  it  consisted  of  "lick- 
in'  and  no  larnin'."  The  principal  numbers  in 
the  course  were  the  doctrina  Cristiana  and  Fray 
Ripalda's  Catechism.  These  were  learned  by 
rote  before  the  pupil  was  taught  to  read.  If 
there  was  any  time  left  him  after  he  had  commit- 
ted to  memory  these  essentials  to  his  future 
spiritual  welfare,  he  was  given  a  little  instruc- 
tion in  reading,  writing  and  numbers  for  his 
earthly  advantage. 

The  invalid  soldiers,  the  schoolmasters  of 
early  days,  were  brutal  tyrants,  who  ruled  with- 
out justice  and  punished  without  mercy.  Gov- 
ernor Micheltorena  attempted  to  establish  a 
public  school  system  in  the  territory;  but  his 
scheme  failed  from  the  same  causes  which  had 
neutralized  the  efforts  of  his  predecessors.  Un- 
der his  administration  in  1844,  a  primary  school 
was  opened  in  Santa  Barbara,  but  was  closed 
after  a  few  months  for  want  of  funds.  Pio  Pico, 
the  last  governor  under  Mexican  rule,  under- 
took to  establish  public  schools,  but  his  efforts 
were  fruitless.  The  old  obstacles,  an  empty 
treasury,  incompetent  teachers  and  indifferent 
parents,  confronted  him  and  put  an  end  to  his 
educational  schemes. 

During  the  first  two  or  three  years  of  Ameri- 
can rule  in  Santa  Barbara,  but  little  attention 
was  paid  to  education.  The  old  indifference  re- 
mained. The  discovery  of  gold  had  not  greatly 
increased  the  population  nor  wrought  any 
change  in  social  conditions. 

When  the  common  council  in  April,  1850, 
took  control  of  the  municipal  business  of  the 
newly  created  city,  it  inherited  from  the  ayun- 
tamiento  a  school  taught  by  a  Spanish  school- 
master, Victor  Vega.  The  school  was  in  part 
supported  by  public  funds.  Tlie  council  sent 
a  certain  number  of  poor  pupils,  i.  e.,  pupils  who 
were  unable  to  pay  tuition,  for  whom  they  paid 
a  certain  stipulated  sum.  March  26,  1851,  "the 
committee  appointed  to  examine  the  school, 
reported,  and  the  president  was  ordered  to  pay 
the  schoolmaster,  Victor  Vega,  $64.50,  and  to 

draw  $64  for  every  month."  This  is  the  first 
recorded  school  report  of  the  city. 

Evidently  there  was  considerable  truancy. 
At  the  meeting  of  the  council,  November  8, 
185 1,  Jose  M.  Covarubias  was  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  examine  the  school  once  a  month  and 
to  report  precisely  the  number  and  names  of 
pupils  who  absent  themselves  and  the  time  of 
their  absence.  Any  pupil  absent  over  a  day  lost 
his  seat. 

In  November,  1852,  three  school  commission- 
ers were  elected  in  each  of  the  three  townships 
of  Santa  Barbara  county.  Each  township  was 
a  school  district.  After  their  election  the  con- 
trol of  the  schools  in  Santa  Barbara  passed  from 
the  council  to  the  schools  commissioners  of  the 
district.  In  1854  a  tax  of  five  cents  on  the  $100 
was  levied  for  the  support  of  the  public  schools. 
Previous  to  this  the  school  revenues  had  been 
derived  from  liquor  licenses,  fines,  etc. 

At  the  election  in  1854  Joaquin  Carrillo,  dis- 
trict judge,  was  elected  county  school  superin- 
tendent. He  did  not  qualify,  and  A.  F.  Hinch- 
man  was  appointed  to  fill  the  vacancy.  The 
Gazette  of  December  20,  1855,  says:  "According 
to  the  school  census  there  are  453  white  children 
between  the  ages  of  four  and  eighteen  years  in 
Santa  Barbara  district,  which  is  sixty  miles  long 
and  forty  wide.  There  is  one  school  in  it,  in 
charge  of  a  schoolmaster." 

December  24,  1855,  George  D.  Fisher,  county 
school  superintendent,  reported  a  school  taught 
in  the  first  district  (San  Buenaventura)  by  John 
Rapelli,  and  one  in  the  second  (Santa  Barbara), 
taught  by  Pablo  Caracela.  Both  of  these 
schools  were  taught  in  the  Spanish  language. 
.American  residents  had  no  place  to  send  their 
children  except  to  a  school  kept  by  George 
Campbell  at  the  Mission  Santa  Inez  (third  dis- 
trict), a  distance  of  fifty  miles  from  the  bulk  of 
the  people. 

February  4,  1856,  two  teachers  were  employed 
in  the  Santa  Barbara  city  schools,  Owen  Con- 
nolly teaching  the  English  school  in  "the  house 
adjoining  the  billiard  saloon,"  and  Victor  Mon- 
dran  teaching  the  Spanish  school  in  "the  house 
of  the  late  Pedro  Diablar." 

In  1857  it  was  decided  "that  instruction  in  the 
iniblic  schools  shall  be  in  the  English  language." 
The  native  Californians  had  opposed  this,  but 
the  aggressive  Anglo-Saxon  won.  It  was  the 
ringing  out  of  the  old,  the  ringing  in  of  the 

The  schools  had  now  passed  the  experimental 
stages,  and  had  become  an  institution  of  the 
land.  .Although  no  school  district  in  the  county 
owned  a  school  house,  yet  public  education  had 
been  systemized.  Teachers  were  required  to 
pass  an  examination  in  the  subjects  taught  in 



the  schools,  and  their  compensation  was  no 
longer  subject  to  whims  of  the  parents. 

Although  public  schools  had  been  established 
and  somewhat  systemized,  the  people  were  slow 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  educational  facilities 
offered.  In  1867,  fifteen  years  after  the  public 
school  system  of  California  had  been  inaugu- 
rated, there  were  but  three  school  districts  and 
five  teachers  in  Santa  Barbara,  which  then  in- 
cluded all  of  what  is  now  Ventura  county.  Of 
the  1,332  census  children,  only  305,  or  23  per 
cent  of  the  whole,  attended  any  school,  public 
or  private,  during  the  year. 

The  next  decade  showed  a  great  change  in 

educational  conditions.  Ventura  county  had 
been  cut  off  from  the  parent  county  in  1873,  but 
taking  the  territory  as  it  stood  in  1867.  there 
were  in  it  in  1877,  ^^  districts  and  53  teachers. 
Of  the  4,030  census  children,  2,782  had  been 
enrolled  in  the  schools. 

In  i8yo  there  were  4,429  census  children  in 
Santa  Barbara  county,  3,439  of  whom  attended 
school.  In  1900  there  were  5,617  census  chil- 
dren and  66  districts. 

Santa  Barbara,  Lompoc,  Santa  Maria  and 
Santa  Ynez  each  have  a  high  school.  Santa  Bar- 
bara recently  voted  $60,000  bonds  to  build  a 
new  high  school  building. 



SANTA  BARBARA  was  incorporated  as 
a  city  by  an  act  of  the  legislature 
approved  April  9,  1850.  The  early  mu- 
nicipal records  were  kept  very  carelessly.  There 
is  no  record  in  the  archives  of  the  first  city 
election.  The  first  record  of  any  official  action 
taken  for  the  organization  of  a  city  is  the  min- 
utes of  the  meeting  of  the  common  council 
held  August  26,  1850.  A  mayor  and  members 
of  the  council  had  been  elected  at  some  previous 
date,  and  the  councilmen-elect  met  to  organize. 
The  minutes  of  their  proceedings  were  kept  on 
sheets  of  foolscap  stitched  together.  Either 
record  books  could  not  be  obtained  then  in 
Santa  Barbara,  or  the  members  of  the  council  did 
not  consider  their  acts  of  municipal  legislation 
worth  preserving  in  any  better  form.  The 
minutes  of  the  first  meeting  are  as  follows:  "In 
the  city  of  Santa  Barbara,  on  the  26th  day  of 
August,  1850,  the  persons  elected  to  the  com- 
mon council  assembled  and  proceeded  to  elect 
a  president.  Lewis  T.  Burton  having  received 
a  majority  of  the  votes,  was  declared  elected. 
Luis  Carrillo  was  then  elected  clerk. 

Luis  Carrillo  (Rubica), 

Tenio"  (Clerk). 

From  the  subsequent  minutes  we  learn  that 
Francisco  de  la  Guerra  was  the  first  mayor,  and 
"the  persons  elected  to  the  common  council" 
were  Isaac  J.  Sparks,  Anastasio  Carrillo,  Luis 
Carrillo,  Lewis  T.  Burton  and  Antonio  Rod- 
riguez. Having  elected  a  president  and  clerk, 
or  secretary,  the  council  took  a  vacation  for 
nearly  three  months.  Evidently  municipal  busi- 
ness was  not  pressing.  The  record  of  the  next 
meeting  reads:    "November  21,  1850.     At  the 

house  Anastasio  Carrillo,  Common  Council  of 
Santa  Barbara.  Present,  Isaac  J.  Sparks,  Anas- 
tasio Carrillo  and  Luis  Carrillo.  Lewis  T.  Bur- 
ton and  Antonio  Rodriguez  sent  in  their  resig- 
nations as  members  of  the  council,  which  were 
accepted.  Isaac  J.  Sparks  was  elected  president 
of  the  council.  An  election  was  ordered  to  be 
held  on  the  second  day  of  December  next  for 
two  members  of  the  council,  a  treasurer  and  a 
marslial;  the  election  to  be  held  in  one  of  the 
corridors  of  the  house  of  Lewis  T.  Burton. 
Nicolas  A.  Den  was  appointed  inspector. 
Augustus  F.  Hinchman  was  chosen  clerk  of  the 
common  council. 

(Signed)  Luis  Carrillo,  Secretario." 

At  the  special  city  election,  held  December  2, 
1850,  Samuel  Barney  and  Edward  S.  Hoar  were 
elected  councilmen;  Carlos  Antonio  Carrillo, 
treasurer,  and  Juan  Ayala,  marshal.  At  the 
next  meeting  of  the  council,  a  committee,  con- 
sisting of  Isaac  J.  Sparks,  Antonio  Maria  de  La 
Guerra  and  Nicolas  Den  was  appointed  to  re- 
ceive proposals  for  a  survey  of  the  city  and 
report  thereon  to  the  council  within  six  weeks. 
At  the  meeting  of  December  14,  1850,  a  demand 
was  made  on  the  members  of  the  late  ayunta- 
miento  for  all  papers  and  documents  belonging 
to  the  old  pueblo  of  Santa  Barbara  and  an  ac- 
counting for  all  funds  in  their  hands  on  April  9, 
1850,  the  date  of  the  city's  incorporation. 

.'\t  the  meeting  of  January  8,  185 1,  the  com- 
mittee appointed  at  a  previous  meeting  to  ascer- 
tain what  had  become  of  the  papers,  documents 
and  moneys  in  the  hands  of  the  officers  of  the 
late  ayuntamiento  reported  that  the  moneys 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  late  prefect,  Joaquin 



C'arrillo.  From  subsequent  minutes  it  seems 
tliey  remained  there.  What  became  of  the 
papers  and  documents  of  the  ayuntamiento  the 
records  of  the  council  do  not  show. 

A  contract  was  made  by  the  council,  January 
29,  185 1,  with  Salisbury  Haley,  "To  make  a 
complete  survey  of  all  that  part  of  the  city 
bounded  on  the  southeast  by  the  shore  of  the 
sea;  on  the  northwest  by  a  straight  line  running- 
parallel  to  the  general  direction  of  said  shore 
boundary  directly  through  the  southwest  corner 
of  the  Mission  Garden  and  from  hill  to  hill  on 
cither  side;  on  the  southwest  by  a  line  running 
along  the  foot  of  the  mesa;  and  on  the  northeast 
by  a  line  beginning  at  the  Salinitas  and  follow- 
ing the  city  boundary  to  the  foot  of  the  hills, then 
to  the  said  northwest  line;  to  divide  said  tract 
into  squares  of  150  yards  by  streets  which  shall 
be  sixty  feet  wide,  except  two  streets  to  be 
designated  by  the  councfl,  which  shall  be  eighty 
feet  wide;  to  make  an  accurate  map  of  said 
city."  For  making  the  survey  and  map,  Haley 
was  to  receive  $2,000,  to  be  paid  in  installments 
of  $500  each.  April  5,  1851,  Haley  presented 
to  the  council  a  map  of  his  survey  of  the  city 
and  a  demand  for  the  first  installment  of  $500 
on  the  contract. 

October  23,  1852,  Vitus  Wrackenrueder  was 
given  a  contract  to  survey  the  central  part  of 
the  city  and  make  a  new  map.  His  survey  is 
now  regarded  as  the  official  survey  of  the  city. 
These  surveys  in  some  places  ran  streets 
through  the  houses  and  in  others  left  the  resi- 
dences without  street  frontage.  It  was  many 
years  before  all  the  streets  were  opened  through 
the  central  or  thickly  inhabited  portion  of  the 
city.  Those  whose  land  was  taken  for  streets, 
were  given  equivalent  tracts  in  the  squares  be- 
longing to  the  city. 

At  the  municipal  election  held  in  May,  185 1. 
Joaquin  Carrillo  was  elected  mayor;  he  was 
also  county  judge.  Raymundo  Carrillo  was 
chosen  treasurer;  Thomas  Warner,  marshal 
and  assessor;  Esteban  Ortega,  John  Kays, 
Antonio  Arellanas,  Jose  Lorenzano  and  R.  W. 
Wallace,  members  of  the  council.  Although 
the  flag  of  the  United  States  had  been  waving 
in  California  for  four  years  and  the  constitution 
had  arrived  more  recently  to  keep  it  company, 
yet  the  people  of  Santa  Barbara  had  not  become 
accustomed  to  the  new  order  of  things.  At  the 
meeting  of  the  council,  ]\Iay  26,  1851,  Samuel 
P>arry,  Esq.,  sent  a  communication  to  the  coun- 
cil informing  that  body  that  he  had  been  ap- 
pointed United  States  revenue  officer  at  the 
port  of  Santa  Barbara.  Whereupon  the  council 
by  resolution  agreed  to  grant  him  official  recog- 
nition as  an  officer  of  the  United  States.  Had 
the  council  considered  him  a  f^crsona  uon  grata 

and  refused  him  recognition,  it  is  hard  to  say 
N\hat  the  consequence  might  have  been — to 
Santa  Barbara. 

The  early  ordinances  of  the  common  council 
give  us  glimpses  of  conditions  existing  then 
that  have  long  since  become  obsolete.  The 
Indian  question,  fifty  years  ago,  was  one  that 
worried  the  municipal  officers  of  Santa  Barbara. 
as  it  did  those  of  all  other  cities  and  towns  of 
Southern  California.  The  ex-neophyte  of  the 
missions  was  a  pariah.  He  was  despised  and 
abused  by  the  whites.  His  one  ambition  was 
to  get  drunk,  and  there  were  always  high  caste 
whites,  or  those  who  considered  themselves 
such,  ready  and  willing  to  gratify  poor  Lo's 
ambition.  To  imprison  an  Indian  and  give  him 
regular  rations  was  no  punishment.  He  enjoyed 
such  punishment.  In  Los  Angeles,  Indian  con- 
victs were  auctioned  ofT  every  Monday  morning 
to  the  highest  bidder  for  the  term  of  their  sen- 
tence. In  Santa  Barbara,  an  ordinance  passed 
June  4,  185 1,  reads:  "When  Indians  for  viola- 
tions of  city  ordinances  are  committed  to 
prison,  the  recorder  shall  hire  them  out  for  the 
term  of  their  imprisonment." 

One  of  the  most  singular  decisions  ever  an- 
nounced by  a  court  of  justice  was  given  in  a 
case  of  liquor  selling  to  Indians.  .\  certain 
festal  day  in  the  early  '50s  had  been  celebrated 
with  a  great  deal  of  hilarity  and  imbibing  of 
wine  and  aguardiente.  The  noble  red  man  had 
vied  with  his  white  brothers  in  celebrating  and 
in  getting  drunk.  This  was  an  offense  to  the 
white  man,  and  as  there  was  a  heavy  fine  for 
selling  liquor  to  Indians,  some  of  the  whites 
instigated  the  arrest  of  certain  liquor  dealers. 
-Among  the  accused  was  a  scion  of  one  of  the 
most  influential  families.  He  was  charged  with 
having  sold  liquor  to  a  Yaqui  Indian.  The 
evidence  was  very  clear  that  the  liquor  had  been 
sold  by  the  defendant  to  the  Yaqui,  but  to  con- 
vict a  member  of  that  family,  the  justice  very 
well  knew,  would  be  his  political  undoing  for 
all  time.  So  in  the  trial  the  ethnological  ques- 
tion was  sprung  as  to  whether  a  Yaqui  was  an 
Indian  or  a  white  man.  The  race  question  was 
argued  at  great  length  by  the  attorneys  on  both 
sides,  and  the  judge,  after  summing  up  the  evi- 
dence, decided  that  the  prominent  cheek  bones, 
yellow  skin,  straight  black  hair  and  dark  eyes 
of  the  Yaqui  were  the  effects  of  climate  and  not 
of  heredity,  and  inside  the  Yaqui  was  a  white 
man.  The  saloon-keeper  was  declared  not  guilty 
and  discharged. 

The  city  government  was  administered  eco- 
nomically in  the  early  '50s,  and  taxes  were  light. 
-According  to  Ordinance  No.  30,  adopted  June 
jg,  1852,  the  mayor,  acting  as  recorder  or  police 
judge,   received   $2   for  each   conviction,  which 


1(5  r 

amount  he  was  required  Id  pa)'  into  tho  dXy 
treasury.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  was  allowed 
to  draw  anything  out  of  the  treasury  for  salary. 
The  city  clerk  received  $35  per  month,  the  city 
marshal  $20.  the  city  treasurer  three  per  cent 
on  all  moneys  paid  in;  the  city  tax  collector  six 
per  cent  on  all  collections  and  the  city  attorney 
$10  per  month. 

The  lighting  of  the  city  was  accomplished  in 
a  very  economical  manner.  An  ordinance  passed 
in  1852  required  "every  head  of  a  family  in  that 
part  of  the  city  bounded  north  by  Santa  Barbara 
street,  east  by  Ortega,  south  by  ChapuLa  and 
west  lay  Figueroa,  to  cause  a  lantern  containing 
a  lighted  lamp  or  candle  to  be  suspended  every 
dark  or  cloudy  evening  in  front  of  his  house 
from  dark  to  ten  o'clock;  neglecting  to  do  so 
he  will  be  fined  not  less  than  50  cents  or  more 
than  $1  for  each  ofTense." 

Fifty  years  ago  Santa  Barbara  was,  to  use 
an  expressive  slang  phrase  of  to-day,  a  "wide 
open  town."  Saloon  keeping  was  the  most 
popular  industry.  Of  fifty  licenses  granted  be- 
tween August,  1850,  and  February,  1851,  thirty- 
two  were  for  permission  to  retail  liquors.  Sun- 
day was  a  gala  day,  and  dissipation  reached  high 
tide  then. 

Before  the  conquest,  the  Californians  were 
moderate  drinkers.  Although  using  wine  freely, 
they  seldom  drank  to  excess.  When  they  wished 
to  indulge  in  a  social  glass,  and  some  one  stood 
treat  for  the  crowd,  they  all  drank  not  standing, 
but  sitting  on  their  horses.  A  squad  of  three 
or  four,  or  half  a  dozen  may  be,  would  ride  up 
to  a  pulperia  and,  without  dismounting,  one  of 
the  party  would  order  the  drinks.  The  mercader 
de  vino  (wine  merchant)  would  bring  out  a  cup 
or  glass  filled  with  wine  or  aguardiente;  each 
one  would  take  a  sip  and  pass  it  to  his  neighbor. 
One  cup  served  all  the  party;  it  w^as  a  sort  of 
loving  cup.  It  is  said  that  once,  when  a  crowd 
of  American  miners  bestowed  their  patronage 
for  the  first  time  upon  a  native  vinatero,  and 
each  called  for  a  separate  glass,  the  wineseller, 
who  had  but  one  glass  in  his  shop,  had  to  send 
out  and  borrow  enough  glasses  from  his  neigh- 
bors to  supply  the  demand.  When  each  one  of 
his  patrons  poured  out  a  full  glass  of  fiery 
aguardiente  and  gulped  it  down,  the  astonished 
saloonkeeper  crossed  himself  and  implored  the 
saints  to  protect  him  from  the  American  di- 

In  1855,  a  spasm  of  virtue  seems  to  have 
seized  the  city  council.  It  passed  a  Sunday 
closing  ordinance:  "All  stores,  shops,  taverns 
and  groceries  shall  close  from  12  o'clock  Satur- 
day night  to  12  o'clock  p.  m.  the  following 
Sunday,  except  butcher,  baker  and  apothecary 
shops,"  so  read  the  ordinance.     For  a  violation 

nf  this  ninnicipal  law  the  pcnall)-  was  a  fine  of 
not  less  than  $10  or  more  than  $50. 

The  early  councils  did  business  very  care- 
lessly. The  ofSce  of  councilman  was  not  a 
lucrative  one.  The  members  took  their  pay  in 
honors,  and  honors  were  not  always  easy.  The 
office  sought  the  man,  but  the  man  dodged  it 
when  he  could.  Resignations  were  frequent, 
and  as  vacancies  were  not  promptly  filled,  the 
membership  of  the  council  was  not  often  full. 
The  council  elected  in  j\Iay,  1853,  held  no  meet- 
ing between  May  5  and  August  2J  for  want 
of  a  quorum.  When  a  quorum  w'as  obtained, 
the  disgusted  clerk  offered  his  resignation,  and 
it  was  found  that  the  mayor  and  two  council- 
men-elect  had  failed  to  qualify.  An  election 
was  ordered  to  fill  vacancies.  Whether  they 
were  filled  or  what  that  council  did  afterwards 
does  not  appear.  When  a  new  council  was 
elected  in  May,  1854,  the  minutes  of  the  old 
council  had  not  been  engrossed.  The  new 
council  ordered  them  written  up,  and  blank 
pages  were  left  in  the  record  book  for  their 
entry,  but  the  pages  are  still  blank. 

The  members  of  the  new  council  instituted 
an  investigation  to  find  out  whether  the  old 
council  could  grant  its  members  city  lands  at 
lower  rates  than  the  appraised  value;  and  also 
to  ascertain  whether  the  land  laws  of  the  old 
a}-untamiento  were  still  in  force.  What  they 
found  out  is  not  written  in  the  record. 


Shortly  after  the  organization  of  the  United 
States  land  commission  in  California,  Santa 
r)arbara  presented  her  claim  for  eight  and  three- 
fourths  leagues  of  pueblo  lands.  In  May,  1854, 
the  council  allowed  a  bill  of  $700  for  prosecuting 
the  city's  claim.  December  2^,  1854.  a  public 
meeting  was  called  to  consider  the  advisability 
of  prosecuting  the  city's  claim  to  its  pueblo 
lands  in  the  L'nited  States  courts.  The  land 
commission  had  rejected  the  city's  claim  to 
eight  and  three-fourths  leagues.  March  10, 
1855,  Hinchman  &  Hoar  were  given  a  fee  of 
$500  "for  prosecuting  the  city's  claims  to  her 
lands  before  the  United  States  District  Court." 
After  a  long  drawn  out  contest  in  the  courts, 
the  city's  claim  w^as  finally  allowed  in  1861  for 
four  leagues,  or  17,826  ''/i„n  acres,  extending 
from  the  Rancho  Goleta  to  the  .\rroyo  de  La 
Carpinteria.  It  was  surveyeil  by  G.  H.  Thomp- 
son, May,  1867,  and  a  patent  signed  by  Presi- 
dent U.  S.  Grant,  May  25,  1872. 

lender  the  Spanish  and  Alexican  regimes, 
there  was  no  survey  made  of  the  pueblo  lands 
and  no  map  or  plat  of  the  town.  The  ayunta- 
miento  granted  house  lots  on  the  application 
of  any  one  desiring  to  build.     The  only  survey 



made  was  li.>  measure  so  maii\  \aras  from  some 
previous  grant.  Streets  in  those  days  were  nol 
made,  but,  like  Topsy,  they  "just  grow-ed,"  antl 
in  growing  many  of  them  became  twisted.  It 
took  years  alter  the  Haley  survey  was  made 
to  untwist  some,  or  rather  to  adjust  the  houses 
to  the  new  street  lines.  The  street  names  given 
were  mostly  in  Spanish.  The  mixed  population 
of  the  early  '50s  so  bungled  the  spelling  of  these 
that  in  1854  the  council  appointed  a  committee 
'"to  correct  the  orthography  of  certain  streets." 
In  the  nomenclature  of  its  streets,  Santa 
Barbara  has  remembered  many  of  the  famous 
men  of  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  eras  of  Cali- 
fornia. Not  only  have  famous  men  been  remem- 
bered, but  local  historical  incidents,  too,  have 
been  commemorated.  The  historic  event  that 
gave  Canon  Perdido  street  its  name,  gave  names 
also  to  two  other  streets  and  a  design  for  a  city 
seal.  Briefly  told,  the  story  runs  about  as  fol- 
lows: In  the  winter  of  1847-48,  the  American 
brig  Elisabeth  was  wrecked  near  Santa  Bar- 
bara. Among  the  articles  saved  was  a  six- 
pounder  brass  cannon.  It  was  brought  ashore 
and  lay  on  the  beach  for  some  time.  One  dark 
night  in  April,  1848,  a  little  squad  of  Califor- 
nians  stole  down  to  the  beach,  hauled  it  away 
and  buried  it  in  the  sands  on  the  banks  of  the 
Estero.  What  their  object  was  in  taking  the 
gun  no  one  knows,  probably  they  did  not  know 
themselves.  Several  days  passed  before  the  gun 
was  missed.  Capt.  Lippett  of  Company  F, 
Stevenson's  Regiment  of  New  York  Volunteers, 
was  in  command  of  the  post.  He  was  a  nervous, 
excitable  man.  In  the  theft  of  the  cannon,  he 
thought  he  had  discovered  preparations  for  an 
uprising  of  the  natives.  He  dispatched  a  courier 
post  haste  to  Col.  Mason,  the  military  governor 
of  the  territory  at  Monterey,  with  a  highly 
colored  account  of  his  discovery.  Mason,  plac- 
ing reliance  in  Lippett's  story  and  desiring  to 
give  the  Californians  a  lesson  that  would  teach 
them  to  let  guns  and  revolutions  alone,  levied  a 
military  contribution  of  $500  on  the  town,  to  be 
paid  by  a  capitation  tax  of  $2  on  every  male 
over  20  years,  the  balance  to  be  assessed  on  the 
real  and  personal  property  of  the  citizens,  the 
money  when  collected  to  be  turned  over  to  the 
post  quartermaster.  The  promulgation  of  the 
order  in  Santa  Barbara  raised  a  storm  of  indig- 
nation, and  among  those  whose  wail  the 
loudest  were  the  American-born  residents  of 
the  town,  who  had  become  Mexican  citizens  by 
naturalization.  Col.  Stevenson,  commander  of 
the  southern  military  district,  who  had  been 
ordered  to  collect  the  pueblo's  ransom  by  tact, 
by  the  soothing  strains  of  a  brass  band  and  the 
influence  of  Pablo  de  la  Guerra,  all  exerted  on 
the  nation's  birthday,  July  4,  succeeded  in  col- 

lecting the  money  without  any  more  dangerous 
nntl>rfak  than  a  few  nuUtered  curses  on  the 
hated  gringos. 

After  peace  was  declared,  Governor  Mason 
ordered  the  money  turned  over  to  the  prefect 
of  the  pueblo  to  be  used  in  building  a  jail. 
When  the  city  survey  was  made  in  1850,  three 
street  names  commemorated  the  incident, 
Canon  Perdido  (Lost  Cannon)  street,  Quinien- 
tos  (Five  Hundred)  street,  and  Mason  street. 
When  the  council,  in  1850,  chose  a  design  for 
a  city  seal  they  selected  the  device  of  a  cannon 
statant,  encircled  by  the  words  "\'ale  Quinien- 
tos  Pesos — Worth  Five  Hundred  Dollars." 
The  members  of  the  city  council  made  repeated 
demands  on  the  ex-prefect  for  the  five  hundred 
dollars,  but  he  refused  to  turn  it  into  the  city 
treasury,  claiming  that  it  was  entrusted  to  him 
for  a  specific  purpose,  and  until  a  jail  was  built 
no  money  would  the  city  get.  The  city  built 
a  jail,  but  the  ex-prefect  still  held  on  to  the 
money.  The  council  began  legal  proceedings 
to  recover  the  money,  but  as  the  judge  of  the 
district  and  the  ex-prefect  were  very  closely 
related  the  case  was  transferred  to  San  Fran- 
cisco. In  some  unaccountable  way  the  papers 
in  the  case  were  lost,  and  as  no  new  suit  was 
begun  the  city  never  recovered  the  money.  The 
council  chose  a  new  design  for  its  seal,  and  all 
the  city  has  left  for  its  $500  is  some  street 

One  stormy  night  in  1858  the  Estero  cut  a 
new  channel  through  its  banks.  Some  citizen 
next  morning,  viewing  the  effects  of  the  flood, 
saw  the  muzzle  of  a  cannon  protruding  from  the 
cut  in  the  bank.  Unearthing  the  gun.  it  proved 
to  be  the  lost  cannon.  It  was  hauled  up  State 
street  to  Canon  Perdido,  where,  mounted  on  an 
improvised  carriage,  it  frowned  on  the  passers 
by.  Ten  years  had  wrought  great  changes  in 
the  town  and  the  people.  The  cannon  episode 
was  ancient  history.  Nobody  cared  to  preserve 
the  old  gun  as  an  historic  relic,  and  as  finders  in 
this  case  were  keepers,  they  sold  it  to  a  city 
merchant  for  $80,  and  he  disposed  of  it  in  San 
Francisco  at  a  handsome  profit  to  a  junk  dealer 
for  old  brass. 

Santa  Barbara  in  early  days  had  her  squatter 
troubles,  in  common  with  other  parts  of  the 
state,  covered  by  Spanish  grants.  The  most 
noted  of  these  was  what  is  known  as  the  Arroyo 
Burro  affair.  I  give  the  following  account  of  it 
taken  mainly  from  Mason's  History  of  Santa 
Barbara:  John  \'ida!,  an  ex-member  of  Steven- 
son's Regiment  of  New  York  Volunteers,  had 
for  some  time  rented  a  piece  of  land  from  Dr. 
Den.  When  the  lease  expired,  he  laid  claim  to 
the  land  under  the  United  States  pre-emption 
laws.    Tlie  court  adjudged  the  land  to  Dr.  Den, 



and  Sheriff  Twist  was  ordered  to  evict  Vidal. 
A  number  of  gamblers,  among  whom  was  the 
notorious  Jack  Powers,  rallied  to  the  assistance 
of  Vidal. 

Vidal  and  his  friends  were  reported  to  be 
fortified  at  his  ranch  house.  Sheriff  Twist  sum- 
moned a  posse  coinitatus  of  two  hundred  men, 
and  secured  a  small  cannon  that  stood  on  the 
Plaza  to  batter  down  the  fortifications.  The 
Twist  party  assembled  at  the  Egirrea  House, 
then  used  for  a  court  house.  Vidal  and  his 
companions  came  riding  up  as  if  to  begin  the 
fight.  Some  say  their  intentions  were  to  effect 
a  compromise.  As  Vidal  rode  up  two  of  his 
men,  "Little  Mickey"  and  a  Spaniard,  lassoed 
the  cannon  and  tried  to  drag  it  away.  Twist 
fired  upon  them,  and  the  firing  became  general. 
Vidal  was  shot  and  fell  from  his  horse.  The 
Spaniard  of  the  cannon  episode  stabbed  Twist 
with  a  knife.  A  running  fight  ensued,  but  with- 
out any  further  casualties.  Vidal  lingered  four- 
teen days  before  death  relieved  him  of  his 
sufferings.  Pablo  de  la  Guerra  went  out  to  the 
fort  next  day  and  induced  the  Powers  gang  to 
submit  to  the  legal  authorities.  The  disputed 
tract  was  afterwards  declared  by  the  courts  to 
be  government  land. 


The  pioneer  newspaper  of  Santa  Barbara  was 
the  Santa  Barbara  Gazette.  The  first  number 
was  issued  Thursday,  May  24,  1855.  It  was  a 
four-page,  five-column  weekly,  size  of  page 
12x18  inches.  One  page  was  printed  in  Spanish. 
W.  B.  Keep  &  Co.  were  the  proprietors.  The 
names  of  the  members  of  the  company  were 
R.  Hubbard,  T.  Dunlap,  Jr.,  and  W.  B.  Keep. 
Later  on  the  firm  was  Hubbard  &  Keep.  In 
their  salutatory  the  publishers  say:  "After  tak- 
ing into  consideration  the  fact  that  there  are 
now  in  California  more  newspapers  than  in  any 
three  states  in  the  Union,  the  doubt  of  future 
success  of  one  more  might  naturally  arise  in 
the  minds  of  some  wiseacres  of  our  county.  A 
field  is  undoubtedly  open  for  enterprise  and 
energy  in  this  portion  of  the  state.  The  counties 
of  Los  Angeles  and  San  Diego  have,  for  some 
time,  supported  papers,  and  without  boasting 
we  believe  that  the  county  of  Santa  Barbara 
possesses  many  advantages  over  these."' 

The  Gazette  was  vigorously  edited.  It  made 
strenuous  efforts  to  arouse  the  officials  and  the 
citizens  of  the  sleepy  old  city  to  make  improve- 
ments, but  it  was  labor  in  vain.  If  it  did  not 
arouse  them  to  put  forth  efforts,  it  did  excite 
their  wrath.  In  the  issue  of  October  4,  1855, 
the  editor  draws  this  picture  of  existing  con- 
ditions within  the  city:  "There  are  deep,  un- 
covered wells,  pit-falls  and  man-traps  in  various 

parts  of  the  city,  rendering  it  extremely  hazard- 
ous tu  traverse  the  streets  at  night,  not  only 
for  horses  and  teams  but  foot  passengers  as 
well.  There  are  unsightly  gorges  and  gullies 
through  which  the  water  flows  into  the  street 
in  winter.  The  slaughter  houses  reek  with  filth, 
and  the  horrid  stench  from  them  pollutes  the 
atmosphere."  In  another  issue  the  editor  ap- 
peals to  the  citizens  "to  tear  themselves  away 
from  the  blandishments  of  keno,  billiards  and 
cards  long  enough  to  examine  the  route  for  a 
post  road"  over  which  the  mail  could  be  carried 
through  the  coast  countries  to  and  from  San 

The  Gazette  in  its  issue  of  May  i,  1856,  thus 
inveighs  against  the  want  of  public  spirit  in  the 
city  officials  and  citizens:  "It  does  not  sound 
well  to  hear  it  said  that  since  the  incorporation 
of  this  city,  more  than  six  years  ago,  not  a 
single  improvement  of  general  utility  has  been 
made,  if  the  survey  and  maps  be  excepted.  Not 
a  street  has  been  graded  at  the  public  expense, 
nor  an  artesian  well  nor  a  public  edifice  of  any 
kind  even  projected,  nor  a  wharf  at  the  landing 
attempted  or  planned  or  even  its  cost  esti- 
mated." These  plain  statements  of  facts  were 
not  relished  by  the  old  fogies  of  the  town,  and 
they  resolved  to  crush  the  paper.  Its  principal 
revenue  had  been  derived  from  the  public  print- 
ing. A  bill  was  passed  by  the  Legislature  (at 
the  instigation,  it  is  said,  of  a  scion  of  one  of 
the  ruling  families  whom  the  Gazette  had  casti- 
gated) authorizing  county  officials  to  publish 
legal  notices  by  posting  them  on  bulletin  boards. 
The  public  patronage  was  not  sufficient  to  sup- 
port a  newspaper.  The  plant  was  sold  in  1858  to 
two  Spaniards, who  removed  it  to  San  Francisco, 
where  the  paper  was  printed  in  Spanish  as  the 
Gaceta  dc  Santa  Barbara.  It  lingered  out  an 
existence  of  several  years,  being  edited  and 
printed  in  San  Francisco  and  publislied  in  Santa 
Barbara.     Then  it  died. 

Through  the  first  decade  of  its  existence  as 
an  American  city,  Santa  Barbara  grew  in  a 
leisurely  way.  It  was  in  no  haste  Ic  become  a 
great  city.  Old  customs  prevailed.  The  Span- 
ish language  was  the  prevailing  form  of  speech. 
Trade  and  travel  came  and  went  by  sea  as  in 
the  old  hide  drogher  days.  Twice  a  month  a 
steamship  landed  the  little  budget  of  mail,  some- 
times water-soaked  in  passing  through  the  surf 
from  ship  to  shore.  Passengers  were  carried 
ashore  from  the  surf  boats  on  the  backs  of 
sailors,  for  there  was  no  wharf.  If  there  was 
no  tip  offered  the  sailor  there  might  be  a  dip 
proffered  the  passenger.  The  sailor  was  already 
soaked;  if  he  toppled  over  with  his  burden 
when  a  breaker  struck  him  a  little  more  salt 
water   did   not   disturb    him.      It    was   different 



with  his  burden.  Those  actiuaiiitcd  with  the 
bucking  propensities  of  the  sailors  always  tipped 
before  they  left  the  boat. 

The  feudal  lords  of  the  old  regime  still  ruled. 
They  had  cattle  on  a  thousand  hills  and  an  army 
of  retainers.  The  retainers  had  votes  and  the 
cattle  kings  controlled  their  dependents'  ballots. 
The  second  decade — the  decade  betw-een  i860 
and  1870 — saw  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  old 
time  manners  and  customs.  The  story  of  the 
dethronement  of  the  cattle  kings  more  properly 
belongs  to  the  history  of  the  county  at  large 
than  to  that  of  the  city. 

THE  NEW   ER.\. 

The  terrible  dry  years  of  1863  and  1864,  which 
destroyed  cattle  raising,  the  dominant  industry 
of  the  county,  disastrously  affected  the  city. 
Destitution  prevailed  and  everybody  was  dis- 
couraged. There  was  no  advance,  no  building, 
no  progress  during  the  early  '60s.  It  was  not 
until  immigration  began  to  drift  southward 
about  1867  that  the  city  shook  off  its  lethargy 
and  aroused  itself  to  action.  The  Santa  Barbara 
wharf  was  constructed  in  the  summer  of  1868. 
This  greatly  facilitated  commerce.  Previous  to 
this  vessels  anchored  a  mile  or  two  from  shore, 
and  all  freight  to  and  from  the  ship  was  taken 
on  surf  boats.  In  early  times  the  only  road 
between  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Buenaventura 
was  along  the  beach  around  Punta  Gorda  and 
Rincon  Point.  In  high  tide  it  was  often  impos- 
sible, and  it  was  rendered  dangerous  on  account 
of  masses  of  earth  falling  from  the  cliffs.  A 
new  road  was  constructed  that  avoided  the 
dangers  of  Rincon  Pass,  and  a.  stage  line  up 
the  coast  gave  increased  mail  facilities  and 
regular  communication  by  land  between  Los 
Angeles  and  San  Francisco  without  waiting  for 
low  tide.  Increased  steamship  communication 
with  San  Francisco  brought  tourists  and  visitors, 
and  the  city  began  to  fix  up  to  receive  its  guests. 
June  2,  1870,  a  franchise  w^as  granted  to  Thomas 
R.  Bard,  S.  B.  Bunkcrhoff,  Charles  Fernald  and 
JarrettT.  Richards  to  lay.  gas  pipes  in  the  streets 
and  light  the  city  with  gas.  Several  large  hotels 
were  erected,  among  them  the  famous  Arling- 
ton. Property  values  advanced.  Blocks  that  in 
1870  sold  for  $100  in  1874  changed  hands  at 

The  Santa  Barbara  College  was  founded  in 
1869  by  a  joint  stock  company,  of  which  Elwood 
Cooper  was  a  leading  member.  The  college 
building  w^as  erected  in  1871.  The  college  sus- 
pended in  1878  for  want  of  support.  The  rooms 
on  the  lower  floor  of  the  building,  now  the  San 
Marcos,  are  occupied  by  the  high  school  classes; 
the  upper  floors  are  used  as  an  apartment  house. 

The  cornerstone  of  the  new  court  house  was 

laid  October  5,  1872.  The  building  was  com- 
|)leted  in  1873  at  a  cost  of  $60,000. 

The  First  Xational  Bank  of  Santa  Barbara 
was  organized  in  1873.  in  1876  its  building  was 
completed  and  occupied.  The  Santa  Barbara 
National  Bank  was  organized  July,  1875,  as  the 
Santa   Barbara  County  Bank. 

The  Natural  History  Society  was  organized 
December,  1876,  with  a  list  of  twenty-one  mem- 
bers. For  the  first  two  years  of  its  existence 
the  society  met  in  the  Santa  Barbara  College 
building.  It  had  but  a  small  collection.  In  1883 
about  1,200  volumes  of  government  publica- 
tions that  had  been  in  charge  of  the  Santa  Bar- 
bara College  were  transferred  to  it.  Funds 
were  donated  for  furniture  and  bookcases.  Its 
collections  have  had  several  lodging  places,  and 
are  now  kept  in  rooms  on  the  ground  floor  of  the 
San  Marcos. 


The  first  movement  looking  towards  the 
founding  of  a  public  library  for  Santa  Barbara 
originated  with  the  Odd  Fellows.  That  organi- 
zation along  in  the  later  '70s  had  a  considerable 
collection  of  books  which  were  loaned  out  to 
readers.  The  time  and  trouble  involved  in  loan- 
ing the  books  and  looking  after  them  was 
too  great  to  be  done  gratuitously,  and  the  asso- 
ciation after  a  time  discontinued  loaning,  and 
the  books  were  stored  away. 

Under  the  state  law  of  1880  for  establishing 
free  libraries,  the  city  council,  February  16,  1882, 
adopted  a  resolution  to  establish  a  free  library 
and  reading  room.    At  the  next  citv  election  T. 

B.  Dibblee,  Jas.  AI.  Short,  O.  N.  Dimmick,  W. 
E.  Noble  and  S.  B.  P.  Knox  were  elected  library 
trustees.  The  Odd  Fellows  donated  all  the 
books  in  their  collection,  numbering  2,921  vol- 
umes. The  first  librarian  appointed  was  Mrs. 
Mary  Page.  The  city  has  erected  a  neat  and 
commodious  library  building,  so  planned  that 
it  can  be  enlarged  without  change  of  design  or 
inconvenience  to  the  patrons  of  the  library.  The 
library  now  has  about  14,000  volumes.    Mrs.  M. 

C.  Reed  is  the  present  librarian,  and  Miss  D. 
Chambers,  assistant. 

The  decade  between  1870  and  1880  marked 
tlic  transformation  of  Santa  Barbara  from  an 
adobe  town  to  one  built  of  brick  and  wood.  The 
increase  of  population  was  not  great.  After  the 
decadence  of  the  cattle  industry  many  of  the 
natives  left  the  country.  The  population  of 
Santa  Barbara  in  i860  was  2,351;  in  1870,  2,970, 
an  increase  of  26  per  cent;  in  1880.  3,469,  an 
increase  of  17  per  cent.  The  decade  between 
1880  and  1890  witnessed  its  most  rapid  growth. 
Its  population  in  1880  as  previously  stated  was 
3,469;    in  1890,  5,864,  an  increase  of  nearly  70 



per  cent.  In  the  early  '80s  began  a  concerted 
movement  among  the  counties  of  Southern  Cali- 
fornia to  advertise  their  resources  in  the  Eastern 
states.  "California  on  Wheels"  was  sent  on  its 
mission  east.  Railroad  building,  and  particu- 
larly railroad  projecting  by  real  estate  agents, 
was  active.  It  is  remarkal)lc  how  easily  rail- 
roads were  built  then — on  paper.  A  beautifully 
illustrated  pamphlet  advertising  the  Santa  Ynez 
valley  issued  at  this  time,  states  that  among 
the  many  railroads  building  or  soon  to  be 
built  is  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa 
Fe  line  from  Santa  Monica  via  San  Buena- 
ventura to  the  headwaters  of  the  Santa  Ynez 
river,  making  "the  shortest,  coolest  and  most 
superb  scenic  route  from  Los  Angeles  via  the 
Salinas  valley  to   San   Francisco." 

August  17,  1887,  the  first  passenger  train  from 
Los  Angeles  arrived  in  Santa  Barbara.  The 
same  afternoon  came  one  from  San  Francisco 
via  Saugus.  The  city  turned  out  en  masse  to 
celebrate  the  event.  There  was  a  bancjuet  in  the 
evening  and  a  grand  ball.  The  boom  in  real 
estate  was  on  in  earnest  and  prices  expanded, but 
the  railroad  before  the  end  of  August  stopped 
building,  and  the  real  estate  bubble  collapsed. 
While  the  boom  lasted,  some  large  sales  were 
made.     The  recorded  transfers  for  seven  months 

aggregated  over  $5,000,000.  As  many  of  the 
contracts  were  not  recorded,  the  sales  really 
reached  about  $7,000,000.  .V  number  of  sub- 
stantial improvemaiits  were  completed.  State 
street  was  paved  with  bituminous  rock  for  two 
miles  at  a  cost  of  $180,000.  Other  streets  were 
graded  and  miles  of  sidewalk  laid. 

The  first  through  trains  on  the  Southern  Pa- 
cific coast  line  from  San  Francisco  and  Los  An- 
geles passed  through  Santa  Barbara  .March  31. 
1901.  Among  the  recent  improvements  at  Santa 
Barbara  is  the  completion  of  St.  .\nthony's  Col- 
lege, a  Franciscan  college  for  the  preparation  of 
young  men  who  wish  to  enter  priesthood.  It  is  lo- 
cated on  rising  ground  near  the  old  mission.  The 
corner  stone  was  laid  June  13,  1899.  It  was 
formally  dedicated  April  25,  1901.  It  is  a  stone 
building,  three  stories  high,  and  cost  about' 
$50,000.  The  school  for  a  number  of  years  had 
been  conducted  in  a  wing  of  the  old  mission. 
The  president  is  Rev.  Peter  Wallischeck,  O.  F. 
M.  February  27,  1896,  a  horrible  tragedy 
occurred  in  the  monastery  of  Santa  Barbara. 
An  insane  domestic,  employed  in  the  building, 
shot  and  killed  the  Guardian  Father  Ferdinand 

The  new  high  school  of  Santa  Barbara  will 
cost,  when  completed,  about  $60,000. 



BEFORE   THE    COUNTY    \\'.\S    CREAlhU. 

THE  history  of  the  territory  now  included 
in  Ventura  county  up  to  the  time  of  its 
segregation  from  Santa  Barbara  prop- 
erly belongs  in  the  sketch  of  that  county.  As 
but  little  space  could  be  given  it  there,  I  give 
a  brief  review  of  some  of  the  principal  events 
occurring  during  the  Mexican  and  early  Ameri- 
can periods.  The  mission  buildings  of  San 
Buenaventura  formed  a  nucleus  from  which  the 
settlement  of  the  district  radiated.  The  country 
contiguous,  after  the  secularization  of  the  mis- 
sions, was  held  in  large  ranchos  by  owners 
hving  in  Santa  Barbara  or  Los  Angeles,  and  the 
district  suffered  from  absenteeism. 

At  the  time  of  the  American  conquest  anil 
for  years  afterwards  the  district  was  sparsely 
populated.  In  early  days  San  Buenaventura 
was  one  of  the  stations  or  stopping  places  on 
the  so-called  Camino  real  (royal  highway),  that 
led  from  mission  to  mission  up  and  down  the 

It  was  an  easy  day's  ride  from  San  Fernando 
or  from  Los  Angeles,  as  rides  were  made  in 
those  days.  Although  surrounded  by  a  mag- 
nificent cattle  country,  there  was  but  little  ship- 
ping from  its  port  in  the  hide  droghing  days. 
Dana,  Robinson  and  others  who  were  on  the 
coast  at. that  time  make  but  meager  mention 
of  it.  The  cattle  of  its  extensive  ranchos  trans- 
ported their  own  hides  and  tallow  to  market, 
that  is.  they  were  driven  to  some  point  near 
Santa  Barbara  or  San  Pedro  for  slaughter. 

The  old  mission  figured  in  the  Civil  war  of 
1838,  when  Juan  Bautista  .-Mvarado  and  Don 
Carlos  Carrilio  were  hostile  rivals  for  the  gover- 
norship of  the  territory.  The  battle  of  San 
r.uenaventura  was  tiie  \Vaterloo  of  Carrilio.  It 
was  not  nuich  of  a  battle,  as  battles  were  fought 
in  the  .American  Civil  war  from  1861  to  1865, 
but  it  was  the  most  sanguinary  conflict  in  the 
struggle  between  Northern  and  Southern  Cali- 
fornia over  which,  Los  .Vngcles  or  Monterey, 
should  be  the  capital,  and  who.  .Mvarado  or 
Carrilio,  should  be  governor. 



Castenada,  in  command  of  Carrillo's  army  of 
the  south,  had  fallen  back  from  Santa  Barbara 
on  the  approach  of  Castro  with  the  army  of  the 

i  north  and  taken  position  in^he  mission  church 
of  San  Buenaventura.  Castro  pursuing,  with 
three  pieces  of  artillery,  reached  San  Buenaven- 
tura in  the  night  and  planted  his  cannon  on 
the  heights  overlooking  the  mission.  In  the 
morning  he  summoned  Castenada  to  surrender. 
The  summons  was  indignantly  rejected,  and  the 
liattle  was  on.  For  three  days  there  was  a  rattle 
of  nuisketry  and  a  roar  of  artillery.  Each  sup- 
posed he  was  annihilating  the  forces  of  the 
other.  On  the  third  night  the  southern  soldiers, 
weary  of  slaughter,  attempted  to  steal  out  under 
the  cover  of  darkness  and  make  their  way  to 
their  desolate    homes.     They   did   the    stealing 

•part  admirably,  but  when  they  had  crawled  out 
they  were  promptly  halted  by  the  enemy  lying 
in  ambush;  and  as  promptly  surrendered.  After 
the  battle  came  the  painful  duty  of  burying  the 
dead  and  caring  for  the  wounded.  There  was 
but  one  dead  and  one  wounded — a  dead  south- 
erner and  a  wounded  northerner,  or  possibly 
the  reverse  (authorities  difTer).  The  mission 
building  had  received  several  severe  wounds. 
Castro's  marksmen  could  hit  a  mission,  but  not 
a  man.  It  is  said  that  there  are  several  of 
Castro's  cannon  balls  still  embedded  in  the 
adobe  walls  of  the  old  mission.  The  battle  of 
San  Buenaventura  was  the  Gettysburg  of  the 
Civil  war  between  the  arribanas  (uppers)  and 
the  abajanos  (lowers). 

At  the  time  of  the  American  conquest  there 
was  not  so  far  as  known  an  American  settler  in 
San  Buenaventura.  Col.  Stevenson,  when  he 
was  commander  of  the  military  district  of  the 
South,  in  1847-48,  sent  Isaac  Callahan  and  W. 
O.  Streeter  to  take  charge  of  the  mission  prop- 
erty, which  had  beeii  abandoned  by  the  superin- 
tendent. After  the  organization  of  Santa  Barbara 
county  the  San  Buenaventura  district  con- 
stituted a  township  of  that  county.  November, 
1852,  an  election  was  called  to  elect  three  school 
commissioners  for  the  township  of  San  Buena- 
ventura, but  w-hether  any  were  elected  the  rec- 
ords do  not  show.  The  boundaries,  as  defined 
in  1855,  are  as  follows:  "First  township  to  ex- 
tend from  the  division  line  of  Los  Angeles 
county  to  the  Arroyo  known  as  Arroyo  del 
Rincon.  The  elections  shall  be  held  at  the 
Mission  San  Buenaventura."  The  boundaries 
of  the  school  district  were  the  same  as  those  of 
the  township.  The  scliool  trustees  elected  in 
November,  1855.  were  Jose  A.  Pacifico  and 
Sanchez  Rey  Olivas. 

In  December,  1855,  John  Koselli  was  teach- 
ing a  public  school  at  the  mission  of  San  Buena- 
ventura.   The  school  was  taught  in  the  Spanish 

language.  This  was  probably  the  first  common 
school  taught  in  the  district  and  the  pioneer 
school  of  Ventura  county. 

In  1857  A.  Schiappa  Pietra,  then  a  resident  of 
Santa  I'.arbara,  started  the  first  store  in  San 
Buena\entura.  At  that  time  there  were  but 
two  places  in  the  whole  district  where  travelers 
could  be  entertained.  One  was  a  tent  on  the 
Sespe  raiicho  and  the  other  a  hotel  kept  in  the 
east  wing  of  the  mission.  In  1858,  the  American 
residents  were  A.  M.  Conway,  Grififin  Robbins, 
\^•.  T.  Na.*.  \\".  1).  Ilobson,  McLaughlin  an<! 

In  1859  the  first  attempt  was  made  to  form 
a  county  out  of  the  eastern  portion  of  Santa 
Barbara.  A  petition  containing  130  names  was 
sent  to  the  legislature  praying  for  the  fomiation 
of  the  county  of  San  Buenaventura. 

The  Los  Angeles  Star  of  January  29,  1859, 
commenting  on  the  project,  says:  "We  might, 
however,  have  remained  silent,  had  not  the  in- 
terests of  Los  Angeles  county  been  brought  into 
the  question.  Our  informant  stated  to  us  tliat 
we  are  to  be  deprived  of  Fort  Tejon  township; 
and  that  according  to  the  petition  it  w-as  to  be 
incorporated  into  the  new  county,  giving  to  us 
the  Rancho  of  Conejo  or  some  other  place  al- 
most entirely  valueless  in  exchange.  It  is  an 
old  maxim  not  only  taught  by  the  fireside,  but 
spread  upon  every  statute  book,  that  he  who 
takes  from  another  without  his  consent  is  guilty 
of  robbery.  And  he  who  assists  in  such  an  act 
is  equally  guilty  with  the  leaders.  Has  Los  An- 
geles county  been  consulted  in  this  matter?  We 
are  certain  it  has  not.  Has  Tejon  district  been 
asked  if  it  w-ould  accede  to  it?  We  find  no  one 
who  can  answer.  San  Buenaventura  then  would 
like  to  control  not  only  the  130  persons  who  are 
said  to  have  signed  tlie  petition,  but  also  the 
board  of  supervisors  of  Santa  Barbara  county 
and  the  like  body  of  Los  Angeles  county.  Don 
Antonio  de  la  Guerra,  chairman  of  the  board 
of  super\'isors  of  Santa  Barbara,  immediately 
on  hearing  of  the  movement,  ordered  the  clerk 
of  the  county  to  send  the  representatives  of  the 
county  in  the  legislature  and  the  senator  of 
the  second  district  a  comparative  statement  of  the 
number  of  votes  the  would-be  new  county  could 
cast;  the  pro  rata  amount  of  debt  they  w-ould 
have  to  assume ;  and  requesting  these  represent- 
atives to  show  to  the  legislative  body  the  folly 
of  the  undertaking."  The  Star  assures  its  read- 
ers that  our  delegation  in  the  legislature  will 
see  to  it  that  no  "snap  judgment"  is  taken  by 
these  plotters  for  a  new  county. 

It  is  rather  strange  that  this  county  division 
project  did  not  carry  in  that  legislature.  The  leg- 
islature of  1859  was  a  secession  body.  It  passed 
;i  bill  dividing  the  stale  and  creatine' the  state  of 



South  California,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 
people.  At  an  election  held  in  the  fall  of  1859 
the  proposition  was  voted  upon  by  the  counties 
of  San  Luis  Obispo,  Santa  Barbara,  Los  An- 
geles, San  Diego,  San  Bernardino  and  Buena 
Vista.  A  majority  of  the  voters  favored  divis- 
ion, but  the  state  was  not  divided.  It  was  a 
pro-slavery  scheme  designed  to  give  the  slave- 
holders of  the  south  more  representation  in 
congress.  The  election  of  Linciiln,  in  i860,  put 
an  end  to  the  plot.  Nothing  came  of  that 
county  division  scheme,  either. 

In  i860,  there  were  but  nine  American  voters 
in  the  precinct  of  San  Buenaventura.  The  first 
survey  of  a  town  site  was  made  in  1862,  by 
Waterman,  Vassault  &  Co.,  who  owned  the  ex- 
mission  lands.  The  first  attempt  to  incorporate 
the  town  was  made  in  1863.  Messrs.  Simpson, 
Beebe,  Stow,  Escandon  and  others  met  at  the 
hotel  kept  by  V.  A.  Simpson  and  drew  up  a 
petition  to  the  legislature  asking  for  incorpora- 
tion. The  legislature,  probably  considering  it 
too  small  a  matter  to  waste  time  on,  did  nothing 
with  the  petition. 

The  Noahian  deluge  of  1861-62  made  an  in- 
land sea  of  the  Santa  Clara  valley,  but  did  very 
little  damage.  The  cattle  and  horses  escaped 
to  the  foothills  and  the  loss  of  stock  was  light. 
During  the  famine  years  of  1863  and  1864  there 
was  a  heavy  loss  of  cattle.  The  dry  years,  how- 
ever, did  not  bring  about  a  subdivision  of  the 
ranchos  as  in  Los  Angeles.  The  ranches  were 
restocked  gradually  and  the  old  industry,  cattle- 
raising,  continued  for  a  time. 

The  flood  of  1867-68  was  more  severe  than 
that  of  1861.  "On  Christmas  day,  1867,  the  wa- 
ter rose  until  it  was  three  feet  deep  in  Main 
street  (San  Buenaventura).  The  lower  portions 
of  the  town  were  submerged  and  the  inhabitants 
had  to  be  removed  to  a  place  of  safety.  The 
warm  rain  falling  on  and  melting  the  recently 
deposited  snows  of  the  mountains  filled  the 
rivers  to  overflowing  and  caused  the  flood.  The 
land  from  the  Santa  Clara  hotel  to  the  river 
was  flooded.  Forty-seven  women  were  rescued 
from  the  flooded  houses  and  carried  on  the 
backs  of  horses  or  on  the  shoulders  of  men  to 
.  places  of  safety." 

In  1868  the  current  of  immigration,  which  for 
years  had  steadily  flowed  into  Central  and 
Northern  California,  turned  southward.  Flic 
subdivision  of  the  great  ranchos  of  the  south 
had  begun  and  cheap  farm  lands  were  thrown 
on  the  market.  Successive  years  of  abundant 
rainfall  had  obliterated  the  traces  of  the  "famine 
years."  Prices  of  all  products  were  good  and 
men  of  small  means  in  Central  California,  who 
had  made  money  by  grain-raising  on  rented 
lands,  began  to  look  around  for  homes  of  their 

own.  The  completion  of  the  first  transconti- 
nental railroad  (the  Union  and  Central  Pacific) 
in  May,  i86g,  brought  many  home-seekers  to  the 
coast  and  some  of  these  drifted  southward. 

The  coast  stage  line  had  been  established  in 
1868  on  a  better  basis,  and,  with  increased  serv- 
ice, running  on  regular  time,  attracted  land 
travel.  Heretofore  travel  up  and  down  the  coast 
had  been  almost  entirely  by  steamer;  and  as  the 
large  passenger  steamers  did  not  stop  at  San 
Buenaventura,  it  had  remained  comparatively 
unknown.  The  stage  passengers  coming  down 
from  the  mountains  on  their  journey  northward 
or,  rising  as  it  were  out  of  the  sea,  on  their 
southward  trip,  beheld  stretched  out  before 
them  the  valley  of  the  Santa  Clara  in  all  its 
loveliness  and  were  delighted  with  the  view 
and  enthusiastic  over  the  country's  future  pros- 

The  following  table  of  distances  and  stations 
gives  the  line  of  the  old  stage  route  between 
Los  Angeles,  San  Buenaventura  and  Santa  Bar- 
bara in  1868: 

From    Los    Angeles    to    Cahuenga    Pass 

House  9H  miles. 

To  New  Station Sj4  '" 

To  Mountain  House  (Larry's) ISJ4  " 

To  Simi  Ranch 8^  " 

To  Las    Posas 12  " 

To  Santa  Clara  River 10  " 

To  San  Buenaventura 8j4 

To  Rincon   12 

To  Santa  Barbara 15  " 

Total 98^      " 

The  stage,  which  carried  the  daily  mail,  left 
Los  Angeles  at  6  a.  m.  and  arrived  at  8  p.  m. 
The  through  time  from  San  Francisco  to  Los 
Angeles  by  stage  was  66  hours.  The  following 
extract  taken  from  Josephine  CliiTord's  "Trop- 
ical California,"  a  series  of  articles  descriptive  of 
the  coast  counties  from  San  Luis  Obispo  south- 
ward, published  in  the  Overland  Monthly  sev- 
eral years  before  Nordhofif's  famous  letters  ap- 
peared, gives  a  pleasing  dcscrijition  of  the  stage 
ride  and  of  San  Buenaventura  as  she  saw  it  in 

"The  regrets  I  expressed  on  leaving  Santa 
Barbara  came  from  my  heart;  it  is  a  lovely  spot, 
and  even  when  I  went  from  it  I  could  not  but 
lean  out  of  the  window  to  catch  departing 
glimpses  of  it  as  it  faded  more  and  more  from 
sight.  The  stage  road  winds  along  by  the  sea; 
the  sun  was  shining,  golden,  as  it  seems  ever  to 
shine  on  these  serene,  blue  ripples  of  water,  and 
there  was  something  so  (|uieting  in  the  soft 
plashing  of  the  waves  against  the  shore  that  I 
laid  my  head  back  and,  with  open  eyes,  dreamed 
■ — dreamed  till  I  fell  asleep,  and  was  waked  up 
again  by  the    sound  of  water    rushing  imme- 



diately  under  the  coach.  I  looked  out  in  bewil- 
derment; it  was  true,  the  horses  were  drawing 
the  coach  through  the  foaming,  flashing  waves. 
The  other  passengers  expressed  no  concern;  so 
1,  too,  remained  quiet,  and  soon  found  tliat  this 
was  the  pleasantest  way  of  traveling  along  the 

"Twenty-five  miles  below  Santa  Barbara  lies 
San  Buenaventura,  another  old  mission,  around 
which  quite  a  flourishing  place  has  sprung  up. 
The  flimsy,  garish  frame  houses  have  crowded 
themselves  in  where  the  olive,  the  palm,  and  the 
fig-tree  once  grew  in  unbroken  lines;  but  now 
or.h-  patches  of  ground,  covered  with  giant  pear 
trees  and  huge  old  olives,  are  visible  back  of  the 
fast-growing  town.  Passing  through  in  the 
broad,  positive  light  of  noonday,  I  could  look 
on  these  things  philosophically  and  with  equa- 
nimity; but  on  my  way  back  from  Los  Angeles 
some  time  later,  in  the  chill  hours  of  the  wan- 
ing night,  the  sight  of  the  place  made  me  feel 
sad,  almost  bitter.  Night  had  not  yet  lifted  her 
mantle  from  the  earth  as  the  stage  rolled  heavily 
toward  San  Buenaventura,  and  the  roar  of  the 
ocean  fell  on  my  ear  with  hollow  sound.  Soon 
I  distinguished  the  bell  towers  of  the  Mission 
Church,  and  the  tinkling  of  the  bells,  just 
touched,  had  a  feeble,  complaining  tone;  now 
we  turn  into  the  one  long  street  of  San  Buena- 
ventura, and  in  the  darkening  halls,  the  clerk  of 
the  hotel  shows  me  into  a  cheerless  room,  up- 
stairs. I  walk  to  the  window — to  the  rising- 
light — and  there,  in  the  yard  below  are  those 
peerless,  graceful  palm  trees  I  saw  waving  and 
bending  in  the  dim  distance.  How  pitiful  to  see 
these  neglected  daughters  of  the  torrid  zone 
lifting  their  royal  shafts  among  the  stove  pipes 
and  empty  dry  goods  boxes  of  a  country  store 
back  yard.  I  stretched  out  my  hands  lovingly, 
and  they  nodded  their  proud  heads,  and  flung 
their  arms  to  the  morning  breeze,  pointing  to 
where  those  clusters  of  dark  olives  stood.  But 
it  grows  lighter,  the  stage  is  at  the  door,  and 
bears  us  rapidly  away.  In  the  far  east  breaks 
the  cold  gray  morning — 'those  .\m?ricans'  are 

And  "those  Americans"  continued  to  come; 
the  "garish  frame  houses"  crowded  out  the 
adobe  structures.  The  age  of  wood  supplanted 
the  age  of  unbaked  clay,  and  in  turn  was 
crowded  back  from  the  business  streets  by  brick 
and  stone.  The  "clusters  of  dark  olives"  have 
been  thinned  by  the  woodman's  ax  and  but  two 
of  the  palms  nod  their  proud  heads  in  the  morn- 
ing breeze.  .\nd  still  "those  .\nicricans  are 
coming,"  not  by  stage,  but  by  steam. 

Mrs.  Clifford's  description  of  a  night  ride  over 
the  mountains  between  San  l>uen.aventur.i  and 
Lus  .'\ngelcs  illustrates  sonic  of  the  perils  and 

inconveniences  of  travel  a  third  of  a  century  ago: 
"We  had  been  ascending  the  mountain  for  some 
time,  when,  during  a  breathing  spell  given  the 
horses,  the  sharp,  decided  rattle  that  seems  pe- 
culiar to  just  these  stages,  sounded  back  to  us 
from  somewhere  above,  as  though  it  were  the 
echo  of  our  own  wheels.  The  driver  listened  a 
moment,   and  then  broke   out   with   an  abrupt 

oath,  for  which  he  didn't  even  apologize.  'D 

that  fellow!  But  I'll  make  him  take  the  out- 
side,' he  muttered.  'What's  the  matter?"  I 
asked  apprehensively;  'anything  wrong?'  'Oh 
no!'  with  a  look  over  to  my  side  of  the  road 
where  the  light  of  the  lanterns  fell  on  the  trees 
that  grew  up  out  of  the  mountain  side  below 
us,  and  were  trying  to  touch  the  wheels  of  our 
coach  with  their  top  branches — 'nothing  at  all. 
Only  he's  got  to  take  that  side  of  the  road  and 
take  his  chances  of  going  over.  He'd  no  busi- 
ness coming  on  me  here.' 

"The  rattling  had  come  nearer  all  this  time 
and  now  a  light  flashed  up  a  little  in  front  of  us 
and  directly  a  fiery,  steaming  monster  seemed 
rushing  down  to  destroy  us.  The  air  had  grown 
chilly  and  the  horses  in  the  approaching  stage 
seemed  to  have  cantered  down  the  mountain  at 
quite  a  lively  gait;  for  the  white  steam  was  issu- 
ing from  their  nostrils  and  rising  in  clouds  from 
their  bodies.  The  six  gallant  horses,  reined  up 
short  and  stamping  nervously  to  be  let  loose  for 
the  onward  run,  were  a  noble  sight;  and  the 
heavy  coach  with  its  two  glowing  eyes  was 
grandly  swaying  in  its  springs.  Our  own  horses 
were  blowing  little  impatient  puffs  from  dis- 
tended nostrils,  and  our  coach  drawn  safely  up 
on  the  rocky  hillside.  Both  drivers  stopped  to 
exchange  the  compliments  of  the  day — or, 
rather,  the  night — our  driver  speaking  in  crusty 
tones,  and,  pointing  down  to  where  the  road 
fell  ofif  steep  and  precipitous  below  him,  warned 
the  other  driver  'not  to  run  ahead  of  his  time 

"There  was  nothing  remarkable  about  the 
supper  we  took  that  night  except  the  bats  that 
kept  coming  in  at  the  front  door  in  a  perfectly 
free-and-easy  manner,  swarming  about  our 
heads  till  they  thought  they  knew  us.  and  tiien 
settling  in  their  favorite  nooks  and  corners.  No-- 
ticing  my  imtiring  endeavors  to  prevent  them 
from  inspecting  my  head  and  face  too  closely, 
the  station  keeper  observed  that  people  were 
'most  always  afraid  of  them  things  when  they 
first  come,'  but  that  they  'needn't  fright  of  them: 
they  wouldn't  hurt  nobody.'  The  rest  of  the 
night  was  passed  inside  the  stage,  though  of 
sleep  there  was  no  thought,  such  jolting  and 
jumi)ing  over  rocks  and  boulders:  I  ache  all 
over  to  think  of  it  even  now!  Just  before  day- 
Lreak  we  entered  the  City  of  the  .\ngels."  *  *  * 



San  Buenaventura  became  ambitious  to  be 
classed  as  a  seaport.  In  January,  1871,  a  fran- 
chise was  secured  to  build  a  wharf;  work  was 
begun  upon  it  in  March;  and  in  February,  i$72, 
it  was  so  near  completion  that  steamers  were 
able  to  discharge  their  cargoes  directly  on  it. 
The  next  advance  was  the  establishing  of  a 
newspaper.  April  22,  1871,  appeared  the  first 
number  of  the  Ventura  Signal.  The  editor  and 
|iroprietor,  J.  H.  Bradley,  was  a  wide-awake, 
progressive  newspaper  man.  He  directed  his 
efforts  towards  building  up  the  prospective 
county.  He  was  an  earnest  and  intelligent  ad- 
vocate of  county  division  and  labored  to  organ- 
ize and  unify  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  that 


After  the  failure  of  the  attempt  to  divide 
Santa  Barbara  county  in  1859,  the  scheme  fell 
into  a  state  of  "innocuous  desuetude."  It  was  not 
given  up;  only  held  in  abeyance.  The  people 
were  biding  their  time.  There  were  abundant 
reasons  why  the  people  of  the  eastern  portion 
of  Santa  Barbara  should  have  a  county  of  their 
own  when  they  could  afford  the  expense.  It 
was  a  long  distance  to  the  county  seat,  and  the 
journey  had  to  be  made  over  roads  that  were 
next  to  impassable  in  the  winter  time.  The 
western  and  more  populous  part  of  the  county 
monopolized  the  offices;  and  the  most  harrow- 
ing grievance  that  the  average  American  office- 
seeker  can  suffer  is  to  have  his  claims  to  polit- 
ical preferment  ignored  by  his  party.  Then,  too, 
Santa  Barbara  city,  which  really  dominated  the 
politics  of  the  county,  had  a  large  purchasable 
clement  among  its  voters,  which,  under  the 
leadership  and  controlled  by  crafty  politicians, 
decided  the  political  destiny  of  aspirants  for 
office  on  a  coin  basis.  The  advocates  of  a  new 
coimty  pointed  to  the  many  and  grievous 
wrongs  against  the  right  of  suffrage  commit- 
ted by  the  political  bosses  of  Santa  Barbara  and 
urged  a  separation  from  their  contaminating 
influence.     Examples  were  many. 

It  is  said  that  at  one  time  when  political  feel- 
ing ran  high  a  whole  tribe  of  Indians  were 
voted.  At  another  closely  contested  election 
the  passenger  list  of  a  Panama  steamer  was 
copied  and  a  precinct  of  20  voters  rolled  up  160 
votes.  The  "hole  in  the  wall"  election  fraud  of 
1852  was  one  of  the  many  scandals  that  shook 
confidence  in  the  verdict  of  the  ballot  box.  At 
that  election  the  voter  passed  his  ballot  through 
a  hole  in  the  wall.  The  election  officers,  who 
were  all  of  one  political  faith,  disposed  of  the 
ballots  as  seemed  good  to  them.  The  electors 
of  the  other  side  had  the  privilege  of  voting 
carlv  and  often.    If  their  votes  were  not  coimtcd 

at  least  they  had  the  satisfaction  of  casting  a 
goodly  number.  The  registry  law  of  1866 
checked  some  of  the  more  flagrant  abuses,  but 
bribery,  coercion  and  the  open  buying  of  votes 
went  on  for  several  years  afterwards. 

Inimignition  had  brought  into  the  eastern  end 
of  Santa  Barbara  county  a  population  almost 
entirely  American,  and  the  desire  to  cut  loose 
from  the  western  end  with  its  peculiar  election 
methods  increased  as  population  increased.  In 
1869,  ten  years  after  the  failure  ofthe  first,  a  sec- 
ond effort  to  form  a  new  county  was  made.  flon. 
A.  G.  Escandon  was  elected  to  the  assembly 
largely  on  a  county  division  issue,  but  Santa 
Barbara  bitterly  opposed  the  scheme  when  it 
came  before  the  legislature  and  the  bill  for  the 
creation  of  a  new  county  failed  to  pass. 

In  the  legislature  of  1871-72,  the  measure 
•again  came*  to  the  front.  Hon.  W.  D.  Hobson, 
who  represented  the  county  divisionists  in  the 
legislature,  was  successful  in  carrying  the  meas- 
ure. The  bill  creating  the  county  of  Ventura 
was  approved  March  22,  1872.  The  boundaries 
111  the  county  are  as  follows:  "Commencing  on 
the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean  at  the  mouth  of 
Rincon  creek;  thence  following  up  the  center 
n[  said  creek  to  its  source;  thence  due  north 
to  the  boundary  line  of  Santa  Barbara  county; 
thence  in  an  easterly  direction  along  the  bound- 
ary line  of  Santa  Barbara  county  to  the  north- 
cast  corner  of  the  same;  thence  southerly  along 
tlic  line  between  the  said  Santa  Barbara  county 
and  Los  .Angeles  county  to  the  Pacific  ocean 
and  three  miles  therein;  thence  in  a  northwest- 
erly direction  to  a  point  due  south  and  three 
niilc.^  distant  from  the  mouth  of  Rincon  creek; 
tlience  north  to  the  point  of  beginning;  and  in- 
chuling  the   islands   of  Anacapa   and   San   Nic- 

The  bill  provided  for  the  appointment  of  five 
conuuissioncrs  to  effect  a  county  organization. 
Rarlv  in  Tanuarv  the  governor  appointed 
Thomas  R.Bard,  S.  r.ristol,  W.  D.  F.  Richards, 
.\.  C;.  Escandon  and  C.  W.  Tliacker. 

.\  special  election  was  called  for  February  25, 
1873.  to  elect  county  and  township  officers.  The 
total  vote  cast  was  608  and  the  following  were 
declared  elected: 

T.   l^farion   Rrooks.   District   Attorney. 

I".   Atollcda.   Coiinlv  Clerk. 

Frank    rolcrson.    SlierilT. 

Jcilni   7..   Barnctt.  Connty  Assessor. 

!■".  .\.  Edwards,  Connty  Treasurer. 

C.  J.   Do  Merritle,   County   Surveyor. 

F.  S.  S.  Bncknian.  County  Superintendent  of  Schools. 

Dr.  C.  L.  Bard,  Coroner. 

The  supervisors  were  James  Daly  of  the  first 
district,  a  hold-over  from  Santa  Barbara;  J.  A. 
Conuwav  of  the  second,  and  C.  W.  Tliacker  of 



the  third  district.  All  the  officers  except  the  cor- 
oner were  Democrats.  The  coroner  had  no  op- 
position or  he,  too,  would  have  been  over- 
whelmed by  the  Democratic  tidal  wave.  Pablo 
de  la  Guerra  was  the  district  judge  of  the  sec- 
ond district — San  Luis  Obispo,  Santa  Barbara 
and  Ventura.  Milton  Wasson  was  county  judge. 
Frank  Molleda,  county  clerk,  died  a  few  weeks 
after  his  election  and  S.  M.  W.  Easley  was  ap- 
pointed to  fill  the  vacancy.  The  officers  having 
all  qualified  and  filed  their  bonds,  the  county  of 
Ventura  opened  for  business  March  14,  1873. 

The  offices  of  the  county  officials  except  that 
of  the  treasurer  were  located  in  a  rented  build- 
ing on  the  corner  of  Main  and  Palm  streets 
in  what  was  known  as  Spear's  Hall.  San  Buena- 
ventura owned  a  jail  and  this  was  used  jointly 
by  the  town  and  county  until  the  county  jail 
was  built.  A  plat  for  a  court  house  square  in 
the  old  mission  orchard  was  deeded  to  the 
county  by  Bishop  Amat;  and  in  1873  bonds 
were  issued  to  the  amount  of  $6,000  by  the 
county;  the  town  donating  $4,000  for  the  pur- 
pose of  building  a  court  house  and  jail.     The 

project  of  building  a  court  house  in  San  Buena- 
ventura aroused  the  opposition  of  other  towns 
ambitious  to  be  the  county  seat  (particularly 
Saticoy  and  Hueneme),  and  a  court  house  war 
was  on  with  all  its  bitterness.  The  court  house 
nevertheless  was  built  among  the  century-o